A/35/PV.24 General Assembly

Mr. President, the General Assembly is meeting for its thirty-fifth session as storm clouds which threaten the future ofmankind gather over the international horizon, It gives megreat confidenceand hope that the task of presiding over the affairs of the General Assembly at this momentous time has been entrusted to someone of your integrity,experience and wisdom. Accept, therefore, my warmestcongratulations. Yourelectionisalso an acknowledgement of the high respect and admiration whichthe international community has for your great coun- try, the Federal Republicof Germany, with whichmycoun- try enjoys most cordial and friendly relations. I am sure that under your wise guidance the Assembly will achieve great success at this session. 6. Nigeria, Africa, and indeed the entire international community, can take justifiablepride inthe independenceof Zimbabwe. It has coincided with the end of the second decade of the struggle against colonialism and against exploitation. Since 1960, when the General Assembly adopted resolution 1514 (XV) containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, it has never relented in its efforts to support the legitimate struggle of the peoples in colonial bondage to regain their freedom and their liberty. That Zimbabwe, whose right to independence was so long denied and con- tested, istoday a nation sovereign and independent isdue in no small measure to the impetus generated by that Declaration. 3. The past year has beenremarkable for the many intract- able international criseswhich the Organization has had to leal with. It is a matter of particular pride to Africa that lour predecessor was Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim from the sister State of the United Republic of Tanzania. Not only did he presideover the thirty-fourth session with a sure and confident hand, Ambassador Salim also had the rare distinction of presidingoverthreespecialsessions ofthe General Assembly. We pay him the highest praise and offer him our felicitations. 4. I should also liketo address a special wordof praiseand admiration to our distinguished Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. His untiring exertionsand imaginative initiatives have become the measure of the successes of the NEW YORK Organization. His reassuring presencewasimmensely feltat the second extraordinary session of the Assemblyof Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [01'1 U], the firsteconomicsummit meeting,whichwas held last April at Lagos. His frequent visits to Africa have enabled him not only to share moments of history with us but also to endear himself to Africa in a very personal and special way. 5. It is with great pride and satisfaction that, on behalfof the Government and people of Nigeria,I extend the hearti- est welcome to the new sister State of Zimbabwe in our ranks. Few events can match the joy, drama and impact of the independence of Zimbabwe. I salute my brother, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe,'and all his compatriots for their courage, heroism and magnanimity. Their victory demon- strates clearly that the will of a determined peoplecan never be permanently suppressed. It proves beyond doubt that a determined people fighting for a just causeand dedicated to the recovery of its right will ultimately triumph, no matter how formidable the odds against it. Our brothers and sisters in Zimbabwe have proved to the world the truth of the old adage that "the limitsof tyrants are prescribed by the will of the victims of tyranny". 7. I also most warmly congratulate the newState ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines on its attainment of indepen- dence and membership of the United Nations. It is our desire to forge closer relations with it as a fellow member of the Commonwealth, and to co-operate with it in buildinga better, safer and more just world. 8. Universality of membership was part of the dream of the founding fathers of the United Nations for this world body. That dream is now virtually a reality. But that fact should not lure us into complacency. Rather, it should spur us into redoubling our efforts until the right to self- determination of all peoples everywhere in the world is no longer an issue. 10. As inter-State relations grow more complex,as under- standing and mutual respect among nations and peoples become more difficult to sustain, as prospects for world peace appear more fragile, people everywhere are increas- ingly looking to the United Nations for answers. People everywherewant to strengthen the capacity and capability of the Organization to save succeedinggenerationsfrom the scourge of war. They crave to return the United Nations to its central role of being an effective instrument for harmon- izing different views, reconciling competing interests and initiating such collective action as would give sustenance to man and his aspirations for peace and plenty injusticeand liberty. 11. Halfa millenium of colonial rule by European Powers did not succeed in destroying our self-image as Africans. Nor did it quench our thirst to be free, to berespected and to develop our resourcesfor the good ofour people.In the past 20 years over 40 African countries have regained their free- dom and independence. During that period some of them have fought civil wars not out ofirreconcilable differences of ideologyor ethnicity;theyhavefought inorder to defend the gains of their independence,to frustrate foreign intervention in their affairs and to maximize their sovereign attributes. Some African States, quite tragically, have fought one another across borders. They have fought not to colonize anyone but in order to defend their perceived patrimony, to safeguard their territorial integrity. Others have fought in order to be independent. Through all the tensionsand con- flicts of the past 20 years, no independent African country has lost its independence. More are yearning to be free, and they soon will be freeand independent. Namibia and South Africa are already waiting in the wings. They decidedly will soon be free. The message isdear: neveragain will Africabe colonized; never again will Africans tolerate living under racist domination and exploitation. 12. Only last week the current Chairman of the Assembly of the OAU, my dear brother Mr. Siaka Stevens,President of Sierra Leone, addressed the Assembly on the economic and politicalconcerns of Africa [8th meeting]. I wish to take 13. Last April I had the honour of welcoming my brother African heads of State and Government to the first extraor- dinary meetingof the OAU devoted exclusively to consider- ation of the economic problems of our continent. Determined to attain the goals of economic salvation, we adopted theLagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa.' We were realistic to acknowledge in that historic document that, just as the liberationstrugglewasfought and won by us, so also would be our struggle for economic emancipation. But in our interdependent world, all nations are likea team of mountain climbers. We need oneanother. We must help one another. Wetherefore welcome construc- tive co-operation and partnership from the rest of the inter- national community as we embark on the challenging task of addressing the problems of the post-colonial era in our continent. 14. Africa bears the scars of a long history of spoliation and deprivation, of the ravagesof the slavetrade and foreign aggression, of both political and economic injustices. The current crisis in the world economy is wreaking havoc in Africa. For some areas of the third world the ongoing international negotiations about trade, capital flows and so on may mean growth through effective participation in key international markets and institutions. For most of Africa those negotiations are about survival itself. The very exist- ence of some of our nations is beingcritically threatened by adverse economic forces and natural disasters. 