A/35/PV.23 General Assembly
THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION
Page
In the absence of the President, IVr. Albomoz (Ecuador), Vice-President, took the Chair.
9. General debate (con~d) I. Mr. HAAKMAT (Suriname); The task ofthe President of the General Assembly becomes more difficult each year, due in part to the special sessions of the Assembly. It is therefore a cause for satisfaction to know that a diplomat of the stature of Baron Riidiger von Wechhlar, whose. out- standing personal qualities. great diplomatic ability and skill are well known to us, has been entrusted with guiding this Assembly. We also extend our greetings to him as a representative of the Federal Republic of Germany, a coun- try with which Suriname has long-standing relations of friendship and co-operation and which plays an increasingly important role in the shaping of world affairs. We are confident that his extensive knowledge of United Nations affairs will be a major asset to the successful work of this session. 2. We offer special thanks to his precedessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim ofthe United Republic ofTanzania. At the time of his election to the presidency ofthe thirty-fourth General Assembly session we were certain that he would perform his task excellently in all respects, for Ambassador Salim always exceeded our expectations. 3. ''"'e include in our expressions of thanks the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whoonce again putforth his best efforts in the performance of his difficult tasks, espe- cially that of promoting international peace and security. 4. When Suriname was admitted to our international Organization in 1975, our country had reached quite satis- factory political and economic levels. Before its indepen- dence, Suriname was already autonomous in its domestic NEW YORK affairs, while it had the right to have a say in the foreign relations of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, of which it formed a part. The na.tural resources of the country, espe- cially in the areas of land, forestry and mining, offered good prospects for a favourable economic development. Conse- quently, Suriname amply met the conditions which are indispensable for real independence in the community of nations, 5. What holds true for individual persons, however- namely, that the availability of sufficient means does not guarantee growth towards spiritual adulthood-also holds true for a country, as an association ofindividuals. For the development of a country towards true independence, it is certainly required that the State organs act according to certain moral values in order to prevent disorder, stagnation and deterioration. I regret to say that in recent years those norms were not observed in an appropriate manner, as a' result of which our country was threatened with slipping into a deep abyss. 6. Since 15 March ofthis year we have had a new Govern- ment in our country, and it has undertaken a total renova- tion of policies. We have set ourselves the goal of arresting the process of moral and physical deterioration which had unfortunately set in during recent years and ofguiding the country on a new course oriented to the development 'of Suriname and its people for the benefit of the people. 7. We are well aware that this will have only symbolic value if the management of the country is not supported by . our people in all walks of life. The process of renovation is already in progress and will be completed in the following sectors: the governmental and political order,. the social welfare order, the social economic order and the education order. 8. The Government ofSuriname will lead the country ina truly democratic spirit, and in accordance with the best democratic standards and traditions, in order to realize these objectives, in which it has the full support of the people, the National Military Council and other functional groups. It is our desire at all costs to prevent our country from again t-king the road of increasing injustice and arbi- trariness. We particularly want to prevent development from benefiting only a small group of privileged persons. Extremism, whether from the far right or the extreme left, is not welcome in Suriname, The policy pursued by the Government is aimed at establishing social peace andjustice for all. This places the Government slightly left of centre. 9. Our country fully respects its bilateral and multilateral commitments, in particular those enshrined in the Charter of our Organization, the authentic principles of the non- 11. Suriname favours a world order based on mutual respect and dialogue among States and respect for human rights. In our opinion, relations between States should not be determined by elements of power. In no way should differences in military or economic might determine these relations. Countries should be able to settle their own inter- nal affairs, free from outside interference, and to develop along the lines decided by their people. 12. The delegation of Suriname therefore views with great concern the expanding war between Iran and Iraq. The continued war between these two non-aligned nations could develop into a most serious threat to international peace. Consequently, my delegation urgently calls upon the Governments of Iran and Iraq to comply with Security Council resolution 479 (1980) of 28 September 1980. 13. Within a period of seven months the Government of Suriname had to deal with two planned coups intended to end the reforming process set in motion in our country after 25 February of this year. The first action pitted against the Government elements of the old regime, which harboured the intention to return the previous incompetent, corrupt and arrogant rightist regime to power. The second action pitted extremists from the left against the Government and was even more dangerous. To keep matters under control, : ....ie Government had to declare.a state of emergency and dissol Parliament. Consequently, the Constitution had to be suspended. 14. A new Constitution is now being drafted. As an inter- mediate step, an Assembly will be appointed until a new Parliament is elected. The Assemblywill consist ofrepresen- tatives of various functional groups of the population, labour unions included. Those unions continue to function normally. In addition, a planning council will be estab- lished. It will be a tripartite organ in which representatives of Government, workers and employers will collectively bear responsibility for Suriname's economic policies. 15. Our population warmly supports the liquidation ofthe old corruptive system. Those who have profiteered under that system will be held responsible. Consequently, a special court has been established to deal with the large number of corruption cases. That special court will observe interna- tionally accepted principles of criminal law and conduct its sessions in accordance with fair judicial procedures. There- fore, the defendants are guaranteed a fair trial. We should welcome observers to the proceedings of the court, which will be open to the press and the public. 16.. My delegation warmly welcomes the arrival in our midst ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines and Zimbabwe as independent States. On this happy occasion we extend our most cordial congratulations to the Government of 17.. Since the independence of Zimbabwe could only be achieved after the defeat of the forces of colonialism and racism, the emergence of that country on 18 April of this year as an independent nation and its subsequent admission as a new Member of the United Nations dunng the recent special session of the General Assembly on economic devel- opment has a special significance for peoples all over the world who are interested in justice, human dignity, and peace. 18. The result of the struggle in Zimbabwe is the light at the end or the tunnel for peoples still struggling for justice and human dignity. We salute the courageous people of Zimbabwe and wish them well in all their future endeavours. 19. A special tribute goes to the Government of Great Britain which as the administering Power combined wisdom and resoluteness in the critical hours of Zimbabwe's transi- tion to independence. 20. The admission of new Members to the world Organi- zation in a year in which commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo- ples [resolution 1514 (XV)] isenvisaged highlights the impor- tant work being done by the Special Committee on the situation with regard to the implementation of that Declara- tion. We commend the Special Committee for its important work in eliminating colonialism from the face of the globe and wish it strength and the power to persevere in its noble task. 21. The Charter of the United Nations calls the mainte- nance of international peace and securityone ofthe Organi- zation's most important functions. That task has become still mote difficult during the course ofthis year owing to the increasing international political tension and the deteriora- tion of the world economy. 22. The worsening political situation is noticeable on almost all continents, while political problems are unfortu- nately not limited to the countries or regions in which they originated. Many of those crises have the potential for spreading beyond the borders of the countries and regions directly involved. It is in that context that we see the con- tinued presence of foreign armed forces in Afghanistan in spite of the request contained in resolution ES-6/2 of 14 January 1980adopted at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly. This is true also of the situation in South Africa and the Middle East, the Palestinian question, the annexation by Israel of the eastern part of Jerusalem, notwithstanding protests from the entire world community, the Korean question, the situation in Namibia, the still unresolved problem of the American hostages in Iran, the situation in South-East Asia, and the situation between Iran and Iraq. 23. The Government of the Republic of Suriname isofthe opinion that all those problems should be solved peacefully 25. The possibility of internal and external outbursts in the Caribbean area isconstantly on the increase, in particularas a result of the deterioration of the social and economic situation and the increasing unemployment associated therewith. 26. The Government ofSuriname isaware of the fact that we are a part of the American continent and that many bonds connect us with the fate of the countries of the Caribbean. Therefore, it intends to strengthen the bonds linking us to our Caribbean brothers. Not only does it support the further improvement of existing bilateral rela- tions, it isat the same time a vigorous proponent ofregional co-operation with those countries. 27. Our stand on the right of self-determination, the right of a people to chart its own destiny, led us to vote for the General Assembly resolution of 29 July 1980 [resolution ES-7IZj, which is in general consistent with the principles on which our position is based. Our positive vote on the resolu- tion, however, does not mean that we would not have preferred a reinstatement of the right of all the.States in the region-including Israel-to a secure and independent exist- ence, as provided for in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). 28. It is not lost on us that the separate peace agreement of 1979 between Israel and Egypt has not proved contagious and that it did not result in a solution ofthe central problem of the Middle East conflict. 29. All other issues, however important they may be, such as the increasingly harsh Israeli military occupation, the rigid attitude of the Government of Mr. Beginand the latest sad act of the Knesset regarding the eastern part of Jerusa- lem, are more symptoms than problems. The central prob- lem remains that the Palestinians want a State of their own and that Israel denies the Palestinians their right to deter- mine their own political future. That is the basic issue which lies at the very core of a solution. A solution to the Middle East problem can be found only if Palestinians and Israelis accept each other's right to have a State. 30. By its resolution 273(Ill) of II May 1949, the General Assembly, noting that Israel was a peace-loving State able and willing to carry out the obligations contained in the Charter of the United Nations, decided to admit it to mem- bership of the United Nations. That historic resolution was based on the acceptance by the world community of the right of the Israelis to establish their own homeland. 31. We fervently hope that the Government of Israel will be capable of rethinking and reconsidering its traditional position and that it will be able to accept for the Palestinians the same raison d'etre which led to the establishment of the "Mankind today is confronted with an unprecedented threat of self-extinction arising from the massive and competitive accumulation of the most destructive weap- ons ever produced. Existing arsenals of nuclear weapons alone are more than sufficient to destroy all lifeon earth. Failure of efforts to halt and reverse the arms race, in particular the nuclear arms race, increases the danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Yet the arms race continues." 33. That Final Document wasadopted unanimously with- out any opposition from nuclear or other States. However, since its adoption, the arms race has continued unabated in the areas of both nuclear and conventional armaments. 34. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], which has now been signed by 113 countries, was reviewed during the second Review Conference ofthe Parties to the Treaty, held at Geneva from I1 August to 7 September 1980. The Government of Suriname expresses its regret that differen- ces over nuclear arms control issues have prevented the Review Conference from adopting a comprehensive final document, despite the fact that general agreement had been reached on many significant issues. The provisions of the Treaty should have been given full support inorder to avoid a possible weakening of this unique instrument for interna- tional peace and security. It is beyond any doubt that the Treaty has preventedthe horizontal spread of nuclear arms and thereby strengthened international security. 35. On the other hand, China and France are not yet parties to the.Treaty, and other non-nuclearcountries which are now on the vergeofcrossing the so-called nuclear thresh- old have not yet signed it. The Treaty can also bring to a halt the continuous expansion and modernization of the nuclear-weapons arsenals of the Soviet Union and the United States. 36. For those reasons the Government of Suriname is convinced of the essential importance ofthis Treaty. As a country which is not an oil producer, we fully realize the enormous importanceof the peaceful use of nuclear power. That, however, should in no way be an obstacle to the signing of the Treaty. Therefore, we are ofthe opinion that acceptance of this Treaty.must be made more attractive by creating greater and easier access to the. possibilities of the peaceful use of nuclear power. 37. An outstanding and unique example of a regional approach to non-proliferation is the Treatyfor the Prohibi- tion of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty ofTIate- lolco),I which has been ratified by Suriname. It offers the possibility of preventing a nuclear holocaust in the Latin I United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 634, No. 9068, p. 326. 38. The Government of Suriname and the 22 sister coun- tries in which theTreaty is in force would feel more secure if its full effect were extended to Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Cuba and Guyana. In particular, we hope for rapid ratifica- tion ofthat Treaty by Argentina and accession to it by Cuba and Guyana. Mo{eover, it calls on the Governments of France and the United States to ratify its Additional Pro- tocoll. 39. An alarming phenomenon in the macabre tragedy of the arms race is certainly the fact that the third world countries, whose subsistence levels are under increasing pressure from external factors such as imported inflation, capital shortages and oil prices, are utilizing their already limited resources for the acquisition ofarms to a constantly increasing extent. In the 1970s the total importation ofarms by third world countries quadrupled compared to that ofthe 19608. 40. A serious setback in the efforts to slow "own the arms race is the fact that the SALT 11 Treaty," which was signed by President Brezhnev and President Carter at Vienna on I ~ June 1978, are at present in danger of becoming victims of the bloc policies of those super-Powers. 41. Although the SALT 11 Treaty itself does not contain any drastic solution to the armaments problem, important political advantages are connected with it. In particular, it offers the hope that detente between the super-Powers will increase, which could exert a positive influence, especially if the treaty were followed immediately by new bilateral nego- tiations on further reductions in nuclear and conventional armaments. 42. Political decolonization is almost complete, except for some exceptions such as Namibia and several smaller areas, even on our continent. 43. In Namibia, the United Nations is again confronted with an attempt by the Government of the Republic of South Africa to prevent independence in that area..Pretoria originally gave the impression that it was in agreement with the so-called Western plan to hold elections under the super- vision of the United Nations and with the stationing of United Nations troops there. Moreover, South Africa agreed in principle with the proposal of the Secretary- General, Mr. Waldheim, for a demilitarized zone between Angola and Namibia.' Since then, however, 'Pretoria has presented new conditions which are unacceptable not only to the front-line States but also to the United Nations. In this connection I should like to refer to South Africa's attempt to ignore all United Nations resolutions on Namibia, including those in which the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] is recognized as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. 2 Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. 45. Since the founding ofour world Organization, much has been said about the apartheid problem and Namibia. Various measures which are unquestionably useful have been taken within the framework of the United Nations. One of them is the International Convention on the Sup- pression and Punishment of the Crime ofApartheid[resolu- tion 3068 (XXV/ll), annex], which was signed by Suriname on 3 June this year. However, the resolutions of our world Organization will be powerless as long as they do not affect the economy of South Africa. 