A/35/PV.22 General Assembly

This morning the Assembly will hear a statement by the Prime Minister of Tunisia. I have great pleasure in welcoming Mr. Mohamed M'Zali and inviting him to address the General Assembly. 2. Mr. M'ZALI (Tunisia) (interpretation from Arabic): Before telling you how pleased I am to address you from this rostrum, I should like to extend the congratulations of my country, Tunisia, to you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election as President ofthe thirty-fifth session ofthe General Assembly. We know with what distinction you have for many years represented your country, the Federal Republic of Germany, and we are convinced that under your leader- ship the work of this session will be crowned with success. 3. We should also like to express ouradmiration and pride at the major achievements of your African predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who presided over the work of the thirty-fourth session and the three special sessions with impartiality, skilland admira- ble effectiveness. 4. I must emphasize with what admiration and respect we in Tunisia follow the efforts of Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, in the service of the Organization and the principles of the Charter. I had occasion in Tunisia to confer with him on the major problems facing the interna- tional community, and I admired the wisdom and dedica- tion that he brought to bear in his search for a just and equitable solution to those problems. S. I am grateful to him for havingsuggested, on the occa- sion of the thirty-fifth anniversary of the Organization, that I come and address the Assembly, thereby giving me an opportunity to discuss our approach to the major problems NEW YORK of the day, which constitute the back drop of the long agenda that has been assigned to the Assembly at this session. 6. Tunisia's interest in the work of the United Nations is not new. My President, the Supreme Commander, Habib Bourguiba, has on two occasions addressed the Assembly. The first time was in November 1956,1 just a few months after independence and only a few days after our admission to membership in the Organization. The second time was in May 1968,2 when he assessed the distance thattheOrganiza- tion had covered in moving towards universality, which made it possible for the Organization to make room for the new countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America, represent- ing peoples which only recently had acquired freedom and dignity. 7. I should like today to offer to all peace-loving peoplesof good will the greetings of President Habib Bourguiba, who continues to watch over Tunisia and guide us towards eco- nomic and social development in democracy and freedom. 8. I take special pleasure in addressing the Assembly, which, having now almost achieved universality, truly repre- sents the entire world. It is not the least of the achievements of the United Nations that. it has succeeded in surviving the past eventful 35years. During this period the world has been transformed and has seen the emergence on the interna- tional scene of millions of people who until recently had been exploited by colonialism but who today are standing on their own feet, proud and determined to be recognized for what they are, men. 9. We would remind the many critics of the Organization that the problems of the day are world-wide and therefore complex, and require constant collective consideration, in a manner which only the United Nations makes possible. During the past 35 years the United Nations has gradually given.collective effort a meaning, a scope and even a certain effectiveness never before known. 10. In spite of the present state of international relations and the crisis in various parts ofthe world, no one can deny that the basic tenets of the Charter, advocated and reaf- firmed by the United Nations, continue to be our guiding light, because of their moral weight and realism, as we seek solutions to all the problems of the world. 11. That is why we want to see in the United Nations humanism in action. The Organization must pursue and 2 Ibid..• Twenty-second Session. Plenary Meetings, 1658th meeting, paras. 2-24. 12. The past achievements of the Organization in the area of human rights encourage optimism. In less than one third of a century it has developed a unique system of protection which it constantly extends and improves. To this its creativ- ity and sense of justice have rightly been fully and willingly devoted. 13. The Charter of the United Nations, the various Con- ventions against all forms ofdiscrimination, racial and oth- erwise, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime ofApartheidand the many declarations and principles attest to the produc- tiveness and broad-mindedness of the Organization. 14. Now you are hard at work on a convention against torture. I wish to take this opportunity to express the firm and unreserved support ofmy country, which considers that torture isa disgrace in our time, especially since it avails itself of the most sophisticated and refined developmentsin medi- cine, psychology, chemistry and science in general. I trust that your work here will move rapidly ahead and that this convention will soon be opened for ratification by Member States and then become the instrument protecting human dignity which so many are anxiously awaiting. IS. Things are, of course, far from perfect in the area. of human rights, but the efforts that have been made and the results achieved are heartening. 16. Perhaps we cannot say as much for the North-South dialogue, which was intended to bring about a new world order in all areas, primarily in the economic field. It was to be an order based on justice and equity, on a better balance, and therefore more in keeping with today's realities and better able to meet the needs of today's world and to bring about real solutions to the crisis and disorder reigning every- where, both in the North and in the South. 17. Turning, in particular, to the new international eco- nomic order, progress, such as it is, has been slow. That order had, however, been clearly defined in General Assem- bly texts. Its content, clear and precise, isbased on what was to be a common philosophy, one of interdependence. 18. Recent developments in the North-South dialogue are, in our opinion, particularly dangerous and a source of concern to those who fear methods of confrontation and believe in the virtues ofa meeting ofthe minds in finding just and satisfactory solutions to the many structural and other difficulties confronting the world. 19. Is it not a fact that the courageous attempts of the developing countries to convince the international commu- nity of the need to launch global negotiations on the more crucial problems have encountered procedural obstacles as 20. I have stressed the North-South aspect ofthe problems of the world, because, in our opinion, that is the dimension which promises most for a satisfactory development ofinter- national relations. As we focused all our efforts on these frustrating exchanges, we were more or less convinced that the problems between the East and the West had become somewhat less acute and that genuine detente was about to replace mere peaceful coexistence and to usher in an era of co-operation. Unfortunately, we have now been witnessing a new form ofcold war, which gives priority to problems of security, defence and armaments to the detriment of peace and development. I would place the grave crisis in Afghani- stan in this general context. Tunisia's position on the matter is well known. It is the same position that has been taken on so many occasions by Islamic countries, namely that foreign troops must be withdrawn from the territory of that coun- try, which must remain independent and non-aligned. The same atmosphere fraught with threats ofa returnto the cold war has prevented large-scale measures being taken to reduce the arms race. A consequence of that race between the major Powers, which manufacture expensive sophisti- cated weapons, has been an increase in the transfer of weapons to countries ofthe third world, thereby aggravat- ing the crises afflicting them which, as we have seen once again, can turn into real, open and fratricidal warfare. 