15. It will take years before we in Africa can exercise our right to full equality and effective participation in the cur- rent international economic system. In spite of the enor- mous natural wealth and resourcesof Africa, our continent remains the least developed and our people the most deprived. These degrading disabilities make a mockery of our political independence. We are therefore resolved to make progress. We must therefore refuse to subsidize the economiesof the rich bycontinuing to sell our rawmaterials and labour to them cheaply in return for their exorbitantly priced manufactured goods. 16. I believe that the time has come for the international community to address itself'to the seriousissueof reparation and restitution for Africa. It is pertinent to observe that there is hardly any country outside the continent which has not in one wayor another benefitedfrom the exploitation of the human and natural resources of Africa. In the wake of the Assembly's important deliberations concerning the International Development Strategy 1'01' the Third United Nations Development Decade and the global negotiations, I call upon the Assembly to launcha decadeof reparation and restitution for Africa as a master plan tor the economic recovery of Africa. I make this call with a serious sense of responsibility. Restructuring the world economic system to 17. The problems of no other continent define the interna- tional agenda better than those of Africa.• intend therefore to dwell further on African concerns, for the destiny of Nigeria is inextricably linked with the fortunes of all the countries of Africa and all the peoples of African descent abroad. As a result we have continued and shall continue to strive vigorously for the restoration of the rights and dignity of the black man everywhere, who for too long has suffered humiliation and discrimination. 18. The situation in Namibia continues to be a source of considerable embarassment and concern to the Organiza- tion. It continues to undermine the willand credibility ofthe United Nations. Above all it continues to raise serious ques- tions about the sense of honour and good faith of some permanent members of the Security Council, grave ques- tions about their perception of their duty and responsibili- ties under the Charter; for the power of the veto was not intended to be used solely for the protection of selfish inter- ests. Rather, the veto was meant to be employed to promote and advance the high purposes ofthe Charter, to sustain and encourage the practice of international law and morality. 19. Nigeria will no longer tolerate the provocations by South Africa or the dilatory tactics of its allies in the West- ern bloc with regard to self-determination and majority rule for Namibia. We deeply deplore the collusion between South Africa and its Western allies as a result of which the people of that Territory are denied their inalienable rights. Fourteen years have passed since the International Court of Justice handed down the judgement of 18July 19663 that South Africa had neither the legal nor the moral right to maintain its perverse administration in Namibia. Further- more, it is now over two years since the Security Council, in its resolution 435 (1978), endorsed the proposals by the five Western Powers for Namibia's transition to independence. I therefore find it intolerable that the independence of Nami- bia should continue to be devilled by the intransigence of South Africa. 20. It seems to me that the recent exchange of correspon- dence between the Secretary-General and the South African Government calls for immediate action. It offers another opportunity, if any were really necessary, for the United Nations to test the true intentions of the South African Government. The United Nations Transition Assistance Group should therefore be deployed without undue delay to carry out its mandate to supervise a free and fair election in Namibia, so that by the next session of the General Assem- bly Namibia will have taken its rightful place in the world community of nations. 21. Throughout all the 33 years that the apartheid policies of the Government of South Africa have been considered 22. But sanctions alone will not destroy apartheid and racism in South Africa. They can, however, be used to support the armed struggle. That struggle is now gathering momentum. If South Africa persists in its defiance of the international will for fundamental change in its policies. none of us has the right to deny the struggle of the South African nationalists full support-certainly not Nigeria. We shall continue to assist, encourage and support that struggle with all the might and all the resources at our disposal. The people of South Africa will never flinch from that struggle until ultimate victory is won. The termination of apartheid and racism in South Africa is the challenge of our decade and the attainment of that goal will constitute man's last major victory over the evil forces of colonialism. 23. Global interdependence has too often lately been defined in narrow economic terms. Given its full dimensions of peace and security, it truly permeates and dominates every aspect of international life today. In no area is that concept more ominously felt than the Middle East, a region which lies so close to Africa and has such supreme symbol- ism for my country. 24. The Middle East situation is of the gravest concern to Nigeria. At the international level, we have spared no effort in the councils of the OAU, the United Nations or the non-aligned countries to seek a viable solution in conform- ity with the highest imperatives of peace and justice. We do not believe that peace and justice are incompatible. 25. If all the States in the region are to enjoy the right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force, the inalienable 'rights of the Palestinians cannot and must not be overlooked. To an African, the rights of self-determination, statehood and independence are sacred. To a continent which can easily fall prey to military might, the occupation of territory by force is totally unacceptable. To a people Who believe in the United Nations, scornful disrespect for the decisions of the Security Council cannot be justified. 26. 'In my view, Israel's persistent refusal to recognize the fact that it cannot continue to enjoy legitimacy and rights based on the Organization's original Partition Plan for Palestine [resolution 181 (1/)] and at the same time deny to the Palestinians the corresponding legitimacy and rights of nationhood based on the same Plan is the greatest obstacle to any lasting peace in the Middle East. The Palestinian Arabs must and should be enabled to have their own inde- pendent. sovereign State. Nigeria firmly supports the legiti- 27. In the face of the numerous challenges confronting mankind. it would be superfluous to say how much my Government deeply regrets the current tragic conflict between the non-aligned States of Iran and Iraq. I fervently add my voice to the. many appeals for restraint and peace between those two neighbouring countries. 28. Recent events give us no cause for joy. The tensions and crises which developed last year remain virtually unre- solved. The armaments race has assumed a newand danger- ous momentum. at a time when the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has failed. The North- South dialogue on the economic problems of the world is stalemated. as a consequence of a most regrettable inability to agree even on procedures to begin negotiations. The present stalemate in the climate of negotiations between the developing and the developed countries holds terrifying prospects for all. Perhaps. more than is realized. the world is poised delicately on the brink-that critical margin- between survival and disaster. 