46. The Government of Suriname supports, for example, Security Council resolution 473 (1980) of 13 June 1980, which was introduced as a reaction to the terror perpetrated by the Government of South Africa against schoolchildren who had demonstrated against the apartheid policy. 47. The call in that resolution on Pretoria to end its apart- heidpolicy, to grant an amnesty to prisoners, to refrain from aggression against independent African States and so on, will always be ignored as long as no concrete measures are taken, particularly a comprehensive policy of mandatory sanctions including especially an embargo on oil products. 48. It is important to note that South Africa expressed interest in the Western plan for Namibia only when faced with an impending embargo. The time for verbal condemna- tion has passed; the time for concrete action has now arrived. 49. The Government of Suriname formally expresses its support for the oppressed peoples of Namibia and South Africa, and in particular for SWAPO, the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress ofAzania.It fully supports the struggle for national liberation and the eradica- tion of racism, racial discrimination and colonialism in those areas. 50. In this connection, allow me to make a few remarks about the spectre of a new and subtle form of apartheid which seems gradually to be emerging and which has not yet been subjected to sufficiently thorough consideration in international forums. I am referring to the problem of the cultural and ethnic minorities in parts of Europe. 51. The rapid economic development of Western Europe could be achieved only through the importationof a large amount ofcheap labour from third world countries, among them Algeria, Turkey, Morocco and countries in the Carib- bean region. Those workers were lured from their home- lands under numerous pretexts. Roughly one third of the total Caribbean population now live in Western European countries. Western Europe's prosperity would be unthinka- ble without the contribution and efforts of those so-called guest labourers or migrant workers to its industrial process. 53. This leads me to the conclusion that human rights problems are not limited to South Africa or to certain regimes in some third world countries. They are certainly not alien to Europe. The many cases of infringement on the human rights of ethnic minorities in that part of the world bear witness to that sad fact of life. If not checked, that problem could, in our opinion, turn into a source of tension that will not be in the interest of international peace. 54. For these reasons my delegation suggests.that a special session of the General Assembly be convened to deal with this unfortunate problem. In the meantime, we believe that the appropriate organs of our Organization should address themselves more extensively to that phenomenon. 55. In this regard, my delegation will support every effort to improve the lot of migrant workers, a problem which appears on the agenda of the Third Committee at this session of the Assembly. More specifically, my delegation willlend itssupport to the coming into being ofa convention aimed at furthering the cause of those workers and their families. Such a convention could also deal with the serious problem of the brain drain from developing nations. Many among us would not contest the expert opinion that the development aid given to the developing nations is sur- passed by the benefits derived from that brain drain. 56. The eleventh special session of the General Assembly, held recently, marked the beginning of the third United Nations Development Decade. The outcome ofthis Decade is uncertain, but it is clear that the economic development of our planet will be influenced by the achievements of' the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Since the first session of that Conference in December 1973, more than 66 weeks have been spent in meetings to establish a new international regime for hydrospace. 57. Considerable progress was made at the recent session at Geneva. It is our hope that the third revision of the informal composite negotiating text of the draft convention will be transformed into a final draft treaty during the next and, I hope, final session. My Government is concerned at the unilateral mining legislation promulgated by certain States and urges other industrialized States not to follow that example. It is hoped that those States will not limit themselves to paying lip-service to the noble concept of the common heritage of mankind. 58. With regard to general aspects ofthe lawofthe sea, the Government of Suriname deplores the fact that no com- promise solution has been reached on the delimitation of maritime boundaries between opposite and adjacent States. 59. The Conference on the Law of the Sea is now at a crossroads. The Government ofSuriname is convinced that only a comprehensive and carefully balanced treaty on the law of the sea can avoid a scramble of claims to exploit the wealth of the oceans beyond the limits of national jurisdic- tion, in accordance with the Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Sub- soil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV). 60. Theflrst international development strategy, adopted in 1960, is already fading away in the mist of unfulfilled expectations. The then prevailing optimism that the gap between rich and poor countries could be narrowed seems, with hindsight, almost incomprehensible and rather frivo- lous.. And yet the first strategy constituted a real break- through because of the acceptance by the advanced countries of the fact that the development problem was a matter of mutual concern and interest to both the developed and the developing nations. 61. At that time, however, we did not fully realize that the idealistic ideas laid down in that strategy, in particular those regarding development aid, had to be confirmed by the national legislators of the advanced countries. The expecta- tion that those legislative bodies would prove to be equally enlightened was a serious miscalculation. 62. Having gone through the negotiating process which led to the adoption of a second strategy and after two decades of frustrating North-South discussions about the economic future of the world, we are now painfully aware that it will take gigantic efforts, if not a miracle, to prevent the rich-poor gap from widening even further. 63. The establishment of a new international economic order, aimed at a more just relationship between the poor and jhe rich nations, remains a distant goal. Frankly, weare rather pessimistic about the willingnesson the part ofindus- trialized nations to make the necessary political and eco- nomic sacrifices, which are essential to the attainment of that goal. We do indeed wonder if they willlower their trade barriers, amidst the ever-increasing protectionist voices. We are not optimistic that the necessary reforms in the interna- tional monetary system will be effected. Neither are we inclined to believe that advanced countries will raise their development aid to adequate.levels, and our pessimismdoes not appear to be unduly great against the background of recession and inflation, coupled with almost automatically rising oil prices, which seem to shatter all hopes for a brighter economic future. 64. Only a few weeks ago, notwithstanding long and often acrimonious discussions between the advanced and the less- 4 Informal suggestion submitted by 29 countries with reference to articles 74 and 84 of the draft convention. 65. We still hope to improve the North-South relation- ship, since the rift between the "haves" and "have-nets" in our world is potentially as dangerous and lethal as the Middle East crisis and the arms race. Notwithstanding our somewhat restrained optimism, we vigorously support the continuation ofthe North-South dialogue, sincethe mainte- nance of open communications is what the UnitedNations is all about. 66. During the eleventh special session of the General Assembly we wasted much time in trying.to work out the ground rules for the global negotiations on essential matters relating to officialdevelopment assistance, monetary affairs and the energy problem. During those discussions, many of us low-income and middle-income countries, haunted by the spectres of recession, inflation and expensive oil, felt completely dismayed and frustrated that those negotiations were prevented from getting otTthe ground as a result of a deadlock. We are of the opinion that those negotiations, assuming that they are decided upon, should concentrateon root problems such as development aid, energy and mone- tary reforms, which must be dealt with in an open and objective manner directly related to those problems. 67. The disheartening failure ofthe Third General Confer- ence of UNIDO, held at New Delhi from 21 January to 9 February 1980, and the fiasco of the fifth session of UNCTAD, held at Manila from 7 May to 3 June 1979, should serve as danger signals for all of us. In this. con- nection, the unfair way in which international development aid is structured should be highlighted. Promises made by donor countries are well publicized and get broad media attention. But actual development aid is slow in coming and difficult to obtain because of red tape, and has many con- straints. Furthermore, much ofthe development aid returns in one form or another to the donor country and only marginally benefits the recipient country. It is obvious that the intention ofclosing the gap between richdonorand poor recipient countries cannot be fulfilled in this manner. 68. It is not generally recognized that rapid inflation adversely affects the real value of development aid offered by the donor country. Therefore, wewould stronglysupport building inflation hedges into aid programmes. Otherwise those programmes could eventually prove to be birds in the bush and not in the hand. 69. Understandably, we in Suriname are strong protago- nists of the. indexation vf multilateral and bilateral aid in order to prevent offers of such aid from becoming mere token grants-in other words, grants that do notreally contribute to development. This may be considered one of the reasons which may urge people to leavetheir homelands in search of greener pastures. 70. In rightly criticizing the advanced States for their lack of generosity and ·their often myopic chauvinism orideolo- gies, we developing nations -are inclined to forget that the stagnation in our development sometimes arises from our own shortcomings, particularly in the fieldof management. Those developing countries which are almost on the thresh- 71. In short, in striving for a better world economy and in supporting those who aspire to a more just New Interna- tional Economic Order, we must first set sail from the principle of self-reliance in the sea of continuing troubles in our world. On the other hand, having adopted so many undoubtedly highly important global strategies and pro- grammes ofaction in the past decade, wethink that the time has now come to gear ourselves to parallel actions more limited in scope but none the less of essential importance. 72. More concretely, the Government of Suriname, while loyally and actively continuing its participation in the reali- zation of comprehensive universal programmes, wishes to suggest that from now on weshould concentrate to a greater degree on. the possibility of regional. subregional and intraregional efforts. 73. After having attained our independence five years ago and having been an isolated colony for more than three centuries, we are still trying to establish our own identity. We in Suriname have now made a fresh start towards a better future for our countrymen. In so doing, we realize that the nations of the world cannot live without interna- tional peace and security, a principle upon whichthe United Nations rests. For these reasons, I chose to make my first address to the international community in the forum of our world Organization.
Mr. von Wechmar (Federal Republic ofGermany) took the Chair..
Mr. President, it is with great pleasure that I voice my sincere congratulations, on behalf of the delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco, for the excellentchoice which has been made by the international community, represented by this Assembly, in electing you President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your election to that high office is a confirmation of your outstanding merits, your skill and the eminent qualities which we recognize you to possess. At the same time it isa deserved tribute to your country, which ismaking a valuable contribution to the consolidation ofpeace in Europe and to the easing of tension throughout the world. The delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco, which has the closest friendly relations with the Federal Republic of Germany, would like to assure you of its full co-operation in order to facilitate your task and to ensure the complete successof the present session.
75. The admission of new Member States to the' United Nations is likelyto complete and consolidate its universality. Morocco is very pleased to welcome .the delegations of
76. While celebrating this important victory of Africa, we consider the event an additional reason to redouble our efforts in our action and in our commitment to the other peoples ofsouthern Africa which are stillstruggling for their emancipation and their freedom.
77. I should also like to congratulate the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheirn, for all he has done and is continuing to do to implement the purposes and principles of the Charter.
78. In the early years of the last decade, the beginnings of" international detente raised immense hope that dialogue would prevail over confrontation, and that compromise would take the place of conflict. Unfortunately, today that hope is fading and the world is actually faced with an international situation which hardly gives rise to optimism because the factors which make for tension and instability are multiplying in several areas of the world.Latent conflicts run the risk of escaping the control in which we imagine them to be held, ofspillingover their geographical boundar- ies and of leading to generalized confrontations.
79. The chronic tension, threat ofwar and deadly confron- tations in the Horn of Africa are a striking example of that. Equally, the present dispute between Iraq and Iran, which was provoked by a clear violation of the historical rights of Iraq, is another bloody manifestation of those deplorable tendencies.the consequences ofwhich could becatastrophic for international peace if the parties to the dispute do not positively and swiftly enough respond to the appeal for a cease-fire made by the Security Council and the Islamic Conference.
80. The hegemonistic tendencies, on the political level and in the economic field, the tenacious desire ofsome to impose their own ideology, the struggle to gain influence and benefit, the ever-growing gap between increased prosperity and overwhelming poverty, the chronic under-development of most of mankind, the heavy burden of debt which affects the emerging countries and the unbridled arms race are also factors which give rise to fear ofcataclysms the consequen- ces ofwhichfor the stability of the world are easy to imagine. It is therefore essential for us to increase our vigilance so as to avert the dangers looming in the decade of the 19805, which has just begun, lest they degenerate into destructive conflicts.
81. A number of nerve centres in Asia and elsewhere are still flash-points of tension. There can be no doubt that the Middle East remains our greatest concern because it repre- sents one of the most serious potential threats to peace and international security. The international community con- cluded that the Palestinian problem was undoubtedly at the core of the Middle East tragedy and that any solution ofthat
83. However, we note with deep concern that the fighting people of Palestine continues to be the victim of the blind stubbornness of the racist Zionist entity and that it is threat- ened daily with genocide and large-scale massacres. In the meantime, we have witnessed, without any effective reac- tion, the Judaization of the Palestinian Arab lands, the distortion of their religiousand historical characteristics, the methodical modification of the original population, all in flagrant violation of numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly and in complete disre- gard of world opinion in a desperate attempt to destroy Palestinian identity.
84. The Israeli Knesset recently adopted a fundamental law designed to turn the Holy City of Jerusalem into the "unified and perpetual capital of Israel". That decision is another challenge by Israel to the numerous resolutions which have condemned Zionist attempts to Judaize the Holy City and demonstrates, if indeed that is necessary, Israel's total rejection of any just and equitable solution to the Palestinian problem. It should also be recalled that this attitude is in blatant contradiction of Security Council reso- lution 478 (1980), which determined that all legislative and administrative measures and actions which purported to alter the character and status of AIQuds were null and void and must be rescinded forthwith.
85. In this connection we should like to express our deep appreciation to those States which have decided to transfer their embassies from Jerusalem pursuant to the resolution of the Security Council and in response to the appeal ofthe Islamic Conference, namely, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, the Netherlands, Panama, Uruguay and Venezuela.
86. The Islamic world quite properly considers that the Israeli steps to integrate Jerusalem are a definite provoca- tion and a challenge to the hundreds of millions ofMoslems and Christians. In order to meet this challenge, His Majesty King Hassan 11 of Morocco convened the AIQuds Commit- tee in. an emergency session at Casablanca under his presi- dency, during which the Islamic Conference reaffirmed its commitment to counteract Israeli actions and to work for
87. My country also had the honour to host last month the special Conference of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Islamic countries who':adopted a number of resolutions whereby the participating countries committed themselves to liberating the Holy City and mobilizing their full poten- tial to combat the Israeli decision to annex Jerusalem.