21. Let there be no mistake about it. No country is com- pletely protected from the effects of a crisis. The distressing events that we have been witnessing-and here I refer to the conflict between Iran and Iraq, in connection with which we have expressed ourgreat concern-cause us to fear the effect of that crisis on the prices of a product of paramount importance and show us once again how the whole world can be disrupted by a crisis ofany scope at all. No procedu- ral argument, no desire to maintain the institutional status quo can be allowed to conceal the primary importance for all countries, developed and developing, of establishing a sound and equitable basis for harmonious and balanced growth, and that is particularly true ofcountries ofthe third world. 22. Nothwithstanding obstacles and failures, the North- South dialogue must continue. Each side must show res- traint and realism and try not to give the other side the impression that its fundamental interests are being threat- ened. At the same time, we must all recognize and try to correct our own errors. In the third world, every country must make an effort to build a more just and democratic society. Tunisia, for its part, is trying to ensure that enco- nomic, social, and political development advance together, because it has certainly not been proved that economic advancement must necessarily come before a free and demo- cratic society. 23. It is ofoverriding importance for us to fight at one and the same time against underdevelopment and against the dictatorship, arbitrary action and authoritarianism it some- times produces. 25. Our developing countries willnot be able to overcome the problems of underdevelopment if they devote a sizeable portion of their means to armaments, which are costly and useless since they make them ever more dependent on the suppliers and since, as experience has proved, they are never or practically never used against imperialism, but against other third world countries which then must arm them- selves, to the detriment of their developmental efforts. 26. Having made that point, I now wish to say to the industrialized world that it cannot at one and the same time claim to respect great values-democracy, freedom and human rights-and attempt to defend its more exorbitant interests and intolerable privileges. How can certain West- ern countries reconcile those values with their tolerance for and even protection of the advocates of apartheid and zionism? 27. So many countries, so many political parties, so many companies and multinationals all get around United Nations measures and allow the racist hydra to prosper in South Africa and to survive at the price of inhuman opposi- tion to millions of Africans who have committed no crime other than that of having black skin. That is something which exceeds our understanding. 28. The Zionist forces strive to extend their dominion by despoiling the Palestinian people, brazenly Judaizing Arab territories and, without due process, seizingthe Holy City of Jerusalem, the city of peace, the sacred crossroads ofall the revealed religions. Yet in spite of all those many acts, zion- ism still finds its unreserved defenders, unbelievable though it may seem. But what is even harder to believe is that the same countries, the same interests and the same circles that support Israel in its annexationist and expansionist policy, assist the racist regime in South Africa in its pseudo-theory of apartheid and hold up the North-South dialogue thus preventing those peoples who cherish progress, peace and freedom from realizing their legitimate aspirations. 29. The problem of the independence of Namibia has long received the unanimous support of the international com- munity and yet there are some who still hesitate and pro- 30. That is why we are deeply affected by the conflict that has just broken out in the heart of the Middle East between two fraternal neighbouring peoples which have had and indeed still have every reason to work together to help each other and to love each other. 31. The Security Council has expressed the deep concern which this conflict has aroused in the world and the Islamic Conference has brought us our first hope by offering our two brothers the path to conciliation and reconciliation. 32. We can only welcome that initiative and we praise the meritorious efforts of Mr. Zia-ul-Haq, the President of the Republic of Pakistan, and the efforts of Mr. Habib Chatti, the Secretary-General of the Islamic Conference, as they endeavour to go beyond the stage of confrontation and move towards a settlement on the basis of law and justice and on the basis of Islamic solidarity. We unreservedly support this mission ofpeaceand webelievethat itscontinu- ation represents for both Iran and Iraq, as well as for the international community, a chance for salvation. 33. The United Nations must bring its full weight to bear as it endeavours to ensure the successofthis initiativewhich, in the spirit ofthe Charter, complements and strengthens the responsibilities incumbent upon the Security Council. 34. In a world where the interdependence of nations is becoming increasingly obvious, resort to narrow national- ism can only surprise us. The role of the United Nations is precisely to help us learn to live in freely assumed interdependence-and I am referring to interdependence among nations, interdependence among peoples, and soli- darity among men, too. To our eyes the United Nations is politics in the serviceof law, it is the institution in the service of man and it is people coming together in the serviceofan idea. 35. On behalf of Tunisia and its President, our Supreme Commander, Habib Bourguiba, may I say that our country willspare no effortto help bring about the realization ofthe principles underlying the United Nations. As in the past, Tunisia will continue to give the Organization its help and support in a spirit ofsolidarity and fraternity withall men of good will. Our faithfulness to the United Nations is but faithfulness to ourselves, to our martyrs, and to our people's struggle for emancipation. We know what we owe the United Nations, and we shall always be conscious of it. 36. We Tunisians know that we must work in Tunisia for the triumph of the ideals ofthe Organization. Our accomp- lishments under the leadershipofPresident Bourguiba in the liberation of man and the emancipation of women-in connection with which we wish to express our great pride that during the United Nations Decade for Women the work of the National Union of Tunisian Women was 37. In conclusion I wish to express anew Tunisia's full confidence in. the United Nations, in its organs and in the Secretary-General to succeed in the difficult and untinng effort to promote peace in the world and understanding among men.

On behalf of the General Assembly I thank Mr. M'ZaIi, Prime Minister ofthe Republic ofTunisia, for the important state- ment he has just made. On my own behalf I should like to thank him for the kind words he addressed to me and to my country.