29. The dangers may be grave, but we cannot afford to despair. Our needs and times call for statesmanship imbued with courage and vision: vision to determine where to begin and courage to do what has to be done. The present uncer- tain international situation challenges all those entrusted with the responsibility of safeguarding the destiny ofman- kind to pause and think. Times have changed. Conditions have changed. The concepts and structures which precipi- tated some of the current international crises cannot remain unchanged. Any organic institution without the means to adjust to change is without the means for its survival. 30. We have the men and the means to meet the challenge of the 1980s and beyond. The sum of over $500 billion. which the developed countries have spent on military research and development since 1960.far exceeds what two thirds of mankind require to banish poverty and degrada- tion. There must be disarmament. particularly nuclear disarmament, to save mankind from untoward anxiety and the holocaust. There must bedisarmament to release resour- ces for development. The justification for the retention of nuclear weapons has always, to my mind, been a negative one. Weapons susceptible of causing accidental warfare and capable of destroying all mankind can never act as deter- rents to war. 31. The member States of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC), in spite of the unwarranted calumnies often heaped on them, have amply demonstrated 32. The rich, industrialized countries must show a disposi- tion to accept the fact that the present international eco- nomic system. based on imperial patterns of thought and relationships, which deny equal opportunity to all mankind, can no longer endure. They must accept the fact that there can be no meaningful and lasting progress on tlte issuesthat arc of direct and proximate interest to them unless they are prepared to entertain overdue reforms on issues such as money and finance. resource flow, industrialization. trade and protectionism which are so germane to the realization of the aspirations of the developing countries. 33. The rich industrialized countries must shoulder their responsibility to the poor nations of the world, from which they have gained so much in wealth and resources. They must address themselves to the burning issue('I'how to assist them in an imaginative and compassionate spirit, particu- larly the least developed countries, which are today over- burdened with poverty and unfulfilled aspirations. 34. Mr. President. I began with messages of congratula- tions to you and congratulations .on your outstanding achievements on the international scene. I should like to conclude on a note ofhope. As I look back. I am encouraged by what can be achieved if Member States. faithful to the ideals and principles of the Charter. agree to work for solutions to the myriad problems of our time. 35. Wfl have come some way but have a long way to go. We have made.some progress but the end of the journey is still far. But reach it we must. Since the beginning of human history the world has been full of conflicts, disputes and wars. This is the tragedy of human existence. The big ques- tion is can man ever live with his neighbour in perfect harmony? Can areas of conflict be reduced? In short: can wars be avoided? Some may answer yes;others may say no. Whatever our answer may be,one thing cannot be disputed: that we stand to gain in a world of peace and to lose in a world of war. Wc must therefore commit ourselves to ensur- ing peace in the world. 36. Our greatest hope for realizing peace is the United Nations. Each day the problems of the world multiply in number and in complexity. If the United Nations is to keep abreast of them. and if it is to reflect the vast increase in the number and strength of its membership, then it has to undergo some form of organizational change. 37. I do not refer only to its method ofwork and operation being changed to ensure greater efficiency. Some institu- tional or structural reform should be considered to demo- 38. Each and everyone ofus must be ready to take his turn and to play his part in the worthwhile endeavour ofensuring the survival ofjustice and peace. As I have observed, peace cannot be achieved by mere resolutions or declarations. It can only be achieved through commitment. Delaying tactics will not help. We are not asking any nation to abandon its national interests. We are asking all nations to be reasonable in the pursuit of those interests. 39. The world is perched on the threshold of a new and significant decade, a decade of renewal as well as change, a decade ofchallenge as well as hope, a decade ofopportunity as well as danger. What precisely it will be depends on what we make it. With the required good will, we can make it a decade of positive achievement for mankind.

On behalf of the General Assem- bly I thank Alhaji Shehu Usman AliyuShagari, First Execu- tive President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, for the important statement he has just made. On my own behalf I should like to thank him for the kind words he addressed to my country and to me.

As I am speaking in the General Assembly for the first time after having assumed the respon- sibilities of Secretary of State for External Affairs of my country, I should like to ask the President of the thirty-fifth session of the Assembly to accept the best wishes of the Government of the Dominican Republic, through the dele- gation over which I have the honour to preside. 42. Mr. President, we are convinced that, with your wis- dom and your dedication to the cause of mankind, which is undoubtedly to save the nations of the Organization "from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind", you will guide our efforts towards the most appropriate solutions to the problems before us, which have even reached the Security Council. 43. I should also like to express to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim our profound appreciation of his praiseworthy efforts dur- ing his presidency ofthe thirty-fourth session and the succes- sive special sessions of the General Assembly. 44. We are honoured to bid the warmest welcome to the two new Members of the Organization, the Republic of Zimbabwe, a nation which has just ended a long and diffi- cult struggle for its independence, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, whose participation in the work of the General Assembly willenrich the Group of Latin American States to which it has received a fraternal welcome. 45. From the earliest days ofits independence, the Domin- ican Republic has on numerous occasions demonstrated 46. Consequently, we have absolute faith that the people of the Dominican Republic has reached such a degree of maturity that the idea ofdemocracy described by Abraham Lincoln, as "government of the people, by the people, and for the people", which has guided it throughout its history is now part of the soul of our nation and is fixed at the core of the defence of our continent. 47. We are a peace-loving nation which has survived the sudden reversals of fortune of internal politics over the years. Nevertheless we. maintain an unswerving policy of neutrality and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States as the mainstay of our international 'relations. 48. It is nevertheless surprising that, in the face of adver- sity, the idea of freedom has survived in our people which, in addition to being subjected to many adverse historical cir- cumstances, has seen various interventions and two major and long totalitarian dictatorships. But the sons of the nation of theDominican Republic have preserved in their life as citizens this' universal ethical value that is freedom, whose deep roots have never ceased to be nourished by the ideals of the selflessand courageous men who in 1844fought long and hard to found the Dominican Republic. 