88. The Kingdom of Morocco, whose sovereign is Presi- dent of the AI Quds Committee, considers the question of Palestine and of the Holy City of Jerusalem as its own and has reaffirmed its total commitment to support the struggle of the Palestinian people until it achieves self-determination and independence and establishes its own sovereign State in its own territory.
89. We therefore ask the General Assembly to take all necessary steps to put an end to the repeated acts of Israeli aggression and to demand the implementation of the sanc- tions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter against Israel, which continues to occupy the Arab and Palestinian lands and to defy United Nations resolutions and all the decisions of the international community.
90. Morocco is following with extreme alarm the con- tinued acts of aggression by Israel in the southern part of Lebanon and resolutely condemns the criminal raids carried out against Lebanese towns and villages. It strongly reaf- firms its complete solidarity with the fraternal people of Lebanon and its full support for the Lebanese Government in the efforts to defend its independence and protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
91. The people of Afghanistan, which for centuries has been paying a very high price to safeguard its independence, is day by day sacrificing the best of its sons to preserve its freedom, its sovereignty and its faith. By an overwhelming majority and in this very hall, the international community has expressed disapproval of the new situation which has arisen in Afghanistan and declared its firm willto put an end to it and reject the status quo.
92. My country, which is linked by ancient ties of friend- ship to the Soviet Union and still wishes to develop those relations; can only reaffirm its solidarity with the Moslem people of Afghanistan and will continue, within the frame- work of the Islamic Conference, to seek a satisfactory solu- tion to this unhappy problem, in accordance with the resolution adopted at the Eleventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held at Islamabad from 17 to 22 May 1980 [A/35/419-S/14129. annex I. resolution 19/1i-n. It is also the duty of our Organization to support the Afghan people and their inalienable right freely to determine their
OWL1 way of life. Morocco, Which is the repository of an important part of the Islamic heritage and a defender of its eternal ideals and principles, assures. the Moslem people of Afghanistan of its complete solidarity with them.
94. The Powers which, a quarter ofa century ago, began a thorough reconsideration oftheir behaviour in Africa on the basis of a more tolerant ethical system and a more compre- hending awareness of the aspirations of the peoples, must understand the desire of the African continent today to resist the violent infiltration of ideologies which are alien to it, attempts to cause destabilization, introduce hegemonism and shamefully exploit its wealth and the economic depen- dence which maintains the existence ofmany areas ofunjus- tifiable under-development.
95. At a time when we are welcoming the advent of the Republic of Zimbabwe, we cannot forget that the Namibian people is still waging a heroic struggle in order to hasten the process of decolonization started by the United Nations, which has been frustrated so many times by the South African racists. The tireless efforts ofthe Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, as well as the United Nations propos- als made last June, have been met by intolerable delaying tactics on the part of the authorities in Pretoria, who reject with disdain the numerous resolutions adopted almost unanimously by our Organization.
96. May I say here that the Kingdom of Morocco hails the struggle of the heroic people of Namibia and supports its fight for unrestricted independence and absolute territorial integrity.
97. Now that tolerance has become more and more wide- spread in the behaviour of nations and at a time when the world is becoming aware ofthe need to respect human rights in all forms, South Africa and its racist regime continue to practise the odious policy ofapartheidagainst the people of South Africa who are constantly subjected to acts of mass repression. Those who directly or indirectly lend their sup- port and co-operation to South Africa impair the force of the numerous resolutions ofthe United Nations and become the de[acto accornplicesof the South African racists who preach the doctrine of apartheid and racial discrimination.
98. There is an evil which affects a number of regions of the world and which is for Africa a particularly disquieting tragedy, and that is the problem of refugees, who now number in the millions. It can escape no one that this tragedy has a very deleterious effect on the African countries whose economies are already in a precarious state, and thus adds to the present problems. From Sudan to Somalia, from Cameroon to Zambia, millions of human beings are in a state of total deprivation and are anxiously and impatiently awaiting a gesture of international solidarity, which has not as yet been forthcoming. The action which has been under- taken by the High Commissioner for Refugees is extremely beneficial and welcome, but it isfar from having obtained al1 the funds and assistance that is needed, despite the impulse to international solidarity that it has succeeded in arousing.
100. Despite the fact that the colonial occupation of Morocco lasted almost 50 years, our territory was not invaded in a single operation. The invasion was gradual and stretched over a long period of time, proceeding by stages in which the territory was reduced province by province. For that reason, the independence of Morocco was also won piecemeal, while the national struggle was being carried out.
IOI. The central part of Morocco, which was a French protectorate, became independent on 2 March 1956. The northern part, which was a Spanish protectorate.was reinte- grated into the motherland on 7 April of the same year. The international zone of Tangier was recovered in the autumn of 1956. The northern part of the so-called Western Sahara was returned to Morocco in 1958 under the name ofTar- faya, The Ifni enclave was detached in turn from the so- called Spanish Sahara and returned to Morocco in 1969, in accordance with the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations which asked Spain to negotiate with my country on the problems involved in decolonizing that territory and the then so-called Spanish Sahara. Finally, the territory of the so-called Western Sahara was restored to Morocco in 1975, and this was noted by the United Nations in General Assem- bly resolution 3458B(XXX) of 10 December 1975.
102. Morocco's struggle for the restoration of its territor- ial integrity lasted many years; it covered the whole colonial occupation period and continued after the independence of the northern and central areas. The national independence movement began its fight in all the provinces of Morocco, from the north to the south of the territory. 103. When in 1956 colonialism was forced to make major concessions by abandoning regions where it could no longer withstand the national movement, it attempted, by the ploy of giving them different kinds of status, to perpetuate its domination over fringe areas, whose economic potential was foreseeable but as yet unexploited. However, both in the liberated areas and in those areas that remained under 104. Thus, at that some time, in the spring of 1956, the Congress of the Western Saharan peoples, held at Oum Chgag in the region of El Ayoun, adopted a still famous manifesto by which all the tribes in the region swore to the late King Mohammed V complete faith in and loyalty to the Alaouite throne and the Moroccan nation, ofwhich they are an integral.part. The delegation that represented the peoples of that region visited Rabat and was received by the sover- eign, King Mohammed V, who welcomed them during an official ceremony in the course of which he committed himself to ensuring their protection and their reintegration into the mother country. 105. The Spanish colonial Power was particularly hesitant in permitting Morocco to recover its rights and so a Moroc- can liberation army was formed in that region and success- fully undertook direct action in order to recover our national territory. The' decisive battle of Dcheira in the region of El Ayoun in 1975 sounded the death 'knell for foreign military presence in Moroccan Western Sahara by routing the occupying forces. That was when the famous Ecouvillon operation was mounted, in which the Spanish forces of the region and the French forces that came from Algeria and western Africa had to combine their efforts for many weeks in order to overcome the resistance of the liberation army at a time when it had already virtually liberated the major part of the territory. 106. At the same time and later as well, an independent Morocco used every means available to it in order to make its voice heard and to recover its rights. Thus, without ever getting out of touch with the Spanish Government with regard to this point, Morocco was the first and the only country to introduce in the United Nations the question of "Ifni and the Spanish Sahara". Thus, for many years, Morocco was the prime mover in all action aimed at the final decolonization of its Sahara. 107. Within the Territory, the National Movement was organized around various fronts and parties whose actions converged to the same end. Besides the liberation army, we had the Front de l'Unite, the Front pour la liberation du Sahara marocain, the Mouvement revolutionnaire des hommes bleus, the Front pour la liberation et l'unite, and the Parti de l'Union Nationale Sahraouie.Most of these movements have since 1966 reaffirmed, in the Fourth Com- mittee of the General Assembly. their commitment to Morocco and explained the meaning of the struggle they were waging. 108. After the reincorporation of the Saharan provinces into the motherland, democratic life resumed in these prov- inces, as in the case of the other Moroccan provinces, and the populations were consulted four times, at the local and national level, on the basis of universal suffrage. There were the communal, provincial and professional elections in 1976, legislative elections in 1977 to appoint seven deputies to the national House to represent the Saharan provinces, a national referendum on 23 May 1980for an initial amend- ment to the Constitution and, finally, a referendum on 30 May 1980 for a second amendment to the Constitution. 117. Throughout its history the people of Morocco has always fought successfully, when it was necessary to pre- serve its faith, its national unity or its territorial integrity. Nevertheless Morocco, which has constantly cherished and sought peace has always invited its opponents to seek ways and means ofrestoring peace,stability and traditional good- neighbourly relations. 110. In view of the fact that the territory is freely open to observation from outside, this situation gives the lie to the wrongful and tendentious claims whereby our adversaries have tried to mislead world public opinion. HI. The latest population census carried out in 1973 by Spain, which was at that time the administering Power, was performed in conditions of technical precision that no one can call into question. It establishes, in a document which has been registered with the United Nations, that the total population of the territory at that time was slightly in excess of 73,000 inhabitants. 112. The simple fact that approximately 68,000 inhabit- ants have at present been recorded in the towns and villages of Moroccan Sahara shows just how unworthy ofcredit are the false claims-emanating from Algiers-regarding representation of the populations of the Sahara. 113. Morocco would likesolemnly to recallthat the decol- onization of its Saharan provinces was carried out in condi- tions which met all legal and diplomatic standards and that its complete achievement of territorial integrity in accord- ance with international rules is an irreversible and definite fact. 114. Africa, which realized the dangers for the entire con- tinent involved in the persistenceofthis artificial problem, at the time of the seventeenth ordinary sessionofthe Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Freetown from I to 4 July 1980, instructed the "Committee of Wise Men"-or Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State and Government on Western Sahara-to carry out a mis- sion of reconciliation among the parties to the conflict [A/35/463. annex 11, AHG/Dec.J18 (XVII)l. Despite the reservations which were made by my country in connection with certain members of the Committee whose impartiality was by no means certain, Morocco took part in the Free- town meeting to demonstrate its desire for peace and its willingness to co-operate in an African context in order to restore to the area an atmosphere of harmony and good neighbourliness. 115. Furthermore, the presence at Freetown and the pres- entations before the "Committee of Wise Men" oftheOAU of 10organizations representing movements of resistance to Spanish colonialism and political entities from the Saharan provinces militating in favour of a return to the mother country, provided irrefutable proof that the peoples of the Sahraoui region had once and for all chosen to remain Moroccan. Those organizations also provided sincere tes- timony which definitely impressed the "Committee of Wise Men", who had before them all the necessarydirect evidence which enabled them to get a better understanding and a fairer picture of the problem. 116. Despite the fact that our cause wasjustand our desire for peace unshakable, our national territory has been sub- 118. During the seventeenth ordinary session of the Assembly of the OAU at Freetown, the heads of African States decided to consider the problem of the prevailing tension in north-west Africa from a newangle, by placing it in its true context, that ofa dispute between African States. Thus, they opted for a peacefulapproach in accordance with the spirit offraternity and solidarity advocated by the char- ter of the OAU. In paragraph 2 of the decision adopted by the Assembly at Freetown, the "Committee ofWise Men" is clearly requested, under its new mandate, "to continue its work with a viewto reconciling the parties to the conflict and seeking a peaceful and lasting solution thereto" [ibid]. 119. Thus, the Conference decided to cease enclosing the members of the "Committee of Wise Men" or the parties involved in the strait jacket of referencesand narrow princi- ples which up to now have only succeeded in paralysing the attempts at achieving peace. Throughout the world voices are being raised, calling for concrete measures to strengthen international security and to advocate the peaceful settle- ment of disputes between States. 120. We hope for the emergence of real international detente, and wedeplore the fact that the problem ofdisarm- ament, which is intimately linked with international security and the survival of mankind, remains in a state ofdeadlock and that the encouraging results of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarms +I have produced no positiveeffectson the unbridled ar e. The great Powers, which hold considerable stockpiles ot nuclear weapons and which devote no less.considerable financial resources to perfecting them and to making them more sophisticated, should not remain deaf to the appeals of mankind, which is so distressed by the threat represented by these stockpiles of weapons. 121. I should like to take this opportunity to express my strong disapproval of the biased campaign launched against certain developing countries, Iraq among others, which are trying to develop programmes for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The developing countries in general are perfectly entitled to acquire nuclear technology, and to useit for peaceful purposes; they are also entitled to improve their knowledge and experience in this area. 122. Morocco noted with profound concern the failure of the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation ofNuclear Weapons recentlyheld at Geneva as well as the lack of a consensus on the strength- ening of the Treaty. This failure has further increased our anxiety about the fact that no progress has been made towards nuclear disarmament, which is the first step in general and complete disarmament. Morocco, which is 123. In the quest for detente and collective security, the non-aligned movement, which wasable to resist the pressure exerted on it during the most crucial years of the cold war, can play a very Important part if it remains faithful to the principles which have been the mainstay of its strength and is able to keep clear of blocs, to avoid allegiances, and to oppose the movement being monopolized by a minority of States wishing to take advantage of it. For its part, Morocco will spare no effort to restore to non-alignment its purity. its strength and its influence. 124. In a few weeks the second review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will convene at Madrid. Morocco wishes member States all success in their efforts effectivelyto ensure security for their continent and to organize fruitful and sincere co-operation among themselves. But we cannot reasonably conceive of the consolidation ofpeace and security in Europe as long as the Mediterranean basin is beset by conflicts. This is why Morocco is greatly interested in being invited to this Confer- ence to express its viewson co-operation with Europe and its concern about the indivisible security of the whole of the region. 125. Because of its geographical position in the Mediterra- nean basin, the Kingdom of Morocco has special responsi- bilities with regard to the historic role of tli'e Strait of Gibraltar. For that reason my country has, since the dawn of history, been a dynamic bulwark in the interplay of civilizations between Africa and Europe, which has made it possible for it to fill a decisive role in the links established between the Islamic and Christian civilizations. It is also for that reason that Morocco is determined to continue to shoulder its responsibilities in drawing the two continents closer together and in bringing about understanding among the communities of the entire region. This determination can be seen today in what my country is doing to establish a permanent link between the two shores of the Strait of Gibraltar, a link on which preliminary technical studies are under way with a view to its taking effect shortly. This gigantic project shows our faith in the establishment and consolidation of ties of peace, mutually beneficial develop- ment and fruitful co-operation among the peoples of the Mediterranean Sea, and particularly at the Arab-African- European level, for the benefit of all the peoples of the region. 