Mr. President, I have the pleasure at the outset of offering you the warm congratulations of the State of Bah- rain on the occasion of your election by acclamation to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. 40. It gives me pleasure also to express my deepest appreci- ation to your predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the Permanent Representative ofthe United Republic ofTanza- nia, for the effortsand skill with which he guided the work of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, the sixth and seventh emergency special sessions and .the eleventh special session. 41. I should like, moreover, to convey to the Secretary- General our sincere appreciation of his ceaselessand tireless efforts in shouldering the duties and responsibilities entrusted to him by the General Assembly, foremost among them being promotion of the cause of international peace and co-operation. We thank him, too, for his report on the work of the Organization [A/35/J] and the international situation during this year, a valuable report which contains a comprehensive presentation of all current international issues and crises. 42. I take this opportunity also to welcome on behalf of the delegation of my country the admission of the two States of Zimbabwe and St. Vincent and the Grenadines to membership in the United Nations. Their admission to our family of nations is a step towards the universality of the Organization. We look forward to the day when weshall see the representatives of the people of Palestine and Namibia and other peoples in the world which are still under colonial domination, occupation and subjection sitting among us in this hall as full Members, in fulfilment of one of the objec- 44. The United Nations, after 35 years of existence, has practically attained the objective of universality. It now includes 154 States representing all the corners of the globe. It has become a true symbol of mutual co-operation among States and peoples of various political, economic and social systems. 45. Nevertheless, it has failed to achieve its principal aims and purposes concerning the maintenance of international peace and security and the satisfaction ofthe aspirations and ambitions of the peoples of the world. 46. Thirty-five years after the establishment of the United Nations, the cause of international peace and security is still in danger. The arms race among States isstillat its peak, not for lawful self-defence but to threaten the independence and sovereignty of other States, and even threaten the annihila- tion of the human race by various destructive methods. Poor States are still getting poorer and rich States richer. Hunger, poverty and ignorance are threatening the lives of millions of people. 47. The future of the world at the beginning of the 1980s seems to be dim, politically and economically. Most States are increasing their armaments feverishly. We see in every part of the world .sparks ofarmed conflict emitted, which, if allowed to continue and spread, could at any moment set the whole world ablaze. This was clear in the first months ofthis year, When we noticed a real deterioration in the relations between the two super-Powers, endangering the interna- tional atmosphere. \Ve, as a small State in one of the most sensitive regions of the world, feel deeply concerned at the course that events are taking between the two super-Powers. Recurrent political events are causing smouldering hotbeds of conflict to threaten the world with real disaster. The turbulent situation in the Middle East, Indo-China, Afghan- istan and southern Africa and the course of events in Latin America and Europe have caused the escalation ofthe cold war between East and West. The cold war would have turned into a real. war but for the self-restraint shown by some leaders. 48. The two super-Powers seem to be competing to imple- ment their policies of world domination, particularly as regards the third world. TheSoviet invasion of Afghanistan, for example, has exposed our region and the whole world to incalculable and unpredictable dangers. It may not be an overstatement to say that current international tensions are very similar to the stormy conditions which preceded the outbreak of the Second World War~ owing to the da-ngerous ventures of some great Powers. If a third world war breaks out, it will no doubt lead to the annihilation of the human 55. The refusal of the international community to recog- nize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel isa clear indication of the awakening of the conscience of the international com- munity, as Jerusalem is an indivisible part of occupied Palestinian lands. The Zionist annexation of the Holy City involves a radical change in the religious and spiritual nature and status of the city since it threatens the political, human and spiritual rights not only ofthe Palestinian people but of all Moslems and Christians in the world. 50. International peace and security in many parts of the world is at the crossroads, particularly since the world, and especially the world's hotbeds of tension such as the Middle East, has become the scene of recurrent explosive events. 51. The critical situation in our area is a source of worry. The indications are that the continuance of 'the dispute between Iraq and Iran at the present level of intensity may cause the situation to take a dangerous turn which would have serious effects on peace and security, not only in our region but in the whole world. Therefore we support the appeals addressed to both parties for self-restraint and a cease-fire and to resort to negotiations and respond to the good offices of the Islamic Conference. We welcome the recent decision of the Republic of Iraq to observe a cease- fire. 52. The events taking place in the Middle East have attracted the overwhelming attention of the community of nations, especially after the intensification ofthe savage and racist Zionist aggression against the Palestinian people. The convening of the General Assembly this year in the seventh emergency special session to consider the question of Pales-' tine and the series of meetings held by the Security Council to consider the explosive situation in the occupied Arab lands are clear proof of the dangerous situation in the area. Israel has built more settlements on occupied Arab lands. It has intensified its measures of oppression, persecution and torture against the inhabitants of the occupied lands and wiped out the Arab heritage of such lands, especially in the Holy City of Jerusalem. 53. The West Bank has been the scene throughout this year ofwide national uprisings against Zionist tyranny. The Zionist authorities have met such rejectionist national upris- ings by increased measures of oppression and terrorism, in order to Judaize the occupied territories and empty them of their occupants and impose the so-called plan ofself-ruleon the Palestinians. This plan has been strongly rejected by all the Palestinian people. This has driven the Zionist occupy- Bank, which resulted in the infliction of grievous bodily harm on them. The international community has expressed its great concern at the explosive situation in the region because of Israel's tightening grip on the inhabitants of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. 54. The situation in the Middle East is passing through a very dangerous and delicate stage because Israel is increas- ing its challenge by declaring the annexation ofJerusalem as the permanent capital of Israel, thereby flouting Security Council resolutions 476 (1980) and 478 (1980) and General Assembly resolution ES-7/2. The decision ofIsrael to annex Jerusalem is a grave violation ofthe principles ofthe United Nations and its resolutions. 56. Security Council resolution 478 (1980) of 20 August 1980 is ofthe utmost importance as the first resolution with which most Member States have complied, in conformity with law and justice and the principles ofthe Charter. Even the closest friends and allies of Israel could not stand by its side on this issue but preferred to be neutral, so as to avoid being accused ofacting contrary to justice or condoning the breach of the principles of the Charter. Israel has thus become politically isolated on this issue. 57. We offer in this forum our compliments to the States which have transferred their embassies from Jerusalem in accordance with Security Council resolution 478(1980). We should like to emphasize ir this connection that if all Member States had complied with all the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, Israel would not have been able to challenge the principles ofthe United Nations and ignore its resolutions on Palestine and the Middle East. We appeal to the world, represented in the Assembly, to move quickly in order to save Jerusalem from the claws of Zionist domination. We also call upon the Security Council to face up to its responsibility to maintain the principles of the United Nations by imposing on Israel the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter to compel it to evacuate all occupied Arab lands, including Jerusalem. 