49. We can be proud that for our country freedom means also the rule 'of law, the inherent right of men, all men without discrimination. Human rights are firmly guaran- teed by our institutions. All have the right to God-given bread, in security and dignity. The solidarity ofsocietiesand respect for the dignity of men and nations; solidarity in the constant struggle against barbarity and organized cruelty; and, above all, the constant struggle for justice within a pure and simple democracy, without limitation-e-these constitute the legacy ofthe Divinity. 50. Within this broad context of freedom, there exist all the many responsibilities that have been assumed by the present Government of the Dominican Republic-but it cannot be denied that ever since the end of the last dictator- ship, which lasted for 30 years until 1961, our nation has been shaped and influenced by those dictatorial policiesand a civil war, in an intermediate period which preceded the normality prevailing today. 51. In contrast, we have now moved towards the rule of law and the mobilization ofour citizens to foster the exploi- tation of all the resources of our country, notwithstanding the hurricanes which struck in 1979 and more recently, hurricane --Allen". 52. We have come a long way in that direction and we are now laying the foundations for a new agararian policy. We 53. We are also expanding international relations with a new vision ofcloser relations with other nations and a more practical approach to problems, characterized by the signa- ture ofbilateral instruments, as isto be expected ofa modern society.We are promoting common interests, open markets, reasonable terms to foster joint investments and other sim- ilar programmes which should contribute to a better use of labour and the reduction of unemployment in both urban and rural areas. 54. Furthermore, weare making progress in the communi- cation media, and this is necessary to achieve a bloodless labour revolution, individual security and freedom of the press and all means of expression of thought which is so unlimited that it can appear at times to be excessive,and this is easy to understand when one has experienced limitations on such rights during abnormal periods in the past. 55. During the past two years ofour newGovernment, we have also become convinced that new trends in international affairs require that States not be bound by the glories of the past or wallow in sterile resentment over negative historical events. Only by meeting that requirement can unprofitable isolation be avoided. Progress must be sought in the oppo- site direction, by endeavouring to promote international relations of a kind that can open the way to understanding, solidarity and peace among nations. 56. With'this new opening up ofour international policies, the Government of the Dominican Republic has entered a new period of its history in which it has realistic friendly relations with the Republic of Haiti, a neighbour of ours with whom we share-perhaps uniquely in the world- dominion over one island. 57. Encouraged by these new ideas, the island policy that we now have with our sister country has been strengthened with every passing day, and this has created new opportuni- ties for cultural, social and economic exchanges which we hope will lead to the signing of constructive instruments. This will surely lead to the creation of markets more in keeping with the realities of our situation and will provide better opportunities for the achievement of our mutual goals. 58. Within this ger, .conomic and commercial pattern, a very promising eo....\...tion on trade between the two countries has been signed. It includes a free-trade zone which applies to products produced in each country, and many facilities will ensue from that. We have scheduled reductions of import taxes on products which are specifi- cally defined in the first and second lists annexed to that convention. Under the same instrument a permanent eom- mission is established to determine which products will be the subject of negotiations, to propose lists of selected pro- ducts, and to change the schedule for customs reductions. All this is marked by reasonable flexibility. 59. No less important is theconvention on land transpor- tation, which is to guarantee permanent communications between the supply centres and the consumption centres, 60. A new page in the history of our countries began on 30 May 1978, when Antonio Guzman and Jean-Claude Duvalier embraced each other for the first time in Jimani- Malpasse. From that time on our two nations realized that there was nothing to fear and that a new era wasdawning- just as another era ended 17 years ago-and it is an era without heroes perhaps but one also without martyrs. 61. Ever since the first non-indigenous settlers on both sides of the island began to fight for dominion over the island, our peoples had lived in only one of three ways: confronting each other, with their backs turned to each other or on top of each other. That was until the arrival of Antonio Guzman and Jean-Claude Duvalier. Now our two peoples, under the leadership of these tWo statesmen, have begun a new life: a life of friendship, good will and co- operation, to quote the words, the firm intentions expressed by Antonio Guzman when he welcomed Jean-Claude Duvalier, the President of Haiti, at Jimani-Malpasse. 62. Friendship, good will and co-operation are the ABC of the foreign policy of President Guzman with regard to Haiti and that of.President Duvalier with regard to the Domini- can Republic. Instead of confrontation, instead of hostile indifference, there is today, along with a firm desire to work, a determination to live in peace as blood brothers. 63. These are glad tidings that I bring to the Assembly. The Dominican Republic is no longer an enemy of Haiti, and Haiti has ceased to be an enemy of the Dominican Republic. If we look at the truth, our peoples have never truly been enemies. Those who have been enemies have been a few of the men that have led our peoples. While the powerful of yesterday chose war, those in power today have chosen peace. The gloom that marked relations between the two countries has been replaced by a ray of light. Between the two nations today not only do we have peace, tranquil- lity and' good understanding, but the future is bright. 64. This great reunion shows that there is no reason for peoples to commit aggression or to destroy themselves in war over problems which could be resolved in a civilized manner. Now with firm steps-although they are often slow ones because of the precariousness ofour resources-we are waging an all-out battle against the common enemy of our peoples, the implacable adversary of the developing coun- tries: poverty. It is poverty that prevents us from developing spiritually, politically, economically and socially in human dignity. 65. We have made these references to our relations with the Haitian people and Government, one of the aspects of our present policy, which isin keeping with the international norms which the Charter of the United Nations advocates within the philosophy of peace keeping, which more than ever requires a concerted solution to disputes and conflicts, in which dialogue must be prominent. It isthe best and most effective way in which States can deal with each other in this decade. 67. It is certainly disturbing-for those reasons-that ter- rorism, far from being in decline, is gaining ground in certain very sensitive areas. For various sociological rea- sons, it has been more intense. Hence, we must be alert. States must stand together in a common effort to end this violence wherever it may rear its ugly head and create a threat to the States themselves. 