126. The world economic situation. has reached a level of deterioration whose consequences will spare neither devel- opednor developing countries. International economic leaders and institutions are studying with profound concern the upheavals of recent years. The developing countries are viewing with trepidation a number of phenomena which, born of ossified and ill-adapted structures, are beyond their control. The now chronic crises of indebtedness and unem- ployment, and the'social upheavals and political unease which follow them, accentuate the vulnerability ofthe econ- omy of the third world, are likely to mortgage its develop- ment, and also nullify the rare signs of progress achieved despite unforeseen circumstances. 128. Now that we are on the threshold ofthe Third United Nations Development Decade, analyses and studies of the second strategy show that we fell far short of its goals. Moreover, the situation has grown increasingly worse for the developing countries, which feel more severely the effects of the international economic crisis: inflation, increased commodity and equipment prices, worsening of their balance of payments, and so forth. 129. Therefore, co-operation has become imperative for all, co-operation in a spirit ofequity towards the developing countries which are entitled to demand measures which will make it possible for them to increase their share in world industrial production, the reform ofthe international mone- tary system, the setting up of foreign financial support for their development programmes, relief oftheir external debt, the adoption of new measures which will enable them to process their own raw materials, the abolition of the protec- tionist policies pursued by the developed countries and technology transfer adapted to the needs of developing countries and within their financial means. 130. Even more recently, the eleventh special session ofthe General Assembly, which was devoted to development, unfortunately ended its work in partial failure. The third world, which was entitled to expect a comforting degree of compromise, once again noted the hesitation expressed- hesitation all the more intolerable because it comes from what is called the "solidarity of the wealthy". Nevertheless, Morocco attaches great importance to having the thirty- fifth session continue the work that was started at the last special session and would like to appeal to all Member States to reach general agreement on the development strat- egy, in order that preparations can be made for joint action which will eventually be crowned with success. 131. Africa, which became acutely aware of the impor- tance of this question during the second extraordinary ses- sion of the Assembly of Heads ofState and Government of the OAU, held in the capital of Nigeria on 28 and 29 April 1980, will make its own contribution and welcomes the fact that the Plan of Action drawn up at Lagos is taken into account in the text of the International Development Strat- egy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, which will come into effect in January 1981. We hope also that in the course of this session the Assembly willbe able to remove the final obstacles which still face us in the North- South dialogue, so that no later than next year global negoti- ations may be undertaken. 132. The Kingdom of Morocco is very satisfied with the results of the ninth session of the Third United Nations 133.. To ensure international security, to work towards peace, to promote economic development, to help colonial peoples to become free: theseare all loftyobjectives to which the United Nations has been devoting itself faithfully and with perseverance. That lofty enterprise will be stopped if the international community does not devote itself with renewed vigour to promoting civil, political, economic, social and cultural human rights and ifitdoes not ensure the strict implementation of the respective covenants. 134. We are living in a world which essentially needs confidence and security and which wishesto spare mankind from the. evils of war and total destruction. Our world is crying out for economic self-sufficiency, but also for respect of human dignity. 135. Morocco is determined for its part to persevere in its efforts to create a social and political atmosphere, both internationally and regionally, propitious to the establish- ment of relations of constructive co-operation, which it hopes will represent a eo-mingling of the genius of all peo- ples who are carried by the same impetus for construction and development, away from rancour and conflict. 136. We remain convinced in Morocco that respect by all for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the strengthening of the Organization itself, so that it can become the ideal forum for fruitful dialogue among Member States, will help us in our common progress towards achieving the ideals to which mankind aspires.
Mr. Car/as (Honduras), Vice-President, took the Chair.
6 I extend to Mr. von Wechmar the warm felicitations of my delegation on his unanimous elec- tion to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session ofthe Gen- eral Assembly. His nomination to that high officeisa tribute to his personal qualities as an experienced and skilful diplo- mat. It is also fitting testimony to the dedication of hisgreat country to the ideals of the United Nations, and his opening address amply demonstrated his personal devotion to the fundamental principles and purposes of the Charter. I wish him every success in his challenging assignment andpledge my delegation's full support in his endeavours.
6 Mr. Rao spoke in Hindi. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation.
139. It isa pleasure for me to greet.once again ourdistin- guished Secretary-General. We admire the way in which he has been discharging the onerous and delicate responsibili- ties which the complexities of the international situation impose upon him. His travels and efforts. straddling the globe, covering points of crisis and explosive situations, have helped defuse tension in our troubled world.
140. I already had the opportunity at the eleventh special session to extend my congratulations to the freedom-loving people of Zimbabwe on the achievement oftheir hard-won independence and their membership in the United Nations. I should like once again to welcome Zimbabwe to our midst and to wish it all success in its exciting and difficult task of nation-building.
141. It also gives me great pleasure to extend our warm and sincere felicitations to Saint Vincent and the Grena- dines, which has now become the one hundred and fifty- fourth Memberofthe Organization. We rejoicewith them in their hour of triumph andjoy and trust that theiraspirations to a better and brighter future will be amply fulfilled in the years to come. India looks forward to establishing mutually beneficial relations with the new nation.
142. The Indian delegation participates in this General Assembly in the context ofa transformed domestic political perspective. India has had another general election since the General Assembly met last year. The people of India appraised the challenges that they had faced, reassessed the nature and quality of leadership required to meet them and massively reaffirmed their conviction in the leadership of Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi.
143. The new Government in India is engaged in the difficult and enormous task of national reconstruction and regeneration ofa pluralistic multilingual, multireligious and diverse society, and this by democratic means. Intractable though our problems may seem, our national efforts to resolve them since our independence have borne results to a great extent. This has imbued our people with a sense of confidence and inspired them to the objective that India shall emerge as a strong, self-reliant and modem nation.
144. It is also .an abiding conviction of my Government and my people that India's future stabilityand development depends on the success of the international community in creating a world order characterized by durable peace. There isa national consensus, therefore, on the content and objectives of India's foreign policy. Thc-: -s unanimity of opinion in India about the relevance (,~ ,hI;;: principles of non-alignment and the imperative need for friepdship towards all nations based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence.
149. It is a matter of considerable anguish to my delega- tion that the continent of Asia, whichhasgiventhe world all its major religions and served as the main cultural path- finder over several millenia, isat present the sceneofmost of the conflicts and much of the suffering caused by these conflicts-West Asia, South-West Asia and South-East Asia. The Indian subcontinent, I am happy to say, has been free from conflict for some yearsnow, and it is my earnest hope and the constant endeavour of my Government tosee genuinely peaceful and co-operative relations continue to develop in this area.
146. Living as we do in this small and increasingly inter- dependent world, no one can completelyescaperesponsibil- ity for the current atmosphere of gloom, fear, frustration and diffidence. But the primary responsibilitymust rest with those who literally possess the power of lifeand death over all of us and who do not hesitate to wield that power, without caring too much for the consequences of their action. A few powerful nations are claiming and blatently exercising what theyconsider their right to causedestabiliza- tion in any placeand at any timeand withany meansof their choosing. It is obvious that the weak and poor nations cannot look upon thisunenviablelotof theirswithequanim- ity. They have. therefore. to be eternally vigilant if they are to survive, if they are to preserve and promote the well- beingof their peoplesand iftheyare not to becomepawns in the game of great-Power manipulation. They have to speak up on behalf of their mute millions,assert that they have no intention of acquiescing in the dangerous activity of big- Power brinkmanship and that they do not wish to face annihilation either by the deliberate design of callous Pow- ers or by accidental errors of mindless machines.
ISO. In West Asia, the threat of a conflagration will con- tinue to persist so longas the Palestinian problem is treated as a refugee problem and as long as the commitment of the United Nations to establish an independent State for the Palestiniansin their homeland remains unfulfilled. Far from heeding the callof the United Nations to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories, Israel has unabashedly colonized Arab lands and illegally annexed the Holy CityofJerusalem in total disregard of itssacred heritage. I firmly believe, as I said a few weeksago during the seventh emergency special session,' that a comprehensive solution to the problem of West Asia entails the followingelements: the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable national and human rights, including the right to establish an independent State; the total and unconditional withdrawal by Israel from all Palestinianand Arab territories occupiedsince 1967, includ- ing the Holy City of Jerusalem; and the guarantee of the right of all States in the region, including Arab Palestine, to live within secure and recognized borders. A peacefulsolu- tion cannot be attained without the fulland equal participa- tion of the PLO, the sole and authentic representative of the Palestinian people, in any negotiations. Experience has shown that attempts at partial solutions without the partici- pation of the PLO have neither succeeded nor contributed to peace in the region.
147. It is in this context that the policy of non-alignment assumes greater validity. Non-alignment is the embodiment of the aspirations of the vastmajority of nations and peoples to protect their existence, their freedom, honour and dig- nity. The non-aligned move.nent isnot directed against one or theother bloc.Overthe decadesit hascome to representa positiveforce-a force of life and not of death-in interna- tional relations which is now recognized even by those who had at one time ridiculed it. At the same time, the non- aligned movement has had to pass through certain vicissi- tudes. The general atmosphere of doubt and recrimination seems to have contaminated the movement to some extent. Internal problems within the movement have tended to
148. There is an organic relationship between these four issues. Progress in anyone of them would help create the proper atmosphere for forward movement in the others. By the same token, setback in one leads to increasingdifficulty in the others. The present international situation vividly illustratestheir interrelationship. The collapseof detente has led to stalemate in disarmament negotiations and absurd increases in defence expenditures which, in turn, have pre- vented the developed nations from achieving what was expected of them in international economic co-operation and development or, at any rate, tended to provide them with an alibi for falling far short of expectations.
. See Offlcia! Records of the General Assembly, Sel'£'/I,II Emergency Special Se.l'siOfi. Plenary Me£"i"g.\", 2nd meeting.
152. Iran and Iraq are both developing countries, as in India. We cannot but express regret that the conflict will inevitably lead to retarding the process of economic and social development which is so vital to the needs of the peoples of the two countries. At the same time the conflict weakens the solidarity of the non-aligned and developing countries. We therefore urge Iran and Iraq to settle their differences peacefully, in accordance with the principles and provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
153. The developments in Afghanistan have been engag- ing the serious attention of the Government of India. India has historical and traditional ties with the people ofAfghan- istan. We are deeply concerned and vitally interested in the security, independence, stability and tranquillity of our friendly neighbour. Over the past months the Government of India has been in touch with the countries ofthe subconti- nent, as well as other countries, in order to prevent the aggravation of these dangers and heightening of tension.
154. We have consistently emphasized the inadmissibility of the. use of force in international relations or intervention or interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States. It is also our firm belief that only by upholding the indepen- dence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States can peace and stability be preserved in the area. Observance of those principles would not prejudice the legitimate security interests of any State and, in fact, would go a long way towards safeguarding them. What is required is a dialogue among the parties concerned, without pre-eonditions, so that the contours of a politicalsettlement, acceptable to all, can emerge. I am satisfied that such a dialogue is possible, since most of the difficulties are essentially notional and at best technical and non-substantive. If the countries of the region are left in peace to work out their own destiny, without the competitive attention of great Powers, that will permit them to embark on relationships based on mutuality and a developing trust in bilateral negotiations as the best means of settling outstanding problems.
155. India's relations with Kampuchea go back several centuries. Indeed, the temples of Angkor Wat bear testi- mony to the close interconnections between the cultures of our two countries. The gentle and peace-loving people of Kampuchea have suffered very greatly through no fault of their own. The world will not forget nor condone the calcu- lated and heinous crimes perpetrated in the recentpast bya cruel regime against the innocent and defenceless people of Kampuchea. his a great irony that, while emphatic referen- ces are being made time and again to human rights, the first and foremost right of the Kampuchean people, namely, the right to live, has been glossed over conveniently. Politically motivated callousness seems to have crossed all limits when it is realized that remnants of the very same despotic regime are representing, as it were, their own victims ofKampuchea in this Assembly.
157. We value highly our relations with countries of ASEAN and believe that the development of our relations with all our neighbours in South-East Asia willenable us to assist in the solution of the problems that confront them at the present time.
158. Every objective analyst of the situations in South- West and South-East Asia must be convinced by now that extreme positions have not helped ease tensions in either region; on the other hand, they have only hardened attitudes and prolonged the sufferings of the concerned peoples. India's approach is based on the conviction that the search for a solution in both cases lies in political means and not through military force.
159. There should be no illusion that India is seeking merely momentary peace. As we have repeatedly stated, we are against the presence offoreigntroops or foreign bases in any country. But if we desire to move towards finding a positive solution, what is required is an assiduous and con- tinued effort to devise suitable package solutions which take care of the concerns ofall and succeed in eliminating outside intervention and interference.. Willingness in this regard on the part of the concerned, howsoever partial, should be taken advantage of for furthering a solution and not being spurned out of hand. If only the efforts of influential coun- tries had been bent in this direction, these problems would, I am sure, have already been well on the.way to satisfactory solution. That has been India's approach, and I am glad to say that it has over the months begun to receive at least grudging approval by many. In this connection, I should like to, make special mention of the beginning of a dialogue between Viet Nam and Thailand, with the good offices of the Secretary-General. This is the right direction, and I hope it will proceed to ultimate success in that region as well as du'where.