58. There is no doubt that the assistance and support given to Israel by some States, particularly the United States, have encouraged it to challenge arut ignore the United Nations 59. The aim of Israel, bygeographical expansion through theannexationof Jerusalem and thebuildingofmoresettle- ments under the pretext of security, is first and last the annexation of the whole of Palestine and thedismissal of its inhabitants.Jewish settlement has been and stillisoneofthe principal policies of consecutive Israeli Governments since 1967. We challenge Israel to declare before the General Assembly its adherence to and respect for the principle of non-acquisition of territories byforce, asprovided inArticle 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter,and its readiness to evacuate all occupied Arab lands under a just and durable peace in the region. 60. It has become internationally indisputable today that the Palestine questionisthecoreofthedispute intheMiddle East and that withoutthejust and durable resolution of the question of Palestine and the Palestinian people, there will be no peaceor stability in thearea. It has become clearthat nojust and durablepeace can be reached in theMiddle East under the umbrella of theCamp Davidagreements and the Egyptian-Israeli Treaty. The way to peace planned by the Camp David agreements between Egypt and Israel has reacheda dead end. An opportunity shouldbegiven to the UnitedNations,as the natural and appropriate bodyto find a comprehensive,just and durablesolution to the disputein the Middle East, in which all partiesconcerned participate,' including the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], which is supported by the masses of the Palestinian people and the majority of the States of the world. 61. Thereforeweshouldlike to reaffirm that to besuccess- ful any peaceful attemps to establish a comprehensive, just and durable peace in the Middle Eastmust,in our opinion, bebasedon certainessential elements: namely, thecomplete evacuation of Israeli forces from all Arab lands occupied since 1967, including Arab Jerusalem, and the granting to the Palestinian people of their legitimate and inalienable rights, including their right to return home and to self- determination and the establishment of an independent State in their homeland.They should beallowedto partici- pate in any discussion ofthisquestion onan equalbasiswith all parties to the dispute in the Middle East. Accordingly, Bahrainwelcomes any initiativeor steptowardsthesolution of the Middle East problem in conformity with these just principles, providedthat no harm isdone to therightsofthe Palestinian people or other Arab States whose lands. are occupied. We call upon this international Organization, which bears a special responsibili.y to the Palestinian people, to help and assist them. and support their strugg~e against Zionist occupation, so that they may recover their legitimate and inalienable rights, which have been repeat- edly and frequently recognized by the United Nationsand the States of the world. 62. Reference should be made hereto thedevelopment of eventsin thesistercountryof Lebanon.The situationin the south of Lebanon has been very serious this year. That 64. A question which we would like to pose before the Assembly is,whenwill theSecurity Council stop moving !n a circle of resolutions condemning the repeated savage mal- itary attacks waged by the Israeli forces against Lebanon and the United Nations Forces, resolutions that Israelhas always violated with impunity? We call upon the interna- tional community to support Lebanon and stand by the Lebanese peopleagainst the Israeli challenges aimedat the weakening of Lebanon,theexhaustion ofitseconomiccapa- bilities and its disintegration as an entity. 65. The critical situation in Afghanistan is no less serious than the situation in the Middle East.Theconvening of the General Assembly in the sixthemergency special session at the beginning of this year under resolution 377 (V), the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, to discuss the explosive situationin Afghanistan isa clearindication of theextent of the seriousness of the situation. 66. We haveexplained on more than oneoccasion that we are againstall kindsofpressure and allformsofintervention in the domesticaffairs of States and all acts of aggression, whetherfrom East or \l''''~t. Wetherefore havecondemned the Sovietinvasion of th. n-aligned Moslem country as being an outrageousviolation ofallinternationalnormsand rules and the principles .of the Charter. The international community has expressed in General Assembly resolution ES-6/2 itsgreat concern and displeasure at what happened in Afghanistan. 67. We consider that calm and peace will return to Afghanistan only upon the complete withdrawal of all for- eignforces from Afghanistan, through respect for itssover- eignty and integrity as a non-aligned country and non-intervention in its domestic affairs, and only if the people of Afghanistan are allowed to determine for them- selves their form of government and theireconomic,politi- cal and social system, without foreign interference. 68. In South Africa, the white minority regime still pursuesitspolicies of apartheidand racial discrimination by imposing unjust discriminatory laws against the black majorityin that country.Thishasledagainthisyearto mass outbursts of angerand exasperation. The timehascomefor the racist regime in South Africato realize thattheinterna- tional community will not stand by,withitsarmsfolded, in face of theopen challenges of South Africa to theprinciples of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of HU~1I1n Rights. 70. The hopes that were pinned on the eleventh special session of the General Assembly devoted to international development and co-operation have been frustrated, partic- ularly as more than six years have passed since the Assem- bly, at its sixth special session, adopted the Declaration on the New International Economic Order and Programme of Action [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and3202 (S-VI)]. Since that Declaration, lengthy and difficult negotiations have taken place between North and South at various levels, within and outside the framework of the United Nations, for the estab- lishment of the new economic order on just and equitable grounds. These negotiations have regrettably not been suc- cessful, owing to the uncompromising attitude of the devel- oped countries. The fact that the Assembly at the eleventh special session failed to arrive at an agreement should not shake our determination to find solutions to the pending issues within the framework of the United Nations, and particularly to reach agreement on t:le procedures and agenda for the global negotiations. 71. Despite the accomplishments of the. United Nations over the past years in various fields the road before it is still long, rough and difficult and a lot of effort and sacrifice are required on the part of the peoples and Governments of Member States in order to support the creative role of the Organization in confronting the challenges of this age. We therefore hope that at this session resolutions will emerge which will correspond to the responsibilitiesand challenges facing our world and satisfy the great hopes and aspirations which peoples and Governments place on the United Nations. 72. For our part, we reaffirm that the State ofBahrain will spare no effort to contribute effectivelyand positively to the work at this session to the attainment of such noble goals. We would also like on the occasion of the thirty-fifth anni- versary of the entry into force of the Charter to reiterate Bahrain's adherence to the principles of the Charter and to declare our great confidence in this international Organiza- tion, which has frequently attempted and achieved solutions to the serious problems facing our world today.