68. In the past few years international terrorism has taken on a particularly heinous form. Mydelegationisreferringto seizures for the purpose of economic exploitation. Fre- quently the pret.ext used is the fight for freedom, but that is often not the true purpose. It is mere lust for money. This is an international crime whichcannot bejustified and cannot remain unpunished. 69. My country has been tested by such events. They represent a return to savagery which smacks of medieval obscurantism and constitute a challengeand a threat to our country and our institutions. -, 70. We have ourselvessufferedthe unfortunate experience of that form of terrorism that uses as weapons the seizure and holding of hostages, who are the innocent and the defenceless victims of that wanton crime. 71. Fortunately, our national dignity has remained unscathed by such trials and we have emerged from them without bloodshed. Such would not have been the case had commonsense and providence not intervened in a timely manner. 72. We cannot fail to condemn the repugnant spectacleof human beings held in long captivity in Iran simply because they belong to an institution which is hundreds of yearsold, the institution of diplomacy that makes possible legal rela- tions among States and without which the world would be uninhabitable. 73. International instruments that punish and prevent such crimes have been referred to here in the General Assembly. A few yearsago, whenaircraft were beingseized and. their passengers exposed to risks, the Dominican Republic and Brazil agreed that such criminal acts must be considered as transgressions of juris gentium because pre- ventive action is difficult. 74. When we speak of international terrorism in all its forms as a scourge, we cannot fail also to advocate the elimination of certain legal excesses in which States have engaged in order to repress,exceeding the limitsofdomestic law and affect the rights of others. In that line of thought, our delegation shares the view of those who believe that human rights are absolute. 76. For these reasons, the Dominican Republicalsoadvo- cates the abolition of capital punishment. This must become a norm of law in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and a basic principle in the American Convention on that subject." Although this form of punishment isgenerally proscribed, it is permitted exceptionally in those States in which it had existedbeforethe signingof the inter-American instrument. Logic, since the days of the Greeks, has taught us that things cannot be and not be at the same time. 77. We are pleased to say that the Constitution of our country sets forth in one of its tenets what must one day appear in all international instruments on human rights. It states the following under that heading: "The inviolability of life. "As a result, there must be no capital punishment, no torture nor any other penalty or procedure implyingthe loss or diminution of physical integrity or individual well-being." 78. This idea underlies the observations the Dominican Republic made concerning the American Convention on Human Rights. "The Dominican Republic, as it signs the American Convention on Human Rights, hopes to see the death penalty banned and that principle applied generally in the. States of the American region, and we hereby reiter- ate the observations and comments made with regard to the draft Convention and circulated among the delega- tions of the Council of the Organization of American States on 20 June 1969." 79. In this area of human rights, our country, despite our untoward experiences in the past both under dictatorship and at other times, has achieved positive goals and will continue to work towards the rule of law. 80. These considerations would be incomplete were weto fail to recognize that those countries that are stillgrappling with problems that arise from an insufficient degree of development owing to insufficient economic means must promote education, without which democracy cannot sur- vive. The five freedoms proclaimed in the Pacific region must become a reality. If this is so, we must recognizethat the industrialized, fullydeveloped countries, whichmake up the established economic institutions, are in duty bound to come to the economic, technological, social and cultural assistance of the developing countries. 81. This recallsthe Declaration of Algiers.SWe wouldadd that this must bea commitment, not merelyan expressionof 4 American Convention on Human Rights, "Pact of San .lose. Costa Rica", Treaty Series No. 36(Washington. D.C .•Organization ofAmeri- can States (1970). s Adopted by the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Govern- ment of Non-Aligned Countries. held at Algiers fromS to QSeptember 1973. See document A/9330 and Corr.l. 83. Only a few weeks ago, the eleventh special session of the General Assembly was held to consider an international strategy for development; it is to be hoped that its conclu- sions will be supported by the industrialized countries, including the United States of America, Japan and the European countries. The results ofthose deliberations will continue to be considered in relation to general.rules as well as to the global negotiations so that we may actually begin the implementation ofthe International Development Strat- egy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. 84. The countries ofthe third world basetheir demands on the fact that the world distribution ofincome isveryunequal and that internal efforts to improve development levels are being obstructed at the international level and are meeting external forces to minimize them. This can clearly be seenin international trade relations. The need for reform goes far beyond the liberalization achieved by the negotiations within GATT. The quota system, systemsofsafeguards and various forms of restrictions that affect the export of many products from developing to industrialized countries all contribute to this inequality in incomedistribution through- out the world and have made it impossible to establish afair level for prices through trade machinery. 85. The industrialized countries must unhesitatingly rec- ognize that the stabilization ofcommodity prices represents a reform that will help them as much as the less developed countries. For this reason, the Common Fund for Com- modities", as well as the creation of a reserve fund for food grains, will benefit not only the producing but also the consumer countries through a more rational use of resour- ces and the promotion of larger investments. 86. The violent fluctuations in the price of sugar on the world market is a striking example ofthe enormous difficul- ties which periodically beset the economies ofcountries like the Dominican Republic. These "ups" and "downs" create uncertainties. The 1977 International Sugar Agreement' is an instrument filled with good intentions, but its effective- ness leaves much to bedesired because priceadjustments are not as automatic as one would wish and prices are fixed on the basis ofsupply, if not by speculation. In the circumstan- ces, our economy, which depends largely on sugar exports, " For the Agreement establishing the Common Fund for Commodi- ties, see document TD/IPC/CF/CONF.l24. 7See United Nations SugarConference, /977(United Nations publica- tion, Sales No.E.78.1I.D.17). 87. Consequently, it is not surprising that refinancing of the external debt looms large in the thinking of the third world countries. While it is difficult to assess the benefits refinancing would bring, it would certainly have a stabiliz- ing effecton the financial markets and make it easier for the debtor countries to adapt: The external debt of75 develop- ing countries that do not export oil has increased from $44 billion in 1970 to $146 billion in 1977,and in IS coun- tries of Latin America alone the debt went from $23 billion to $71 billion during that same period. As the external debt increases considerably, there has been, at the same time, a large rise in private loans and a consequent reduction of official loans; higher interest rates and shorter repayment periods thus have resulted. The industrialized countries must give assistance here to the developing countries in the form of donations and loans on easy terms and with fewer conditions. 