160. The Indian Ocean has become over the past decade and a half the arena of increasing great-Power confronta- tion. The stresses and strains of their relationships have often been reflected in.the corresponding arithmetic of their military presence there. That the littoral and hinterland States have expressed their unified and determined opposi- tion to such military presence and called for its elimination in the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace in resolution 2832 (XXVI) is a fact of history which is often sought to be conveniently ignored.
161. The current uncertainties in the political and security climate in the Indian Ocean as well as its environs, as evidenced by the frantic efforts to develop the Diego Garcia base, further underline the urgency of addressing ourselves to this central preoccupation. Both 'in.the recently e.nlarged Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, wher; we have welcomed the participation of the great Powers and major
162. On I October 1980 the President of Pakistan in his statement before the, General Assembly [l8th meeting] referred to the State of Jammu and Kashmir, which is an integral part of India. That reference,attacking as itdoes the territorial integrity of India, Was unfortunate. Three times in 24 years Pakistan attempted to detach the State of Jammu and Kashmir from India by the use of force. It received a befitting response on each of the three occasions. In 1972, India and Pakistan signed the Simla Agreement," which provides for the settlement of all issues between the two countries through bilateral negotiations. But since 1977 Pakistan has repeatedly raised the issue of Jammu and Kashmir at the United Nations and other international forums. References are made to relevant United Nations resolutions on the subject,quite forgetting the fact that those resolutions have become irrelevant because of the action of Pakistan itself. In the face of such references, I am con- strained to wonder whether Pakistan's adherence to the Simla Agreement has undergone a change. There is a clear contradiction between the expressed desire of Pakistan to normalize relations with India in accordance with the Simla Agreement and its pronouncements in various forums which attempt to set the clock back. India's stand, on the other hand, has remained constant, and we continue to be prepared to settle all matters with Pakistan through bilateral channels.
163. There isan old Indian metaphor likening the world to a frog resting in the shadow of a cobra's hood. Such is the plight of peace in our age. The question of the relationship between ethics and power in international politics has long engaged the attention ofboth the philosopher and the prac- titioner of foreign policy in the nation State. Our principal concern in this nuclear age is,however, that the leadership of the most powerful nations of the world should consider not only the political appositeness of their foreign policy pres- criptions but their consequences for the very survival of the world. We run the risk today ofbeing carried on the wingsof a collective paranoia. The situation calls for restraint and responsible behaviour so as to bring the world away from the edge of a nuclear catastrophe.
164. Yet, judging by the current climate of international relations, the shadows of such a catastrophe have become darker. Not only have the expectations of the first Disarma- ment Decade, and especially those of the tenth special ses- sion of the General Assemblydevoted to disarmament, been belied, but there has been a staggering, almost quantum leap in world military expenditure, which today totals nearly $US500 billion. Familiar arguments of "deterrence" and doctrines of "balance of terror" are adduced to justify the continued escalation in the build-up of nuclear weaponry.
H Agreement on bilateral relations between the Government of India and the Government of Pakistan. signed at Simla on 2July 1972(United Nations. Treaty Series, vol. 858, No. 12308).
165. All too often we are reminded of the dangers of an accidental nuclear holocaust being triggered off by human or technological error or by computer malfunction. The very existence of such weapons makes the possibility of system failures resulting in outright catastrophe frighten- ingly real. Over the years India has consistently argued that the only effective guarantee against the use, threat ofuse or accidental use of nuclear weapons is the total elimination of such weapons. Their use has been declared a crime against humanity and contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. Pending, however, the total elimination ofnuclear weapons, all States possessing nuclear weapons should give a binding commitment not to use them under any circumstances.
166. India is firmly of the view that, like the Geneva Protocol of 1925,9 which completely forbids the use ofbio- logical and chemical weapons, a convention on the total prohibition of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons would be a most desirable objective which should be pursued energetically by the international community.
167. We understand that the United States and the USSR are scheduled to resume shortly their dialogue on some aspects of the question of curbing the arms race. This is a welcome development.
168. We have noted the proposals put forward by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union on urgent measures for reducing the danger ofwar. My delegation will give those proposals its most serious consideration.
169. It is pertinent to recall that it was India which first brought the problem ofthe proliferation ofnuclear weapons to the attention of the United Nations in 1964 by inscribing in the agenda an item entitled "Non-proliferationofnuclear weapons". Our approach was based on the premise that both horizontal and vertical proliferation wereintegral parts of a problem which had to be dealt with as a whole. This concept was endorsed by the General Assembly in resolu- tion 2028 (XX), which declared, inter alia, that· any treaty "should embody an acceptable balance of mutual responsi- bilities and obligations of the nuclear and non-nuclear Powers".
170. Unfortunately, this concept was deliberately altered in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation ofNuclear Weapons, concluded in 1968. If the Treaty has become an unworkable document,it is only because it has adopted the narrow and illogicalapproach ofaddressing itselfonly to the question of horizontal proliferation. The conclusion of cartel-type arrangements, the attempts to impose full-scope safeguards and discriminatory constraints on the peaceful nuclear activities of non-nuclear-weapon States are all aimed at perpetuating a kind of nuclear feudalism which is unrealis- tic, illogical and unacceptable.
171. India is opposed to nuclear weapons. On the other hand, the Government of India is firmly committed to the
172. As we prepare to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the adoption ofthe historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolu- tion 1514 (X~], the United Nations can legitimately be proud of its record ofachievements in the field ofdecoloni- zation. Except for a few pockets where colonialism and racism are desperately fighting the forces ofnationalism, the world today is free from colonial domination and exploita- tion. While the independence of Zimbabwe and Vanuatu was first and foremost the result of the freedom struggle of their peoples, the contribution made by the United Nations has been significant.
173. We were hopeful that the independence ofneighbour- ing Zimbabwe would set an example for a peaceful settle- ment of the question of Namibia. The United Nations plan for Namibia contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) had established a framework for the early indepen- dence of Namibia. Its acceptance by the parties concerned had marked a step in the right direction. But the racist South African regime has continued its dilatory tactics by raising extraneous issues and by questioning the very impartiality of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. We should certainly support every effort for a peaceful settlement ofthe question of Namibia which would be to the satisfaction of the people of Namibia. However, we regret to note that even the most recent communication, dated 22 September 1980, received by the Secretary-General from the South African Government!" does not indicate that South Africa has any intention to implement the United Nations plan. The only means left to the United Nations in the present situation is for the Security Council to impose mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VU of the United Nations Charter, so as to compel South Africa to abide by the wish of the international community. Meanwhile the Member States should continue to provide moral and mate- rial support to SWAPO, the sole and authentic representa- tive of the people of Namibia, in its struggle for national liberation.
174. Permit me to refer briefly to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea, which concluded its ninth session at Geneva recently. The Conference has been in session since 1973 and before that the Committee on the Peaceful Uses ofthe Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction had reviewed the law of the sea and done preparatory work for about six years. During that long period, understanding was reached on a number of significant issues, including a 12-mile territorial sea, a 200-mile exclusive economic zone, limits of the conti- nental shelf, a regime for marine environment and marine scientific research, and a regime and international machin-
175. We note with satisfaction that the Conference was able at its last session to make progress on some more critical questions and we hope it will successfully conclude its work of finalizing a comprehensive convention on the law of the sea in the near future.
176. The year 1980 marked the mid-point of the United Nations Decade for Women. Considerable progress has been made during the first halfofthe Decade in focusing the attention of Governments and peoples on the need for improving the status of women. Women in India have traditionally enjoyed pride of place in our society. Long before the International Women's Year and the Decade for Women, the Indian people had enacted into law equality of women in all respects. That was no accident, for it flows from the best traditions of our history and culture, and in particular of our struggle for independence, when men and women together accepted sacrifices and rejoiced in the dawn of freedom. I hope that the Programme of Action adopted at CopenhagenI I will provide the guidance and framework for action-oriented programmes to work towards the imple- mentation of the objectives of the Decade through the United Nations and other international forums.
177. The year 1981 will be the International Year of Dis- abled Persons. There is a vast segment of mankind, esti- mated to be around 400 million, which, being handicapped in one way or another, is unable to live with the dignity which is the right of all human beings. The bulk of those unfortunate beings is in the developing countries. We in India intend to reinforce our efforts in the rehabilitation of the disabled and, more important, in the prevention of disability. We have already taken several steps, including the establishment of a National Committee, in preparation for the International Year of Disabled Persons.
178. We have just emerged from the frustrating processes of the eleventh special session and the agonizing memory of its disappointing ending is still fresh in our minds. However constructively one may try to look at the outcome of the special session, one is unable to escape the conclusion that the failure was not so much because ofthe complexity ofthe task but because of the absence of political will and the incomprehensible stubbornness ofa few-to be precise,just three States Members of this Organization. In their inces- sant quest for an orderly and co-operative approach towards a new international economic order, the developing countries were persuaded to accept a compromise text on procedures for the global negotiations. That was the irredu- cible minimum for securing a process that would have pro- vided hope of finding solutions to the critical problems facing the world economy as a whole and the economies of the developing countriesin particular. Avast majority ofthe
affluent nations, whose fortunes are interlinked with the destiny of the developing world, also accepted the proce- dures worked out through extremely difficult negotiations
I I Report of the World Conference of the United Nations Decadefor Women: Equality, Development and Peace(United Nations publication, Sales No. SO.IV.3 and corrigcndurn), chap. I, sect. A.
179. It would be appropriate to ask why the concept of interdependence does not seem to have receivedacceptance in practice, particularly in all developed countries. There isa view that the fact of interdependence either is not quite apparent or is not urgent enough to be taken into account in formulating current economic policies and decisions of developed countries. The dialogue as well as the argument based on interdependence, therefore, takes on a rather aca- demic and unreal character and does not seem to carry conviction with the people of developed countries. That is the distinct impression one gets from their media, what- ever the pronouncements of their political leadership. It is time that this hiatus in understanding was seriously taken note of.
. 180. Ofcourse the position isnot the same inall developed countries or on all occasions in the same country. It would therefore not be correct to lump all developed countries together in that respect. There are distinct variations in the perceptions of the Governments and peoples of those coun- tries and it would be both relevant and prudent to analyse them closely. The extent of the genuine realization of inter- dependence on the part of the Governments and peoples of the developed countries is the real measure ofsuccesswhich the North-South dialogue will achieve.
181. Until three days back India was the Chairman of the Group of 77 in New York and, as such, articulated the aspirations of the developing countries. India will continue to endorse the stand taken by the Group of 77as before and contribute its mite for the successof the global negotiations. The Group of77 has taken a reasonable and balanced stand. We hope that in due course it willfind a favourable response from developed countries, mainly through a process of appraisal of their own long-term interests, which can be achieved.only through co-operation with developing coun- tries. That process obviously needsa persuasive and positive effort on the part ofall right-thinking and sober elements in both the developed and developing camps. The attitude of charity would be just as unreal and fallacious as the approach of obligatory expiation would be impracticable and counterproductive.
182. The nature of the phenomenon that we witnessed at the eleventh special session is disturbing and its consequen- ces ominous for the future ofeconomic co-operation among nations. My delegation is concerned to hear arguments of domestic pressure inherent in a democratic set-up prevent- ing adherence to or fulfllment of international covenants and agreements. Whether it is the law of the sea, where difficult negotiations over long years are promising to come to fruition soon, or multilateral trade negotiations on which agreement was reached last year at Tokyo, or other interna- tionally binding agreements, their sanctity is being breached
183. Thirty...three years ago, when we achieved our politi- cal independence, we deliberately chose the democratic path of government. Democracy to us became a way of life, permeating the intricate political process as well as the methodology of development. Like most other nations, we too faced the conflict between national sovereignty and international obligations implicit in our existence as a member of the world community. To the best of our ability and belief, we have never turned away from our interna- tional obligations, nor can we be accused of violating the sanctity of international agreements freely entered into by my country. Such a course often involved domestic sacrifi- ces, but our democratic structure gave us sustenance and strength in remaining true to our international or multilat- eral obligations. It would be particularly unfortunate if the leadership of a democratic country were to plead help- lessness in fulfilling valid international obligations on the ground of opposition in its legislature. This helple sness would, in fact, detract from the credibility ofthe democratic system itself in international relations. So those who are having recourse to this argument, for whatever reason or short-term exigency, are in reality undermining the validity of their own cherished system. My earnest appeal would be that this tendency be eschewed.
184. So far as India is concerned, we are determined to continue our efforts to bring about an early resumption of the North-South dialogue. For our part, we would expect the few developed countries which have still not fully accepted the logic of global negotiations to join in the process that would make the resumption ofthe North-South dialogue possible. It isalso my expectation that weshould be able to see this movement in the course ofthe current session of the General Assembly so that the preparatory work for the launching of the global negotiations could be completed before the end of this year.
185. The eleventh special session of the General Assembly did manage to reach a consensus on the text ofthe Interna- tional Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, embodying the goals and objectives of an integrated process of economic and social develop- ment during the 19805 and the policy measures required to achieve those goals and objectives. It remains to be seen to what extent the commitments undertaken in the Strategy when it is adopted during this session, will represent unam- biguous and unanimous agreements. This is true particu- larly in regard to official development assistance, industrial redeployment, international trade and monetary issues. Having said this, I would like to underline our satisfaction at the consensus that exists in regard to measures to meet the critical situation in the least developed countries.