On behalfofthe Iraqi delegation, I should like to express to you, Mr. President, our congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assemhly. I am convinced that thanks to your wisdom and great competence, at this session the Assembly will achieve fruitful and constructive results. 74. I should also like to express our thanks and apprecia- tion to your predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, who carried out his duties with excellent ability and competence during the thirty-fourth session, as well as during the sixth 76. Any disequilibrium in the bases of balance in State relations would certainly impair the rights and sovereignty of one side in favour of another. In order to avoid this phenomenon, which has often led to tension and crisis, it is imperative to found international co-operation on rules that aim at the achievement of common interests within the framework of respect for sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. That is particularly true in the case of neighbouring States because the geographical reality imposes upon them a policy of good-neighbourliness. 77. In its relations with Iran, Iraq has adhered firmly to that policy, which is based on a numberofrealities that arise from the historical and religious ties between the peoples of Iraq and Iran. Our policy has always been and still isfavour- able to any factor that strengthens the relations between the two countries, avoids the outbreak of crisis and takes account ofcommon interests. In thisconnection, while Iraq has fully understood its international responsibility, at the same time it has not lost sight ofits national sovereignty and pan-Arab duties as a part of the Arab nation. 78. The relations of Iraq with Iran have reached a grave crisis point because of the policies of successive regimes in Iran which have considered Iraq and the Arab homeland, particularly the Arab Gulfarea, as a sphere for domination. 79. Those .policies have been expressed in different forms appropriate to the particular exigenciesof the time. During the rule of the Shah, arrogance, aggression, territorial expansion at the expense of others and attempts to harm Iraq's national sovereignty and the inalienable rights of the Arab nation were a constant pattern. Iraq and the Arab nation were regarded as a sphere of influence for the expan- sionist plans of Iranian interests.. That policy has been fol- lowed throughout history bythe "Persian State" against its neighbours. 80. When the revolution of 17 July 1968 took place in Iraq, Iraqi-Iranian relations experienced two rival pheno- mena. On the one hand, the Shah of Iran was being pre- pared, with great assistance from the West and in particular from the United States of America, to play the role of policeman in the region. On the. other hand, the new regime in Iraq was struggling to build up a new society and for the consolidation of national independence. 81. Thus the Iranian regime found its policy of exerting pressure on others met with resistance from Iraq and it was 82. The Shah at first began to consolidate Iran's territorial encroachments upon Iraq's land frontiers. Iranian border posts were pushed forward inside Iraqi territory and roads were opened between them in such a way as to include large areas of Iraqi lands inside Iran. All that was done with the support ofmilitary forces in order to impose those encroach- ments by force. Then the Shah began to demand changes in the frontier of the Shatt-al-Arab, contrary to the legal situa- tion tben prevailing. When that demand was met by Iraq's refusal, the Shah unilaterally terminated the Boundary Treaty of 1937. Then, in order to achieve his political aims and territorial demands, the Shah began to exert military pressure, directly and indirectly, thus abandoning the tradi- tional means he had followed in the past to achieve his ambitions. He thought that by military means he could ensure the achievement of his expansionist aims and ambi- tions. So Iran committed its armed aggression against Iraqi border areas in central and southern Iraq in 1974, regarding which Iraq brought a complaint against Iran before the Security Council. A more dangerous step was exemplified by the broad co-operation which the Shah initiated with the reactionary secessionist rebellion in northern Iraq. He began to exercise a direct role in the field in order to dis- member Iraq. 83. The Shah's support for the secessionist rebellion was limitless. He provided the reactionary leadership of the rebellion with huge quantities of modern and sophisticated armaments and put at its disposal all kinds offacilities- material, military and political, including the services of his advanced information system. In that respect, the Shah was like Israel, whose Prime Minister declared on 29 September 1980, as reported in The New York Times of the same day, that it had provided Barzani with weapons, equipment and instructors and provided the rebels with training from 1965 to 1975. Iraq, with its devoted sons from all sects, religions and national minorities, fought a vicious conflict against that agent clique and those who stood behind it. We were inspired by the honour of Iraq. and the duty to defend the unity of our homeland. Our people made all the.sacrifices required by the battle. 84. The military situation reached a dangerous point when the Shah advanced his military forces on numerous occa- sions to fight directly against our forces on various fronts with a view to supporting the military position of the agent rebellion. The situation reached a more dangerous level in relation to Iraq's capability when we were surprised by the October war of 1973, in which Iraq had inevitably to partici- pate in consonance with its pan-Arab position and responsibilities. 85. In 1975, however, when the late President of Algeria, Houari Boumediene, took the initiative of communicating with Iraq and Iran and suggesting direct negotiations between them in Algiers regarding all their differences, Iraq 86. What follows logically from that Agreement is that in implementing it the two parties should have achieved the balanced gains that they had agreed upon. But what hap- pered in tact was that Iran achieved a direct and instant gain as soon as the Algiers Agreement entered into force. Iran's position on the Shatt-al-Arab became that of a partner in sovereignty over a large part of the river on the basis of the new delimitation of the frontier line therein on the basis of the thalweg. As against that, Iran agreed to give up the Iraqi lands which it had previously encroached upon and to stop its support for the secessionist Barzani. 87. Then, the new regime in Iran came to power. Iraq saw that event as a welcome sign, because it ended a regime whose policies were based on aggression and interference in the internal affairs of others and in particular of Iraq and the Arab homeland. 88. Iraq presented through its President its felicitations to t~e Ira~i~n peoples, expressing the hope that the new repub- hcan regime would work actively for the maintenance of Iran's role in the service of peace and justice in the world and the forging of the strongest relations of friendship and good-neighbourliness with the Arab countries in general and with Iraq in particular. When the new regime in Iran announced its willingness to have Iran join the non-aligned movement, Iraq was the first country to bless that move and declared its welcome to and support for Iran's application to the membership of the movement. 8~. Iraqp~rsued a~1 possible avenues with genuine good ":111 to establish relations with the new regime in Iran with a view to ach~evi.ng fru~tful ~o-operation in all fields. Iraq expressed this sincere intention through Iraqi official state- ments and through diplomatic channels. 90. But the actual state of affairs indicated that the sincere effort that Iraq was making was being met by contrary intentions which did not preserve the basis that permitted the two countries to establish good and fruitful relations. Moreover, the relations between the two countries were marred by an intentional act on the part of the newauthori- ties in Iran, which aimed at the disruption of the existing relations between the two countries and which dangerously aggravated the situation. It was later established that the new regime in Iran had been harbouring those contrary intentions since the first days of its assumption of power. The Iranian regime recalled to Iran from the United States the leaders of the rebel faction of Barzani, his sons and followers. After the death of Barzani his sons and followers returned to Iran, where they were granted refuge, assistance and permission to use Iranian territory as a base of opera- tions for threatening Iraq and interfering with its internal security and national integrity. 92. It is worth emphasizing.tl.at the Government of Iraq addressed numerous diplomatic notes to the Iranian Government through its embassy at Baghdad. In those notes, all the Iranian violations regarding the matters I have mentioned were clearly stated. In order to givean idea ofthe number of those violations, we have distributed to the dele- gations of Member States a briefaccount ofa sample of the violations and a map indicating Iranian encroachments on our land frontiers-frontiers that were delimited clearly and drawn jointly on the new maps by the two parties, and re-demarcated on the land by building anew the old frontier pillars of 1913, which number 126,and the new additional pillars, which number 593,established in 1975. We shall also distribute a detailed study with maps on the evolution ofthe legal regime of the 'Iraqi-Iranian frontier since 1520. 93. What I should like to mention now as an example is that during the period from June to September 1980, Iran committed 187 violations and military actions across the Iraqi frontiers against populated cities and villages, roads and border posts. 