88. International co-operation for development must be extended to other areas of importance such as industrializa- tion, the transfer of science and technology and the more rational use of natural resources, the expansion ofagricultu- ral production and the promotion of food production, as well as the protection of the environment. 89. However, if all these negotiations concerning the inter- national economic outlook are to be productive, it is neces- sary for the highly industrialized countries to resolve their problems of inflation and the low growth rate oftheir gross national product. The lessdeveloped countries must react to the hostility of the international economic environment- which is marked by protectionist tendenciesand increasesin the price of petroleum-and the difficulties regarding for- eign trade and growing external debts, with all the problems that that implies. For our country, the value of our oil imports this year will amount to $475 million; that is, $I72 million more than it was in 1979, as a result of the fact that the average price of a barrel of oil rose from $19.85 to $29.13,although consumption remained the same as during the previous year. 90. The cost of payment and repayment of our debts in 1980 isestimated at $333 million. Therefore, those two areas alone will absorb approximately 86 percent of our total export earnings, which are estimated at $1,010 million. 91. The Government of our country, under President Antonio Guzman, in only two years has implemented an economic programme aimed at changing our development pattern and providing incentives for agricultural and live- stock development on the basis of agricultural and indus- trial promotion. Our import substitution programme is expected to increase along with the production and use of our national raw materials and laws that provide incentives for exportation. 92. We have tried to improve our public finances, elimi- nate luxury investments and above all concentrate on expanding education, health services, agricultural credits, dynamic agrarian reform, the building of secondary roads and the training of businessmen, in small and medium-sized 93. Recent statistics have been given by the United Nations and the World Bank showing that during the first yearsof the present decade 2 billionpeople-halfthe people of the world-will suffer from gastrointestinal disease because the water they drink is contaminated. Yet $1 mil- lion is being spent every minute on weapons for war. 94. Many countries destroy food surpluses in order to keep prices high while, at the same time, four fifths of mankind is suffering from hunger and malnutrition, and' does not have the basic domestic appliances to make life bearable. 95. I should like to repeat here what so many others have said here and in other forums, namely, that the enemy of peace, the one truly responsible for human misery,fanning the fire of revolution, is injusticein the broadest senseofthe word, which is the abuse ofauthority and the exploitation of man by man. In international relations there are vastly different standards for judging others from the standards which we use to judge ourselves. 96. William Bowdler, Under-Secretary for Inter-American Affairs in the Sub-Committee on Inter-American Affairs, speaking before the Foreign Relations Committee of the House of Representatives,reflected the thoughts of Morgen- thau when he said: "The real question confronting the for- eign policy of the United States ... is not how to preserve stability in the face of the revolutionary process but rather how to create stability as a result of revolution". 97. In my country development has been slow but it has been inexorable as the result of a genuine revolution which has gone through stages. It is a revolution through evolu- tion.We have a Government that respects human rights. There are no limitations to free expression, except those imposed by law. Freedom of movement is a reality. There are no political prisoners. No one ispersecuted for hisideas. There are no exiles. No one simplydisappears. We have life in a genuinedemocracy and there isabsolute freedom within order. We have therefore "created" our own "stability" of which Morgenthau spoke. We havedone our part regarding what has been "confronting the foreign policyof the United States". Thus, we have the right-and wehave that right- to our guaranteed stability. 98. When Mr. Bowdler accepted the change and said it was "natural and inevitable", he was merely adjusting his watch in time with history. When he said that peace and democracy in our region require fundamental political and socio-economic reforms which promote the well-being and strengthen the rights of the individual, he was formulating a thesis that his country can help to bring about in reality. Change and reform will serve no useful purpose if our countries receive the same unjust treatment that the power- ful reserve for subjugated peoples. lOO. A new vision in our commercial relations has appeared; anew, more modern approach to justice and equity is needed. 101. If political experiments which have been translated into reality, as in the Dominican Republic, have no imme- diate success, werun the riskthat the enemyforcesthat beset us will sweep us away. There are some demagogues who affirm that democracy has already performed its historic function and that the path of the vote is the path of suicide. 102. The peoplesof the world lovefreedom so much, men have such an elevatedconcept offreedom that in mycountry everyone is very well aware of the precarious state in which we have been left by the forcesof nature and by thedevasta- tion caused by those who went before us, and now we are working for the full enjoyment of those values of which we have spoken. The people 'realize with everypassingday that the man whom it has chosen to guide its destiny ismultiply- ing his efforts and will never rest until the most humble Dominican has been rescued from misery, ignorance and sorrow. 103. But the old economic disorder persistsand in coun- tries like mine, after centuries of struggle and after the people have succeeded in securingrespect for their wishes, now offers us no more than freedom without bread, without adequate housing, without health and without equitable distribution. 104. If weare to speak trulyofequitable distribution ofthe wealth of our country, it is necessary for us to speak of equitable distribution of the profits produced by our wealth for the powerful countries. 105. We must put an end to the imbalance which exists between the enterprises and those employed by enterprises. Once the labour of the workers ceasesto be a mere input in large landholdings and in industry to acquire the status that it has in certain powerful countries, then can we speak of respect for human rights, of dignity for human beings. 106. Without equality there can be no fraternity, no good will. Without justice man's enthusiasm and the enthusiasm of peoples for solidarity in moments of misfortune and rejoicing in times of triumph will not be aroused. 107. Aristotle said, nearly four centuries before the birth of Christ, that inequality is always the cause of revolutions. And according to the same philosopher there is inequality when those who are the victims of revolutions are not compensated. 