186. At this session the General Assembly is expected to consider and take appropriate action in regard to the sugges- tions made by the Secretary-General'<lastJulyfor overcom-
187. I should also like to refer to the policy measures for the most seriously affected countries that have beenagreed to in the context of theInternational Development Strategy. The General Assembly resolution on the subject last year [resolution 34/210] called upon the Secretary-General to submit an analyticalreport at the special session in 1980and called upon all donor countries to considerinthe meantime extendingreliefand assistance to the mostseriously affected countries. While the special session was unable to consider the report of the Secretary-General in detail, the Interna- tional Development Strategy does referto agreedmeasures that will needto be urgentlyconsidered by theinternational community and this Assembly.
188. Many yearsago Jawaharlal Nehru, reflecting on the dilemmaof his timeoverthefutile attemptsat disarmament, wrote:
"The real difficulty . . . has been that there are two classesof countries-the satisfied Powersand theunsatis- fied Powers, the dominant Powers and those that are suppressed, the Powers that want the present state of affairs to continueand thosethat wanta change. Between the two there can be no stable equilibrium, just as there can be no real stability betweena dominant classand a suppressed class.... Nothing proves the unrealityand mockery of international politics today so much as the failureof all attemptsat disarmament.Everybody talksof peace, and yet prepares for war."
189. These words, written more than 40 years ago, havea ring of tragic prophecy.They are symptomatic not only of disarmament negotiations but of the entire gamut of inter- national relations today. Sometimes, looking at great stretches of history, it is difficult to believe that the idealof co-operation and working togetherfor the common good has made much progress. And yet, if we are to avert a catastrophe, we should resolutely continue on the path of dialogue and co-operation and turn away from sterile polemics and confrontation. All of us perhaps perceive the danger and recognize thechallenge, but the will to act hasso far been sadly lacking. Let us, therefore, so readjust our sights and conduct our affairs that future generations may not condemn our timesas yet another barren stretch in the history of man.
Mr. vonWechmar (Federal Republic ofGermany) tookthe Choir.
13 Mr. President,allow me first of all to extend to you our warmest congratulations on the occasion of your unanimous electionto the presidency of the thirty-fifth ses-
.. IT tAr: da Luz spoke in Portuguese. The French version of his state- ment was supplied by the delegation.
191. It wasalso a great honour for us,and a causeof deep satisfaction, to co-operate with the former President, Mr. Salim AhmedSalim. The competence and dynamism with which he conducted the work of the thirty-fourth session demonstrated yet again his undeniable qualities as a politi- cian and a dedicated and skilful diplomat, devoted to the great causes of mankind.
192. Wealso wish to express our admirationand gratitude to Mr. Kurt Waldheim for the dedication and competence with which he has always endeavoured to serve the United Nations and to transform it into an effective instrument in the search for solutions to the great problemsof our time.
193. We express our warmest greetings to the Republic of Zimbabwe, built with the courage of its people and the blood of many martyrs, which has demonstrated the transi- tory character of all regimes ofoppression, however brutal, whenconfronted withthe determination of an entire people to liberateitself. Zimbabwe'sleaders,who,during thestrug- gle for national liberation, understood and properly reflected the most profound aspirationsof itspeopleand led it to true and. authentic independence, have given proof of political maturity, generosity and tolerance, demonstrating also that while Africa makesdemands it also knows how to make concessions when its ideals of justice and equity are safeguarded.
194. We also welcome with great satisfaction the admis- sion to the United Nations ofSaint Vincent and the Grena- dines, which has just acceded to sovereignty. The strengthening of our Organization by countries which have recently becomeindependentiswithoutdoubt an important factor in the attainment of a better understanding and knowledge of the problems of our time,and representsan inestimable contribution to the enrichmentof international relations.
195. In expressing before thisAssembly thepositionofthe Republic of Cape Verde withrespectto the important items on the agenda of the current session, wecannot fail to note that a number of questions have been discussed year after year, thus proving the intransigence of divergent interest!". which, in flagrant violation of the objectives and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, obstinately resist the course of history, perpetuatearmed conflicts and situations of oppression and injustice and frustrate the process of economic and social development, which should be the fundamental objective of the efforts of mankind.
196. That situation is a reminder to all nations, and in particular to small countries like Cape Verde,of the global threat that weights over mankind and the longroad that lies ahead beforepeaceand securityfor allmenmaybe regarded as being based on general observance of the principles of equality, mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and co- operation among nations, which are the true corner-stones of our Organization. As the UnitedNationsembarkson this
198. Cape Verde, ever faithful to those principles, wishes to make its contribution to the noble work of the United Nations which, although rendered difficult by a number of limitations, has undeniably contributed to the progress of the idea of justice-as reflected in the strengthening of the general principles of equality and self-determination-and to the greater awareness of the sense ofsolidarity which is a requirement for all States Members of the international community.
199. Step by step, the United Nations is achieving full universality, which is a prerequisite for the full realization of its objectives, namely, to become a forum open to all the peoples of the world represented by independent and equal States, capable of co-operating in discussions of problems that are of concern to us all and in the search for solutions which contribute to the well-being of mankind. Thus, 20 years have elapsed since the adoption of the historic resolu- tion IS14(XV), which, by reflecting the ideals governing the creation of the United Nations and expressing the aspira- tions of a large part of mankind, has greatly contributed to the establishment of a new system of international relations directed towards universality of the Organization's field of action and a broader concept. of justice and democracy.
200. Soon the task of decolonization to which the United Nations has contributed so much will be completed. How- ever, the few colonial situations still remaining deserve the full attention of the United Nations, not only by reason of the intransigence of those Powers which support them, but also because they risk becoming conflicts which would threaten an entire region.
201. in Africa, where the recent national liberation move- ments clearly demonstrated the firm willofits peoples to live as masters of their destinies, we are .still confronted with the challenge of apartheid, which continues to subjugate and oppress the heroic South African people.
202. Important events last year marked the life of the South African people, who unambiguously demonstrated its total rejection of the regime under which it is kept and its unity in face of that violent system.
203. Faced with the developments in the internal situa- tion, the apartheid regime, while taking so-called liberaliza- tion measures, is at the same time intensifying repression against the militants and sympathizers ofthe nationallibera- _tion movement, steadily increasing its military potential, in
204. It is high time, we believe,for the States Members of this Organization to implement effective measures to assist the South African liberation movement to achieve its objec- tives with a view to bringing about the advent of majority rule in that country while compelling the minority regime to renounce, once and for all, a policy that, if perpetuated with immunity, could seriously endanger peace and stability in the region.
205. In Namibia, the situation remains tense and uncer- tain as a result ofSouth Africa's practice ofdelaying imple- mentation of the United Nations plan for the independence of that country.
206. The aims sought by the international community, which coincide with those of SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, must quickly become a reality so that the Namibian people may as soon as possible return to its proper course in history and join other sovereign nations in the international community.
207. In that decisive combat, the Angolan people-who since Angola's independence has paid a heavy toll for its unfailing support to the liberation struggle ofthe Namibian people-deserves the admiration and firm support of the international community for the sacrifices itis making on its behalf.
208. It is incumbent on the United Nations to take urgent measures to force South Africa to respect international legality and, in particular, the principle of non-aggression and non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States. To that end, the establishment of a demilitarized zone along Namibia's frontier with Angola and Zambia would be of the greatest importance.
209. On the question of Western Sahara, we cannot but deplore the continued worsening of the deadly conflict caused by the obduracy ofthe occupying Power, despite the efforts of Member States and the initiatives taken by the OAU with a view to finding a just and durable solution.
210. The Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State and Government on Western Sahara, appointed by the OAU in yet another attempt to solve the conflict peacefully, met in September at Freetown, confirmed the recommendations made at Monrovia and declared itself unanimously in favour of a cease-fire and of the organization of a referen- dum under the supervision of the OAU and the United Nations.
211. However, we are of the opinion that conditions fora cease-fire will be met only by the total withdrawal of the occupying forces from the territory of Western Sahara, which would certainly open up prospects for negotiations between the parties involved in the conflict--Morocco on one side and the Polisario" Front and the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic on the other. The United Nations
212. This session of the General Assembly should pay particular attention to the fratricidal struggle in Chad. If a positive solution is not found soon, as we hope it will be, very serious consequences might ensue, possiblyundermin- ing the future of that country for a long time to come. Despite the etTorts 01the OAU and certain African heads of State, there seems to be no end to the conflict.
213. Solutions involving the help of the United Nations have been proposed and deserve in-depth study in agree- ment with the Government of Chad.
214. The Middle East continues to bea permanent source of concern for the international community. Israel's intran- sigence has doomed all peace endeavours to failure and has plunged that region into a situation of instability fraught with serious consequences for world peaceand security. The recent Israeli law declaring Jerusalem the capital of Israel and the continued policy of occupation and resettlement of Palestinian lands constitute a new act of defiance and a provocation that the international community as a whole should most categorically reject.
215. The Middle East conflict calls for an over-allsolution involving all the parties directly concerned. That solution requires the definitive resolution of the Palestinian question and the restoration to that people of its legitimate national rights, including the right to create its own nationalState, as well as the total restitution of all Arab territories occupied since 1967.
216. The present instability in Lebanon-another aspect of the Middle East conflict-should induce all Member States to make every effort to neutralize those forces which seek to'plunge'the country into total chaos.
217. In East Timor, the right of the Maubere people to self-determination and independence, as recognized by the majority of Member States, continues to be denied by Indo- nesia, and every effort made thus far by the international community to overcome the countless difficulties sutTered by that people in its struggle for national liberation has proved inadequate.
218. The international community can no longer ignore the tragic situation in that Territory or the deter.mination of the Maubere people, guided by FRETILIN,t6 its sole and legitimate representative, to exercise its legitimate national aspirations. It was with satisfaction that wetook cognizance ofa recent communique in which the Portuguese Council of Ministers reaffirms its responsibility for the process of de- colonization of Timor. We must encourage the Council to carry through its programme of approaching all the parties concerned in order to guarantee, as soon as possible, the exercise by the people of f-ast Timor of their right to self- determination and independence.
220. The tension created in Asia by the state of war between Iran and Iraq is equally disquieting. Aware of the danger this represents for the whole of the international community, 'we call upon the two parties to cease hostilities forthwith and to adopt peaceful methods of settling their dispute in accordance with the principles of international law laid down in the Charter of the United Nations with a view to safeguarding international peace and security.
221. With respect to the situation in Afghanistan, an important factor in the crisis now prevailing iaAsia and the gravity of which cannot be ignored, we believe that the people of that country should have the right to determine its own destiny and to choose freely its political and social system, thus safeguarding its position in the world as an independent and non-aligned country. .
222. With regard to South-East Asia, we continue to be convinced that the conditions for a return to peace and for a climate essential to the pursuit of the development and progress of the peoples in the region require the openingofa dialogue and political negotiation between the various parties involved, on the basis of their legitimate interests.
223. Similarly, our Organization should spare no etTort to lead the parties concerned to respect the fundamental aspi- rations of the coastal States of the Indian Ocean to make it a zone of peace and fraternal co-operation and not a source of tension and destabilization.
224. Despite the encouraging decisions and realistic recommendations of the tenth special sessionofthe General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, and despite the crea- tion of bodies and commissions charged with facilitating the implementation of and ensuring respect for the principles adopted at that time, we are witnessing yet again a danger- ous recrudescence of the arms race. It is urgent in this context that the bodies established by our Organization formulate recommendations which are essential for the resumption of negotiations, and do everything in their power to reverse the arms race while contributing to the adoption of practical measures with a view to limiting and eliminating weapons of mass destruction. In this connec- tion, we believe that everything possible should be done to bring about the activeand determined resumption ofnegoti- ations on the SALT 11 agreement, which represents an important step towards the objective ofpeace, which we all pursue.
225. The existing objective links between disarmament and development should thus lead our Organization to develop specific proposals in order to enable the interna- tional community to devote an important part ofthe resour- ces released from the arms race to meet the fundamental social and economic needs of the developing countries, and in particular the poorest among them.
227. The establishment of the new international economic order demands more than resolutions, international confer- ences or declarations of goodwill. A new international eco- nomic order is built through well-programmed and concrete actions but.above all, through committed political will. The choice is between a complex and difficult struggle where undoubtedly there will be no victors but only losers, or the elaboration of a sound project to build a new international economic order which may contribute to the economic and social development of all countries, allowing all peoples decent living conditions, free from hunger, the spectre of disease, premature death, illiteracy and cultural back- wardness.
228. The Group of77 has often made constructive propos- als for the definition of a new strategy for development based on global negotiations. Unfortunately, those propos- als have thus far found no echo in some ofthe industrialized countries, which have not yet demonstrated the necessary political will to permit the negotiations to break out of their existing deadlock.
229. This is unfortunate, as we have said, because without that political will the results will be negligible at best, although all the objective conditions have been created by the demands of the international economy itself. Proof of this is the failure of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly. That situation is to be deplored, because a dialogue would be useless without collective concessions and without concrete steps by the developed countries, steps which would revive in us the confidence which has been shaken by so many failures. Without a profitable dialogue the future will be very bleak for the poorer countries but it will also be uncertain for the rich.
230. Manifestations of interdependence, which have become increasingly marked during the past quarter cen- tury, give food for thought regarding the possibility of moving forward together. At present it is unrealistic for any country to believe that it can avoid maintaining economic relations with other States, if for no reason other than the fact that it needs to guarantee its supplies of energy, raw materials and a share of the market for its own products. The well-being of all peoples has already begun to depend on the well-being ofeach one of them. But it is premature to speak ofabsolute interdependence. Relations ofdependency still clearly prevail for the developing countries; this is a factor which must be taken into account.