94. On 4 September!980 a dangerous turning point in the chain of those violations occurred. The Iranian military forces used American-made heavy artillery of 175 mm. calibre to bombard the towns of Khanaqin and Mendili, causing thereby severe loss ofHfeand damage to property. It is worth mentioning that that concentrated savage bom- bardment was carried out from the area of Zain AI Qaws which is situated between frontier pillars 46 and SI deep inside Iraq's territory. 101. In view of the continual Iranian violations of the Algiers Agreement of 1975and the insistence upon thejusti- flcation for those violations, which was made clear by the announcements of official Iranian circles to the effect that the Agreement was suspect, that it did not meet Iran's Trfterests-andthat Iran did'not considerItseli'boundby-if, ii 95. At noon on 7 September 1980, there was again the same savage bombardment. We called the charge d'affaires of the Iranian Embassy at Baghdad to the Foreign Ministry on that date and delivered a note to him. In it we stated that Iranian military units had encroached upon numerous areas of Iraqi territory as was the case, among others, in Zain AI Qaws, and that those encroachments had continued, con- trary to the Frontier Treaty of 1975between the two coun- tries. We requested him to convey to his Government that it should immediately end those encroachments. But the Iran- ian forces continued their bombardments until nightfall of that day. On the following day, 8 September 1980, the Iranian charge d'affaires was again called in to the Foreign Ministry and we handed him another note. In that note we stated that the Iraqi military forces, in the exercise of our legitimate right to self-defence, were forced to end the Iran- ian occupation of Zain AI Qaws and regain the occupied Iraqi territories. 96. In the note, the Government of the Republic of Iraq also expressed its hope that the Iranians would learn from that event and give back the Iraqi lands which Iran had 97. First, from our observation of Iranian conduct and reactions, we had reached various conclusions the first of which was that, because of the confusion in Iran and the disordered structure and information sources ofthe Iranian State, the Iranian leadership might not have been aware of the fact that Iran had encroached upon Iraqi territories in contravention of international law and past agreements between the two countries, including the Algiers Agreement of 1975. If this was so, we advised the Iranian leadership to ask the Iranian authorities responsible for matters of fron- tiers and agreements in order to ascertain our point of view and thus base its action on knowledge rather than myth. 98. Secondly, the Iranian leadership had to realize that striking at cities populated by civilians,as itdid in bombard- ing Khanaqin and Mendili, was neither a simple matter nor a game ofviolenceofthe sort with which the Iranian officials entertain themselves at times inside Iran. Striking at Iraqi cities is considered a grave matter which should be avoided by Iran, if it does not wish relations between the two coun- tries to deteriorate dangerously. The rulers oflran alone will bear the responsibility of those aggressive actions before God, the Iranian people and world public opinion. 99. Thirdly, Iraq has no ambition with regard to Iranian territories. 100. But all those diplomatic notes went unheeded, as we received no response to them. was established by the Government that the Iranian Government had violated the elements of the comprehen- sive settlement contained in the Algiers Agreement and that it had terminated it. Consequently, the Government of the Republic of Iraq decided to consider the Agreement .and those following and based upon it as terminated 00 the part of Iraq after Iran had terminated them by word and deed. This was done in accordance with paragraph 4 ofthe Algiers Agreement and article 4 of the Treaty on International Borders and Good-Neighbourly Relations of 1975, which was based on the Algiers Agreement. On that occasion Iraq called upon the Iranian authorities to accept the new situa- tion and act rationally and wisely in view ofthe exercise by Iraq of its legitimate rights and full sovereignty in all its land territories and fluvial territory in Shatt-al-Arab, as was the case before the Algiers Agreement. 103. Despite the fact that my Government had declared through its highest officials that it did not wish to have any war with Iran, that it did not want to extend the. conflict beyond the limits of the restoration of Iraq's legitimate rights of territorial sovereignty, and that Iraq did not have any territorial ambitions in Iran, the Iranian Government nevertheless escalated the conflict. On 19 September it began to bombard with heavy artillery and bomber planes densely populated areas in Iraq, vital economic establish- ments, Iraqi and foreign incoming and outgoing vessels in the Shatt-al-Arab and the navigational channels in the river, as well as its approaches in the Arab Gulf. 104. In the face of these savage acts, my Government issued a statement warning the ruling authorities in Iran of the consequences of that escalation and the indiscriminate strikes which they had committed, putting the ful] responsi- bility upon those authorities. My Government also explained in that statement that the acts committed by Iran made it necessary to direct preventive strikes against Iranian military targets inside Iran with a view to protecting the safety, security and vital interests of Iraq. Thus, once again, Iraq was forced to exercise its right to preventive self-defence in accordance with international law, in order to repel aggression. 105. The existing Iraqi-Iranian armed conflict on which the eyes ofthe whole world are focused represents, as I have shown, an indissociable component of an established Iran- ian policy. That policy has been practised by different Iran- ian Governments throughout history, irrespective of their declared intentions, against Iraq and the Arab na.tion. What I have shown the General Assembly of the developments that led to this conflict is fully corroborated by the state- ments of the various Iranian officials. We have already had occasion to reply to those statements in our letters, which have been distributed as documents of the General Assem- bly and the Security Council [A/35/201-S/13918 and A/35/404-S/14117]. If the ruling authorities in Iran do not really intend to expand at the expense of Arab national interests and if they honestly stand for the defence ofthose interests. against the Zionist enemy, then we are entitled to wonder about the reasons for their retention of the three Arab islands, Abu Moussa, the GreaterTunb and the Lesser Tunb, which Iran occupied in the time of the Shah. 106. In addition, if the Iranian Government really intends to co-operate fruitfully with its neighbours through the establishment of friendly and good-neighbourly relations, then why has it not fulfilled its obligations towards Iraq and the Arab nation, when all in the Arab world gave their blessing to the Iranian revolution when it occurred? 107. Iraq would like to emphasize from this rostrum a number of points previously declared by us on numerous occasions. First, Iraq is not responsible for the armed con- its readiness to halt the hostilities immediately if the other side will undertake to do the same and to resort to negotia- tions, directly or through a third party or an international body or organization, in order to find an equitable and honourable solution. 108. Moreover, Iraq expressed, as stated again by Presi- dent Saddam Hussein through President Mohammad Zia- ul-Haq of Pakistan during the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Islamic Conference, held in New York on 1 October 1980, its readiness to declare a cease-fire unilater- ally from 5 to 8 October 1980 in order to create the best conditions for the noble efforts aimed at stopping bloodshed, achieving peace and stressing the humanitarian and legitimate content of Iraqi and Arab rights. 109. Fi.ially, I should like to end my statement by quoting what the President of our Republic said in his comprehen- sive speech on 27 September 1980. "We are not of those who are tempted by power and who lose their senses in victory and impose illegitimate conditions on others, even if they are aggressors with evil intentions. We do not impose illegitimate conditions, nor do we have any ambitions. We establish clear and noble principles: the principles of right, goodness and peace before the Iranian peoples, the countries ofthe region, the Arab nation and the world as a whole. What we demand is the clear, legal and actual recognition by the Iranian Government of Iraq's historic and legitimate rights over its lands and waters, the adherence by it to the policy of good-neighbourliness, the renunciation of its racist, aggressive and expansionist attitudes and its evil attempts to interfere in the internal affairs of the countries of the region and the return ofevery inch ofthe homeland which it has usurped. The Iranian Government should look upon its rights, as wellas those ofthe Arabs and Iraqis, on these bases and it should respect international law and custom, as well as international covenants." 