108. But there is also inequality when, among those who contribute to the exploitation of wealth, there existsa great difference inthe distribution of that wealth.There isinequal- ity when the greatest wealth of a country is acquired by someone else for speculative purposes and when the true owners of the riches are left in a state of poverty. There is lneouality when what is paid in terms of interest is greater 109. We need a vigorous energy policy such as has been launched by our President in the face of the oil crisis. For this reason studies have already begun on turning our oil- burning thermo-electric plants over to coal; research work has been started on the drying of cane pulp by solar energy to increase power capacity; we are carrying out feasibility studies on the building of a 100 megawatt electrical plant, also using solar energy; and we have intensified the search for oil in various parts of the country, and among other important studies, we are developing hydraulic energy. 110. All these efforts are designed to promote a more just and equitable society, where political democracy isbased on social justice, equal opportunity and the elimination ofdif- ferences between the poor and the rich. This is the greatest contribution that our country can make to the new interna- tional economic order and, in particular, to solving the problems of the Caribbean, which traditionally has been the scene of abrupt political change. Ill. We should like to make a few comments regarding the situation in the Middle East, which is a highly sensitive area ofconflict. In recent months the picture in that area has become even more gloomy. 112. As a Member ofour world Organization, the Domin- ican Republic took part in the deliberations which led to the creation of the State of Israel. The basis of that historic act was the principle in the Charter on the self-determination of peoples. We share the view that creation of that nation was based on international law. We never failed to recognize all that the Holy Scriptures grant the people of Israel. 113. As a participant in the Inter-American Conference on the Problems of War and Peace, held at Mexico City in 1945 when the Allied Powers saw the end of the Second World War approaching and the spirit of the Yalta agreements inspired the international community .be Dominican Republic was anxious to support new visions of a more peaceful world. 114. This spiritalso prevailed at the San Francisco Confer- ence and in the debates which led to the signing of the Charter ofthe United Nations, which for so many years has prevented the scourge of total war and helped to preserve peace. 115. Therefore, when considering the right of Israel to survive as a sovereign State established in accordance with the principle of the self-determination ofpeoples, wecannot but honour the commitment imposed by the principles of the Charter. 116. For those reasons, we have lent our reasonable sup- port to Israel whenever the legitimacy of that State has been challenged. For the same reasons, our country recognizes the right "f the Palestinian people, without diminishing the right to existenceof a people which, like Israel, has partici- pated in the great work of peace. 118. The Dominican Republic, which has survived the vicissitudes of history and has always observed a policy of neutrality, believes that this is the right policy for small countries, especially developing countries, within the frame- work of independent sovereign democracy. Thus we cannot fail to mention Afghanistan, which isa member State of the third world movement to which we belong. 119. Because we cherish peace, we deplore the abnormal situation which has occurred there in violation ofthe funda- mental norms ofinternational law and the demands ofpeace which justify the existence of the United Nations. Conse- quently we believe that the situation in Afghanistan must return to the status quo ante, and by peaceful means. 120. For the same reasons, which are in keeping with the universal principles of the free nations of the world, the Government of the Dominican Republic hopes that the machinery available to the Organization will make it possi- ble to stop the conflict between the neighbouring countries of Iran and Iraq, countries with the maturity of many centuriesofexperience, in order to prevent the outbreak ofa total war. 121. We say this in a spirit of the strictest neutrality. 122. Let me sum up by saying that in respect for human rights and for the Organization we have an obligation to build a more just world in peace. This is what was said by His Holiness Pope John Paul 11 in Santo Domingo, the oldest capital in the Americas: "We must see to it that there are no children who are without sufficient nutrition, without education or train- ing; we must ensure that there are no young people who lack suitable training, that there are no peasants without land and unable to live in dignity; we must see to it that workers are not mistreated, that their rights are not violated; we must see to it that there are no systems allowing the exploitation of man by man, or by the State; there must be no corruption; there must be none who through no fault of their own have nothing while others enjoy super-abundance; there must be no broken •. dis- united, insufficiently cared-for families; no one must be without the protection of the law; the law must protect everyone equally; force must not prevail over truth and law, but truth and lrw rm.xt prevail over force; we must ensure that economic anu political considerations never prevail over humanitarian considerations." 123. Mr. ABDULLA (United Arab Emirates) iinterpreta- tionfrom Arabic): Permit me at the outset, sir, to extend to you on behalf of the delegation ofthe United Arab Emirates sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am confi- dent that your broad knowledge and experience of interna- , 124. It is my pleasure also to express gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, for the valuable efforts he made in conducting the proceedings of the thirty- fourth session of the General Assembly and the special sessions that followed it. 125. I should like also to express thanks to the Secretary- General for his continued efforts to enhance the effective- ness of the Organization and to strengthen its role in solving current international problems. 126. At the eleventh special session my country welcomed with great pleasure the admission of the Republic of Zim- babwe to membership of the Organization. Today I should like to welcome the admission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership. 127. Since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assem- bly the world has continued to suffer from crises resulting from situations of instability and periodic unheavals that afflict the international scene in all political, economic and social spheres. This year has witnessed more violations of the Charter, such as foreign interference in the internal affairs of other States, the continuation of international violence and the denial to many peoples of their basic freedoms. 128. In the circumstances, the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly presents us with an opportunity to exert more effective efforts with a view to achieving comprehen- sive solutions to those problems in order to change the bleak picture of our contemporary world. 129. While most of the peoples of the world have attained their .political freedom, many of them continue to be eco- nomically dependent, which has precluded their achieving independentself-sustained development and this in turn has robbed their political independence of any economic con- tent. In the present circumstances it is no longer possible to accept the doctrine that the economic and social develop- ment of the developing countries is a by-product of the economic activity that takes place in the international eco- nomic framework as a whole. Such activity should greatly enhance the ability of the developing countries to achieve self-sustained development rather than development based on .dependence. 