232. At the regional level, an inventory has been made of these problems, and the measures to be taken have been defined. This is a contribution.to the definition of a new international economic order. The Conferences of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Maputo, Lusaka and Lagos-to mention only initiatives at the African level-have already defined the short-term, medium-term and long-term measures necessary, for the economic and social development ofAfrica. However, expe- rience shows us that the co-operation of the developed countries is needed for our just aspirations to materialize.
233. Financial, monetary, scientific and technical re- sources built up in the industrialized and rich countries are indispensable factors for the economic progress of all, and should be placed at the service of all mankind. Contempo- rary civilization demands this; the creation ofa new interna- tional economic order demands it. The survival ofmankind demands it.
234. When it has created a new order in the regulation of the oceans and their resources, the third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will have produced a legal document of the greatest importance in the defining of the new international economic order. We are convinced that it is extremely important that the convention, whose text has been under negotiation these last six years, should reflect the interests of all countries, especially the under-developed countries.
235. We know that for the new international economic order to take root, changes in international structures will also call for changes in the internal structures of countries. Ours is a small country which became independent barely six years ago; it is one ofthe most severely affected countries in the world, with its insularity combining with the problems inherent in its location in the Sahel region. The problems deriving from this situation are sufficiently well known to the international community.
236. Our lack of natural resources and the limitations on our agriculture-both in the area of arable land and in the
17 Reportofthe UnitedNations Conference on Technical Co-operation amongDeveloping Countries. Buenos Aires. 30August-12September1978 (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.78.II.A.11 and corrigendum), chap. I,.
IN See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fifth Session. vol. I, Reportand Annexes(United Nations publication. Sales No. E.79.11.0.14), annex VI.
237. In this connection, Mr. Aristides Pereira, President of the Republic of Cape Verde, has affirmed that:
"The fact that we have rid ourselves ofcolonial admin- istration and have regained the fundamental right of independence after long years ofglorious struggle, does not prevent us from recognizing that sovereignty has other dimensions, and that the battle for national recon- su ~.etion is also a battle for true sovereignty."
245. Prince AL-FAISAL (Saudi Arabia) (interpretation from Arabic): I should like first, Sir, to add my voice to the voices of those heads of delegations who preceded me in addressing this session, and to congratulate you on your assumption of the high position to which you have been elected as President of the General Assembly at its thirty- fifth session. This is an election which reflects the great esteem enjoyed by you and by your country. We hope, under you wise guidance, to achieve substantial progress towards the realization of the goals and objectives of the United Nations and towards dealing with the issues before us, as was the case during the presidency of your highly esteemed predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim.
238. In this context, our Government ispursuingan inten- sivedevelopment programme. Our rate ofinvestment in the various sectors of our economy has nearly trebled since 1974, that is to say one year before independence, and has reached the figure of 60 per cent of our gross domestic product.
239. Thus, the Government of Cape Verde has concen- tratedits investments on the creation ofa hydroagricultural infrastructure, the search for and exploitation of under- ground water sources, the extension of irrigated·lands, reaf- forestation,the construction of infrastructures for land, sea and air transportation, the building of schools and hospi- tals: in short, it has concentrated them on the creation ofthe bases for development and on the fight against prolonged drought and desertification, which constitute an alarming threat for our country.
240. We are happy here to express our gratitude for the important co-operation which the international community and the United Nations bodies have always extended to Cape Verde.
241. We continue to be open to co-operation with all countries which, like us, respect international legality, the sovereignty and the right of peoples to develop in accord- ance with the social order which best serves their true inter- ests. We uphold co-operation when it is the result of collective responsibility in the struggle against economic, cultural and social under-development.
242. It is with these principles in mind that we call upon the international community and the United Nations organs to continue to grant to our country the technical and mate- rial support needed for our economic and social develop- ment, and we guarantee that the Government and people of Cape Verde will respond with the effort and dedication which are well known to the international community, so as to make Cape Verde a country of justice, peace and progress,
243. We cannot conclude' without reiterating our confi- dence in the inestimable efforts made by our Organization to bring into being a world in keeping with the cardinal aims
244. Faced with a future which seems disquieting, the role of the United Nations remains irreplaceable because of the universal dialogue it encourages, the democratic coexistence among nations which it provides, and the progress it fosters towards a new international order oriented towards collec- tive well-being, subject to the profound changes in interna- tional morality and law, the result ofthe effort ofall nations, and accepted by them all.
246. In this connection, I must not tail to extend my thanks and appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Wald- heim, for his tirelessefforts to achieve the goals of the United Nations, goals on which the hopes and aspirations ofpeace- loving nations are centred.
247. It is my pleasure to join in welcoming the State of Zimbabwe as a new Member ofthe United Nations. I should like to take this opportunity to extend mycountry's congrat- ulations to the people of Zimbabwe, whose determination and national struggle have been crowned with the attainment of freedom and independence.
248. We also welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership of our Organization and look forward to its positive contribution to the activities of the United Nations.
249. It is also my pleasure, while the world of Islam ison the threshold of its fifteenth century, to take note of the comprehensive and well-rounded speech delivered by Mr. Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq [18th meeting], President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. That statement constituted in itself a comprehensive framework and a true and genuine expression of the attitude of the Islamic States, and in particular of the Islamic Conference, towards the various regional and international issues and problems.
250. In this world, where the interests of the various nations interlock and overlap, where various trends and ideologies compete for predominance and where a conflict rages between the desire to acquire influence and control and the hope to achieve a permanent peace which would allow all peoples of the earth to live in freedom, friendship and equality of rights and obligations-in this kind of world, the United Nations stands as the beacon guiding the
252. If there is a hope of avoiding the woes and horrors of war and if there isa way for peoples to realize their aspira- tions in terms of welfare and prosperity, that hope or way lies in the capacityof this Organization to work to maintain, consolidate and serve those goals. This requires a sincere effort to prevent the use of the tools of mass genocide and destruction, which have become so powerful and so effective as to be capable ofannihilating the population of the world within a very short period and of endangering world peace an every way.
253. We know, of course, that this overwhelming threat and the horrible "balance of terror" among those Powers that possess such awful weapons-especially the United States and the Soviet Union-are among the main reasons preventing the recurring crises in the world from turning into full-scale destructive wars.
254. It is natural to hold the super-Powers responsible, first and foremost. They have the capability to launch the forces of destruction. Since they bear such important responsibilities in this field, they are required to commit themselves, devotedly, genuinely and efficiently, to main- taining peace and realizing justice and equity, since those ideals represent the basic objectives with a view to which this Organization was created.
255. It is taken for granted that international detente is an arrangement among those Powers, an arrangement impos- ing obligations and responsibilities on them rather than giving them rights and privileges. An arrangement among them does not mean that they have the right to impose their willand desires on nations or, on the pretext ofthat arrange- ment, to divide the world into zones of influence and domi- nance. Detente does not mean giving preference to certain areas of the world. We welcome initiatives and conferences aimed at maintaining the security of certain areas in the world, provided that such initiatives and meetings do not expose other areas to conflict and aggression. On the con- trary, those Powers are bound by their obligations and responsibilities to uphold the interests of the small nations and support their independence. They are also obliged to create the bases for a balanced and just international co- op..eration. World peace will not be established and consoli- dated unless it is based on the principles of right, equity and justice. In their totality, those principles form an indivisible and integrated framework for peace.
257. The responsibility for establishing a just and equita- ble peace throughout the world should be shouldered by all of us, as Members of the United Nations, even when wealso recognize the special responsibility assumed by the great Powers, which should be complementary to the responsibil- ity of the United Nations and in no way contrary to it.
258. As developing and third world countries, our role and duty in that respect should be based on our ability to avoid the evil of international polarization and, with growing determination, to give our homelands the chance of avoid- ing the climate and tension of international conflict, so that they may be far removed from any kind of "umbrella" of domination. At the same time, we should realize that it is necessary to correct the course of the non-aligned move- ment so as to restore its originality, efficiency and vitality and enable it to produce results compatible with the genuine aims and principles of non-alignment. To do this, it is imperative that we exert every possible effort to keep our homelands out ofthe conflicts ofthe super-Powers and in no way allow them to become the theatre for such conflicts. We should never become obedient tools in the hands ofthe great Powers-Eastern or Western-and we should not allow them to use our homelands as fuel in the furnace of their conflicts.
259. By seeking relentlessly to consolidate those princi- ples, we shall be securing many advantages; most impor- tantly, we shall be achieving international security and stability, and thus we shall be able to rescue mankind from' the threat ofdestruction as a result of international conflict. In that way, we can also uphold the ethics ofdealings among nations-ethics ordained by our Islamic principles and tra- ditions. At the same time, we should be keen to guarantee that our relations with the great Powers are based on mutual respect and in no way prejudice the legitimate interests of those Powers. 261. The aim ofestablishing a new international order isto prevent the pooling of the wealth of the world in certain States and instead to channel and direct this wealth, in real terms, to the developing countries. This aim, even if it requires short-term sacrifices, represents, in the long run, the opportunity for the advanced industrial States to maintain continued economic growth. The transfer of wealth to the developing countries enhances the potential ofdevelopment and lessens the degree of rivalry in the commercial and industrial fields among the industrial States arising from keen competition and the curtailing of opportunities for marketing their products. Consequently, this will bring about a relaxation of world tensions in general. 262. We wonder how we, as a developing nation, can accept the blame .or the current economic situation when, in the first instance, we are one of its principal victims. The advanced and industrial States, first and foremost, should be held responsible for this situation. Consequently, it is their responsibility to assist the developing countries in their efforts to industrialize while co-ordinating their new indus- tries with their natural resources and the needs of local and international markets. They should also transfer technology to these developing countries. The Eastern industrial States should contribute to this effort as well. Their international responsibility in this respect is not less than that of the Western industrial States. Certainly, the developing coun- tries should bear a considerable share of the responsibility. They should redouble their efforts to absorb the aid they receive. They should also work hard to create an organized and carefully considered co-ordination between their re- sources and potential and avoid committing harmful blun- ders in exploiting their resources and managing their industries. 263. The Kingdom ofSaudi Arabia has spared no effort or opportunity to demonstrate its solidarity with the other developing countries seeking to establish this new economic order. It has expressed its readiness to contribute to any international effort aimed at the resumption ofthe dialogue in the relevant fields under a formula taking account of the aspirations of the developing States in particular and the Members of this international Organization in general. On the basis of this stand, the.Kingdom of Saudi Arabia sup- ports the trend towards holding international economic negotiations to discuss those world economic issues that 265. The establishment of the new economic order requires an approach covering all aspects of economic and social development and based on the concept of co- operation and sacrifice. It behoves the advanced industrial States to realize that their technological progress and indus- trial superiority will not bring them prosperity and security unless they share that technological progress with the devel- oping nations. The countries of the world are no longer isolated; in fact, they have taken long strides on the path of increasing and consolidating their interdependence. It is useless to place all the blame for certain deteriorating eco- nomic situations in the world on a certain State or group of States. In varying degrees, all States should be held responsi- ble. That being so, the advanced industrial States-Eastern or Western-are bound to bear their full share of responsi- bility towards the international economy in general and the economies of the developing countries in particular. 266. At a time when we are stressing the need to achieve political and economic equity and social justice for all the peoples of the world, we in the Kingdom ofSaudi Arabia are deeply grieved at the recent unfortunate developments in our region affecting Iraq and Iran. We pray God the Almighty to crown with success the efforts of both the Islamic Conference and the United Nations to remove the reasons behind thisconflict, put an end to the bloodshed and restore peace to these two countries. We also appreciate the roles played by President Zia-ul-Haq ofPakistan and the Secretary-General of the Islamic Conference, Mr. Habib Chatti. W", are gratified by the good and hospitable recep- tion extended to them by the two countries. We consider their initiative as the first step on what we hope will be the road to the settlement of the conflict between the two States. 267. We welcome the Iraqi Government's positive response to the cease-fire resolution and its unilateral announcement that it will comply with it. Wc consider that .nove as representing a positive step and initiative helping to clarify and improve the climate. We hope that the Govern- ment of Iran will also respond positively to that resolution. However, what is important is to see the good offices con- tinued in order to put an end to the conflict without any foreign intervention, whether from the super-Powers or any other quarter. 269. What renders that intervention more objectionable and reprehensible is the fact that it came from a super- Power-in such magnitude and violence as to attain the dimensions ofan attempt physically to obliterate the people of Afghanistan, with acts. of aggression committed against the sanctity of mosques and peaceful villages, and their strafing with napalm bombs. It has gone even so far as using chemical means of warfare and attacking the most funda- mental principles of human rights. 270. Unfortunately, the world community has failed so far to adopt decisive measures to put an end to the Soviet military occupation of Afghanistan and to the inhuman actions committed by the Soviet army of occupation there. However, the States members of the Islamic Conference, with one voice, have shown the world the serious dimen- sions ofthat intervention, condemned the Soviet Union and stressed their demand for an unconditional and complete withdrawal of the Soviet military presence from Afghani- stan and non-recognition of and non-co-operation with the regime established there. 