110. Mr. GURENKO (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Repub- lic) iimerpretationfrom Russian): The Ukrainian delegation would like ·to join in addressing congratulations to Mr. von Wechmar on his election to the position of President ofthe thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that under his presidency the Assembly willdeal successfully with the burning issues before it. . . 1.12. In a few week's time, on 24 October, it will be 35 years since the Charter.entered into force. During that period mankind has lived through many trials and tribulations. In the course of the complex and at times controversial devel- opment of the historical process there have been along with indisputable successes achieved by the forces of peace and progress in strengthening international security, repeated ~anifestationsof the imperialist policy of diktat, the whip- pmg up of tension, interference in the internal affairs of States and the unleashing of military conflicts. Yet, whatever the course developments followed, the most outstanding achievement of this period has been the demonstration of the fact that it is possible to break the tragic cycle in which peace is only a short breathing-space between world wars. 113. The 19705 have left their mark in world history. Without exaggeration it can be said that this past decade has been most productive in terms of the transition from con- frontation to co-operation on terms of equality among States with different social and economic systems. During this period,.as a result ofefforts by countries in the socialist community and other peoples and States genuinely seeking to preserve peace, the policy of peaceful coexistence has been strengthened and has begun to take on real meaning. Moreover, the process of detente has gained momentum, and favourable conditions have been created for the solu- tion of pressing problems. 114. Recently, however, the international situation has worsened. Leaders of the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], and of the United States in particular, have directed their foreign policy towards under- mining detente and ensuring military superiority over the socialist community. liS. The well-known NATO decision on a large-scale and long-term increase in military budgets and the plans to deploy in Western Europe new American nuclear missiles testify specifically to that. The United States has frozen the ratification of the SALT 11 Treaty' and at the same time adopted a "new nuclear strategy" which makes the real danger of the unleashing ofa thermonuclear war immeasur- ably greater, for it is based on the concept that a "limited nuclear ~ar" is possible. 116. The partnership between those in militaristic and reactionary quarters in the West and Beijing, hegemonists who are seeking a further build-upoftension to achieve their chauvinistic great-Power designs has a negative impact on international relations. 117. Consequently we are compelled to state that the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly is taking place in a very complicated international situation. I Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Sociali.., Republics 011 the Limitation of Strategic Offenslvc Arms. 19ned;lt Vienna on 18 June 1979, 119. As was emphasized in a statement on 30 August at Alma-Ata by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR: "For States and peoples today, no task is more pressing than to prevent the imperialist policy of positions ofstrength displacing detente, and the spiral ofthe arms race gaining greater and more highly dangerous speed". 120. The Soviet Union and tile en: '!"Isocialist com- munity have advanced a broad programme of measures to strengthen peace, end the arms race and iilchieve disarma- ment. Guided by the programme for the further struggle for peace and international.eo-operation and for the freedom and independence of peoples, which was adopted by the Twenty-fifth Congress ofthe Communist Party ofthe Soviet Union, the USSR has put forward in the United Nations far- reaching proposals offering realistic approaches to a solu- tion of the crucial problems of today. These initiatives have been supported and approved by the General Assembly. 121. The documents adopted at the meeting on 14and 15 May of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty,imbued with an awareness of the historic responsibility for the destinies ofpeace, contain, inter alia, a proposal for an early convening ofa meeting at Z!~e highest level of leaders of States from all continents [see A/35/237-S/13948]. The socialist countries are convinced that, despite the aggravation of the situation brought about by the actions of imperialist circles, there nevertheless do exist socio-political forces capable of preventing any slip- page towards a new cold war, of ensuring normal peaceful coexistence among States with different social systems, and of averting the threat ofa world thermonuclearconflict, and objective possibilities of doing all this. This conviction is shared by all the Soviet people and by the working people of the Ukrainian SSR who fully support the Leninist foreign policy line of the Soviet State. 122. In their desire to strengthen international security the socialist countries are stepping up their struggle for detente, for ending the arms race and for disarmament and we call upon other States to do likewise. 123. The proposal entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war" [see A/35/241], submitted by Andrei Gromyko, member of the Politburo ofthe Central Commit- tee of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union and Minis- ter for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, serves to confirm the constructive approach to the main problems of the world today. 124. The Ukrainian delegation fully supports that proposal. 125. Urgent measures to be implemented include.the pre- vention of thc expansion of existing military alliances or the 126. The Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist community have submitted for negotiation, in particular in the General Assembly, several specific proposals covering a broad spectrum of measures for disarmament, some partial and some very radical. They are dealt with in detail in the USSR memorandum entitled "Peace, disarmament and international security guarantees" [see A/35/482]. The Ukrainian SSR believes that the speedy implementation of those proposals is a major task facing the Assembly at this session. 127. We attach primary importance to ending the nuclear arms race, which creates the greatest threat to universal peace and the very survival of civilization. Despite the tre- mendous complexity of the problem, we believe mankind can halt the unbridled build-up of nuclear potential. The Ukrainian SSR favours the immediate initiation ofeffective talks to end the production ofall types of nuclear weapons, gradually to reduce their stockpiles and then to eliminate them completely. 128. Another pressing matter is completing the tripartite talks on .the complete and general prohibition of nuclear- weapon tests. In the interests ofreaching a mutually accepta- ble agreement on this issue, the Soviet Union has taken important steps to meet its partners in the talks halfway. Yet I must note with concern that the United States and the United Kingdom are clearly protracting the negotiations, often reneging on the proposals they themselves put forward. 129. The Ukrainian SSR believes that nuclear disarma- ment should be accompanied by the strengthening of politi- cal and international legal guarantees for the security of States, and this includes the drafting and conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations. 130. Alongside the most destructive type of arms- nuclear weapons-chemical weapons, an extremely danger- ous means of mass annihilation, have been in existence for many decades. Moreover, the United States has expanded production ofchemical war agents whileactively developing and testing new varieties of these lethal weapons. We strongly advocate an immediate ban on the development, production and stockpiling of such chemical weapons and the destruction of their stockpiles. The socialist countries, including the ~{l~rainian SS!l, have made their contribution to drafting a relevant international convention. We appeal to all States to make an energeticeffort to complete thedrafting of this international leg.al instrument as soon as possible. 132. It has frequently been stated from this very rostrum that the.arms race represents a heavy burden for mankind. While creating a threat to universal peace, it also consumes enormous material and intellectual resources that could more properly be used to raise the standard of well-being of peoples and overcome the economic backwardness ofdevel- oping countries. 