271. Ne call on the other States of the world to help and support the Islamic Conference in its stand against the action taken by the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. We call upon them to denounce such action, to support the struggle ofthe people ofAfghanistan and to work for the elimination of injustice, oppression and occupation so as to enable the Afghan people to free itself, to secure its right to freedom and independence and to enjoy sovereignty over its terri- tory. None of those objectives will be achieved unless and until the Soviet Union withdraws completely and uncondi- tionally from Afghanistan. 272. Thirty-two years ago-more specifically on 29 November 1947-forces from the East and West combined and collaborated to partition Palestine, in total disregard of 273. The General Assembly has adopted dozens ofresolu- tions on the question of Palestine and the Middle East. The Security Council has also adopted several resolutions on the same matter. But as long as those resolutions fail to provide for sanctions, Israel will continue to ignore them and pub- licly announce its determination to challenge them. 274. It is worth mentioning that this year the Security Council adopted three resolutions on the Holy City of Jerusalem-resolutions 465 (1980), 476 (1980) and 478 (1980). In the second and third resolutions, the Security Council firmly and decisively declared that Israel's procla- mation of the City ofJerusalem as its capital is basically null and void. The Security Council called upon all States not to recognize that Israeli measure and called on those States which had established diplomatic missions in Jerusalem to withdraw them. 275. Accordingly, and on the basis of those two resolu- tions, my Government objects to the participation of the Israeli delegation in the deliberations of this and future sessions of the General Assembly. Israel does not enjoy a privileged status that allows it to ignore and challenge United Nations resolutions. 276. In the name of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, I should like to extend our thanks and profound gratitude and appreciation to all the States which have complied with the resolutions of the Security Council and withdrawn their missions from Jerusalem. The stand they took was based on principle. 277. The Zionist aggression represents the greatest chal- lenge and the most dangerous threat to the goals for which the United Nations was established. The continuation of that challenge and threat subverts the effectiveness of the Organization and shows disrespect for the aims and princi- ples of its Charter. The tool of that aggression, that is Israel, has not been satisfied with its aggression against the Pales- tinianpeople, coupled with colonial and settlement practi- ces, persistently carried out in those territories occupied by force with a view to emptying the land ofits rightful popula- tion. Israel has gone further in its aggression: it has annexed other Arab areas, sown the seeds ofsubversion and destruc- 278. Israel, having secured for itself continued human, military, economic and political support from the great Powers, led by the United States, and feeling assured of success for its schemes to sow dissension and division in the ranks of the Arab world, went further and challenged and showed disrespect for Arab and Islamic feelings and world public opinion. It decided to annex Jerusalem, proclaim it its capital and ignore, with unprecedented arrogance, the relevant resolutions of the international community whether adopted by the United Nations, the Islamic Confer- ence, the League of Arab States, the non-aligned Movement or other international organizations. 279. Those practices, coupled with other crimes against religions, international values, traditions and rules, are not new. But what is strange is to see Israel continuing its aggression and at the same time claiming that it is seeking peace. However, its conduct and intransigence belie its assertions of peace and show clearly the falsehood of its pretensions. Israel remains a racist and expansionist State. 280. While Israel continues its aggressive practices, the Arab countries have tended towards settlement by peaceful means. That tendency does not stem from weakness or defeatism; it stems from the Arabs' keen interest in seeing the world avoid the horrors and woes of war and in main- taining international peace and security. The Arab States are seeking a just and permanent peace through the adop- tion of the principle of international legitimacy. They have spared no effort and have done everything possible to give momentum to the advancement of peace in the region. The courageous and heroic residents of the West Bank haw stood up and struggled against the criminal actions of Israel in all occupied territories and they are still resisting and making sacrifices, regardless of their daily sufferings from the cruellest forms of oppression, torture, liquidation and deprivation. But Israel, by the aims of its racist and expan- sionist policies against the Palestinian people and interna- tionallegitimacy; by its repeated barbaric acts of aggression against southern Lef 'nn, in violation of international rules of law and ethics. .. (he ideals and values ofmankind; and recently by its annexation of Jerusalem which it has declared its eternal capital, Israel, I repeat, is dissipating every Arab hope and all prospects for achieving a just and comprehensive peace, thereby obstructing stability in the Middle East and pushing the region towards a crossroads. 281. Confronted with these challenges, the Arab countries have exercised self-restraint and sought peace. Their posi- tion stems from their Islamic principles. which call for peace, from their keen desire to avoid the.horrors of war in the region and in the world and from their preoccupation with the development of their social and economic re- sources, while achieving internal security, peace and stabil- ity. But Israeli challenges and practices are forcing the Arab nation to react in self-defence and protect its inalienable and legitimate rights, which cannot be trifled with. We believe that nobody can fairly attribute blame to our nation, after all the good intentions it has shown and the desire it has demonstrated for peace based on righteousness and justice. Our nation has exhausted all possible ways and means of 282. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, faced with dangerous Israeli practices which aggravate the conditions in the region and the Israeli challenges to the feelings ofthe peoples ofthe region has no recourse but to call for a jihad in order to establish the supremacy of right and justice and to eliminate falsehoods. In calling for this we aim at restoring usurped rights. and defending the profaned Holy Places. The jihad we call for begins with self and involves dedication and pooling all our potentialities and spiritual, cultural, physical and military capabilities in one melting-pot. This call is as important to hundreds of millions of Christians as it is to hundreds of millions of Moslems. It requires the develop- ment of Islamic-Christian co-operation to rescue Jerusalem. This is the only way to free Jerusalem from the grip ofracist zionism. 283. Genuine peace in the Middle East region will not be established without full recognition of the right ofthe Pales- tinian people to self-determination and to the establishment of its own independent State and until the Israelis withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, including, first and foremost, Jerusalem. 284. There can be no real peace in the Middle East as long as Israel continues to establish Jewish settlements in usurped Palestinian and Arab territories. 285. True peace will not prevail in the Middle East while Israel continues to violate the most basic human rights ofthe. Palestinians in the occupied territories and to subject them to various kinds of torture and terrorism. 286. Genuine peace will not prevail in the Middle East until Israel desists from its repeated barbaric acts ofaggres- sion against the Lebanese people and its land, ignoring the presence of the United Nations forces. Peace will not be attained unless the United Nations resolutions are imple- mented and those States that support Israel take clear-cut positions regardi.ig aggressive Israeli practices and practical steps to guarantee therestorationoftheir.legitimate rights to those deprived from them. 287. Last, but not least, genuine peace will not prevail in the Middle East as long as Israel continues its expansionist schemes and racist policies. 288. What the United Nations and the peoples of the world aspire to, in terms ofa just and comprehensive peace in all parts of the world, can be realized if intentions are genuine and sincere and if all peoples and Governments of the world mobilize all their resources and capabilities, sacri- fice all that is precious to them and co-operate construc- tively and positively among themselves for the benefit of all and to give momentum to the march of mankind towards a better and brighter future.
Mr. Carias (Honduras). Vice-President. took the Chair.
Allow me to extend to Ambassador von Wechmar my warm felicitations and those
290. I should like to take this opportunity to express my deep appreciation to his predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, for his important contribution to the work ofthis Assembly during the past year. We shall certainly remember for a long time his personal qualities of dedication and impartiality. I sin- cerely wish him continued success.
. 291. I also recognize with gratitude and profound appreci- ation the dedicated efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and my delegation wishes to compliment him on his devotion and on the exemplary manner in which he discharges the responsibilities of his high office as pro- gressively greater, more urgent, more complex and more delicate international issues confront this Assembly, in which 154 independent nations are represented.
292. We are happy to welcome Zimbabwe and Saint Vin- cent and the Grenadines to the United Nations as new Members. We are particularly delighted to observe in this the growth of this world Organization towards the attain- ment of its ultimate objective of universality of membership and equality among nations, bi~ or small, powerful or weak, thus fulfilling the fundamental principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
293. We are meeting at a time of increasing tension and anxiety. The problems and challenges which face us today are so pressing that we need more than ever before shared responsibility and a high levelof political will.The imbalan- ces in the state ofaffairs which weare experiencing today are leading the world to an intolerable situation, and unless we all sincerely join hands today to eliminate the causes, with- out the prejudices of nationalism and protectionism, future generations ofmankind willhave no choice but to suffer the consequences of our failure.
294. We do not lack the wisdom to give effect to the principles of peace, justice and equality. All these and other noble principles that have evolved in the human mind from man's sufferings and experiences are clearly inscribed in tile Charter of this great Organization. It is our solemn duty to uphold these principlesand to fulfilourcommitments to our peoples.
295. Peoples and nations today insist on the right to be heard and to take an active part in shaping world develop- ments, politically and economically. Therefore we must not allow the politics of strength to dominate our work, or the policies of suppression to return within our ranks. The achievements offreedom, peace and equality which wehave been able to foster together must be protected and further enhanced.
296. It is the dream ofeveryone ofus to liveina world free from wars and conflicts and free from poverty, hunger and disease. However, the events of today seem to take us far back to an era of anxiety and uncertainty. The armed con- flicts between countries, as well as the subversive trend of
297. On the other hand, the armament race is bound to continue unless the world community is able to enforce effective measure's for disarmament. At the same time, he who is oppressed has no choice but to fight back for his cause as long as the aggressor is being supported and com- forted by the strong and the powerful.
298. The questions of world peace, disarmament, the pre- vention of aggression by one State against another, the elimination of intervention in the internal affairs of one State by another and the settlement of international con- flicts by peaceful means, cannot be solvedwithout the politi- cal willofthe super-Powers. The sooner they realizethat and act effectively towards that end on the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the safer it willbe for mankind.
299. No longer shall we tolerate any form of colonialism or imperialism. Nor shall wecondone any discrimination on the basis of colour, race or creed. We do not look with any degree of favour on the settlement of any problem on the basis ofthe survival ofthe strongest. It ison those principles that we hope solutions will be found by this great Organization.
300. The question of the Middle East still remains unsolved, with Israeli aggression continuing against the Arab territories and peoples. The denial ofthe rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination on their own land will impede the realization of a just and lasting solution of the issue. Israel's recent unilateral decision illegallyto annex the City of Jerusalem to its territory has added serious dimensions to the problem.
301. My delegation wishes to emphasize once again its support for the Palestinian people in its struggle for self- determination and freedom. No one can now deny that the Palestinian question is at the core of the Middle East crisis and that without the equal participation of the Palestinian people, represented by their legitimate representative, the PLO, there can be no just and lasting solution of the crisis. We shall also continue to support the efforts ofthis Organi- zation to end the Israeli aggression on the Arab territories, including Jerusalem.
302. My delegation views with anxiety the situation in the region ofSouth-East Asia and the Indian Ocean. Continua- tion ofthe rivalry between super-Powers in the region bears the threat of -scalation into conflicts of wider dimensions. We should h ) to emphasize that an urgent and sincere search for grounds for a political compromise is needed. In that context, we hope that the major military Powers will co-operate with the countries ofthe region ineasing tensions as well as in the solution of the existing problem 7 .Among those tense issues we should liketo make special reference to those of Kampuchea and Afghanistan. It isourviewthat the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs ofcoun-
303. The key to the solution of the problems in the region, we believe, is the removal of the elements of intervention. including the wit'hdrawal of foreign troops and the aban- donment of schemes to install and strengthen foreign mil- itary bases.Though we realize the complexity of the current situation. we sincerely hope that the countries of the region and the other major Powers will continue their dialogue with a view to making the region peaceful and free from nuclear weapons and conflicts by proxy.
304. Weare disappointed to find the problem ofapartheid and racial discrimination still among the most pressing issues of the world.That isa problemwhichhas taken ustoo long to solve,again becausethere has not beenthecollective will amongst us to eliminate it. However, with the indepen- dence ofZimbabwe and the glimmer of freedomspreading down towards the south, along with the determination of the heroic people of Africa, we hope that that age-old problem will soon be eliminated. We, for our part, will continue to support the people of South West Africaunder the leadership of SWAPO, in their struggle for self- determination, freedom and independence for Namibia.
305. I come now to the international economic situation, which, during the past few years, has been moving in a direction such as to make all of us seriously think about the future, our childrenand the generations to come.Thegrow- ing gap between the developingand developedcountries is clear evidence of an impending catastrophe of mass suffer- ing.The awarenessof the dangers by the international com- munity has prompted us to start our search for a new international. economic order based on justice, equality, interdependence and mutual respect. It hasbecomeobvious that the existing system of privileges is the source of many disruptions in the world economy and that the new realities of human existence, if not human prosperity, demand that we attempt'a major change.
306. We therefore attach special importance to the recently concluded sessionof theGeneral Assembly devoted to the problem of economic development. Although the
307. Despite the many disappointingdevelopmentsacross the world political and economic spectrum, my country remainsconsistent in itssupport for the workofthisOrgani- zation and as firmly as ever committed to the principles enshrined in its Charter. Weshallextendour fullest support and co-operation to any efforts which will strengthen the role of the United Nations in maintaining peace in the world, restoring the rights of peoples and upholding the valuesof human rights, justice and equality.
308. The PRESIDENT iinterpretattonfromSpanish): The representativeof Pakistan wishes to speak inexercise ofthe right of reply. May I remind members that, in accordance withGeneral Assemblydecision 34/40I, statements inexer- cise of the right of replyshould be limited to 10 minutesand should be made by representatives from their seats.
309. I call on the representative of Pakistan.
The Minister of External Affairsof India felt obliged to referto the address whichthe President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan delivered on I October in his capacity as Chairman of the Islamic Conference.
311. The reference made by the Minister of External Affairs of India to Jammu and Kashmir did not reflect the correct position in respect of this recognized international dispute of long standing, and was also contrary to the commitments of the two countries under the relevant deci- sions of the United Nations, as well as bilateralagreements between them.
312. As this reference calls for a consideredstatement of the correct position, the delegation of Pakistan reserves the right to make a reply in this forum at a later date.
The meeting rose at 7.15 p.m.