133. The problem of streamlining international co-opera- tion to preserve the environment and nature on this planet has become paticularly urgent today. The consideration at this session of the Soviet proposal [see A/35/194] for the inclusion of an item entitled "Historical responsibility of States for the preservation of nature for present and future generations" on the agenda of this session will certainly serve that objective. Our delegation believes that primary attention should be devoted to the nefarious consequences of the arms race for environmental protection. 134. The struggle for a peaceful future for peoples, for strengthening international security should be conducted in all directions. 135. The Ukrainian SSR attaches paramount importance to strengthening security in Europe. In recent years there have been extensive and strenuous efforts to implement agreements reached at the Conference on Security and Co- operation in Europe which was held at Helsinki in 1975.The USSR and countries of the socialist community are playing an active role here. The basic approach they take in Euro- pean affairs and world politics as a whole is to continue and deepen detente, to flesh it out with effective measures in the field of military detente and to develop equal co-operation and strengthen security. 136. A specific example of that policy is the Soviet propo- sal to start talks on limiting medium-range nuclear missile arms in Europe simultaneously in organic relationship to the question ofUnited States forward-based nuclear systems in the region. 137. Much remains to be done to ensure stable peace and security in Europe. It is important, in particular, that the forthcoming second review session of the Conference at Madrid be held in a constructive spirit and be crowned with positive results and that a conference be convened on mil- itary detente and disarmament in Europe. 138. Strengthening peace and security is in the interests of the peoples ofall continents. As has frequently been noted at this session of the General Assembly, there are now several hotbeds ofconflict that have emerged as a result ofimperial- ist and militaristic actions. Their elimination would cer- tainly be facilitated by the proposal submitted by the socialist countries on limiting and reducing the level of military presence and military (activities in the relevant 140. Recentlythe situation in the Middle East has become still more explosive. The separate talks conducted on the basis of the Camp David accords cannot bring about a settlement of the conflict. Israel has been expanding the network of its settlements in occupied lands and in a recent brazen move it proclaimed Jerusalem to be its "eternal capital", a move quite properly condemned by the Security Council in its resolution 478 (J980). 141. At the seventh emergencyspecial sessionon the ques- tion of Palestine,the General Assemblystressedthat the key toa comprehensive settlement in the region liesin granting the Arab people of Palestine the right to self-determination up to and including the creation of their own State. Such a settlement would require the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, and ensuring the sovereigntyand security of all the States ofthe region.Allpartiesconcerned should partici- pate in the settlement, including the Arab people of Pales- tine, with the PLO as its sole and legitimate representative. Other problems of the region also require political settle- ment by peaceful means. 142. A tense situation has been created around' Afghani- stan, which pursues a policy of non-alignment. An unde- clared war inspired and directed by the United States of America and China is being waged against that country. Attempts are being made to strangle the Afghan revolution and to turn Afghanistan into a stagingarea, threatening the Soviet Union and the peace-loving independent countries of the East. The Government of Afghanistan has put forward a proposal for a political settlement of the situation. Essen- tially it calls for a complete and guaranteed cessation ofall forms of hostile activities against the Government and people of Afghanistan. It is now up to those who brought about the tense situation in that region to respond. As to the introduction of the so-called Afghan question in the agenda of this Assembly, we consider it to be gross interference in the internal affairs of the Afghan people. 143. The United States and China have recently been seeking to aggravate further the situation in South-East Asia. We fully support the programme for the normaliza- tion of the situation in the region submitted by Viet Nam, Laos and the People's Republic of Kampuchea [see A/35/347 and Corr./]. 144. The Ukrainian SSRadvocates the peaceful reunifica- tion of Korea on a democratic basiswithout foreigninterfer- ence and the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea. Recent eventsinSouth Korea confirm the urgencyof that demand and make still more pressing implementation of General Assembly resolution 3390 A and B (XXX). 145. Attempts to revive the cold war are inseparably Imked to a new offensive against human rights and to massive violationsof the rights of working peopleincapital- 146. Human rights are grosslyand extensively violated in the Arab territories occupied by Israel.South Africapersists in its infamous policy and practice ofapartheid, whileracist excesses continue in Namibia. All this is taking place with the obvious connivance of the leading imperialist Powers, whose co-operation with South Africa and Israel is infact the main obstacle to ending those crimesagainst humanity. 147. Socialism ensures human rights-not only in words but in deeds. In our Republic they are quaranteed by the provisions of the new Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR. My delegation can state withsatisfaction that our Republic's reports regarding compliance with internat.ional conven- tions and the International Covenants on Human Rights have been recognized by the Committee on Human Rights and the Economic and SocialCouncil as comprehensiveand consistent with the requirements of international agree- ments. 148. Twenty years ago the General Assembly, acting on the initiative of the Soviet Union, adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution /5/4 (XJ1], an important instrument in the struggle against colonialism. 149. However, in order to ensure the complete elimina- tion of the vestiges of that shameful system, to grant independence to the peoples of Namibia, Micronesia and other colonial Territories, and finally to eradicate apartheid and racial discrimination, it will be neces- sary to overcome the resistance of neo-colonialists and imperialists and to strengthen the unity of action of peo- ples fighting against colonialism in all its manifestations. 150. The working people of the Soviet Ukraine, a republic of 50 million inhabitants, along. with all Soviet people, support.national liberation movements, contribute to the strengthening of the statehood of newly independent coun- tries, and protect their sovereignty against the intrigues of imperialist mercenaries and the agents of monopolies. 151. The final collapse of colonialism and the attainment of full independence by the developingcountries are closely linked to the strugglefor economicliberation from imperial- ismand the swayof foreign monopolistic capital, primarily transnational corporations. 153. The imperialist policy of the West is reflected in the deliberate procrastination in talks on restructuring interna- tional economic relations on a democratic and equitable basis and in the desire to sidetrack us from the truly urgent economic problems. That was once again demonstrated most vividly at the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on economic problems. 154. The Ukrainian SSR is taking an active part in the foreign economic relations of the Soviet State, and it makes a tangible contribution to the development ofthe economic, scientific and technical co-operation of theUSSR with fra- ternal socialist countries and developing countries. We con- sistently advocate extensive business-like relations with all interested States on an equal, non-discriminatory and mutu- ally beneficial basis. 156. As V. Shcherbitsky, Memberofthe Politbureau ofthe Central Committee and First Secretary ofthe Central Com- mittee of the Communist Party of the Ukraine, has empha- sized, "our objectivesare clear, and they are noble-namely, durable peace, security and mutually beneficial co- operation-and we shall persistently work for their realization". 157. Our Government believesthat the thirty-fifth session of the Assembly should become an important milestone in intensification of the struggle of peoples to reduce the dan- ger of war, to eliminate tension, to preserve detente as the leading trend in international relations, and to strengthen peace and the security of peoples.