130. The world is increasingly convinced of the necessity of establishing a new international economic order rectify- ing the defects of the present order. 131. The present world economic order represents inequality in international relations. The gap between the industrialized countries and the developing countries con- tinues to grow wide instead of narrowing. We believe that the main factor contributing to the widening ofthe gap isthe structure of world economic relations, a structure that con- solidates inequality and therefore ensures advantages for the developed industrialized countries at the expense of the developing nations representing the vast majority of mankind. 133. Mankind's hopes had been pinned on the success of that session in attaining the goals set for it. Those hopes were, however, dampened by the failure of the efforts made in the field of international negotiations as a result of the intransigence ofcertain industrialized nations. The failure of the session led to the loss of an historic opportunity for the world community to rectify the present situation, despite the efforts exerted by specialized committees and working groups. 134. E" en so, we are still hopeful that those nations will review their positions and make it possible to start anew world economic negotiations to enhance economic co- operation among all nations on the basis of equality and common interests, for the growth of their economies requires economic co-operation on a basis of equality with the third world countries. 135. While those efforts are floundering, the world econ- omy continues to be afflicted by a series of problems that require urgent solution. Inflation represents a serious inter- national phenomenon. Although its origin isassociated with the economies of the developed countries, its consequences adversely affect the rest of the world, especially the develop- ing countries. While we recognize that no method should be imposed upon the industrialized countries for remedying that phenomenon which lies within their competence, inter- national action should be taken to check inflation and pre- vent its transfer to the developing countries. 136. The subject of energy, and in particular oil, is of a distinct and special nature and has great bearing on the world economy. Consequently, the oil-exporting countries, and in particular the Arab countries, have been subjected to an unjustified attack by certain circles which allege that those countries are mainly responsible for the economic problems. Such a view lacks objectivity for it looks at the subject from only one aspect. I should like to emphasize once again in this international forum that my country, as an oil producer, has done all it can to bring about the stability of the world economic situation. 137. We are fully convinced of the importance of the central role played by oil in the world economy. We have translated that conviction into a responsible commitment that is manifested in our production of oil at a rate that is much higher than suits our actual needs. This represents a sacrifice on our part for the sake of the stability ofthe world economy. It was met, however, by wastage in consumption by the industrialized nations, which made oil a scarce com- 138. The world has recently witnessed certain actions that threaten international peace, such as the failure of certain countries. to respect others and their interference in the internal affairs of those other countries, thus preventing them from freely exercising their right to self-determination. 139. The principle of respect for the sovereignty and inde- pendence of States is, in our opinion, the most important principle for whose protection the United Nations has been established. It is therefore incumbent on all Statesto respect and enhance that principle by ceasing to interfere in the affairs of others. 145. The Gulf region is confronted with increasing foreign threats of intervention in its affairs on the pretext of protec- tion. That is contrary to the principle of the sovereignty of States over their territories. It is therefore incumbent upon all States to refrain from threatening to intervene, since such action will not serve international peace and security. 140. .We consider the events in certain regions, particularly in Afghanistan, as a violation ofthe spirit ofthe Charter and of the principles of non-alignment, which reject all forms of foreign interference regardless oftheir origin or causes. Thus we demand that foreign forces withdraw from Afghan terri- tory and leave the Afghan people to determine their own destiny. 146. My country considers the safety and security of the Gulf to be a regional responsibility that belongs to the Gulf States alone. We view with the utmost concern the recent events opposing two Islamic States, namely Iraq and Iran, against each other. We hope that the efforts ofthe President of Pakistan will be successful in bringing about a cease-fire. We appreciate the fact that Iraq has announced a cease-fire in response to an appeal addressed to it by the Islamic Conference. We hope that our brothers in the Islamic Republic of Iran will also heed that appeal. We hope that those endeavours will lead to a peaceful settlement of the outstanding problems between them, thus putting an end to bloodshed and the waste of resources. 141. The arms race is a cause of concern to us because of the real danger it poses to international peace and security. The arms race has reached such alarming proportions that it threatens the destruction of our human civilization. It is apparent to everybody how closely it is interrelated with international developments and the world economy. The arms race has exhausted vast sums of money that should have been devoted to international development. It has also contributed to the worsening of worldintlation. Studies indicate that the arms race will consume an estimated $500 billion next year, a sum which could undoubtedly be used for the eradication of underdevelopment, disease, hunger and the ills that continue to beset many regions ofthe world. Such sums could be allotted to development at an interna- tional level. 147. With regard to the question of Cyprus, although tension and conflict.between the two communities continue, there is a ray of hope indicating a possibility of success for the international efforts aimed at seeking an end to that conflict: I refer to the agreement by both communities to resume negotiations, an agreement we welcome and applaud. My country supports those efforts aimed at a speedy solution of the question ofCyprus which will ensure its territorial integrity and non-alignment. 148. International efforts concerning the law of the sea have made promising progress, manifested in the great achievements of the ninth session of the Third Vnited Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Geneva. We hope that that will expedite the signing of an interna- tional convention which would establish a new system governing the use and exploitation ofthe seas and oceans in a just and equitable manner. 142. In view of these facts, it becomes necessary to encour- age international efforts aimed at reducing the arms race. In that context my delegation expresses its deep regret at the lack of full commitment towards implementing the interna- tional strategy in the field of disarmament, which was adopted by the General Assembly at its tenth special session, devoted to disarmament [see resolution S-10/2]. 143. All States, and in particular the super-Powers, are required today to translate their recognition of the dangers of the arms race into concrete action that would contribute to the success of the international efforts-made in this regard. There is still an opportunity for all States to do more through the Second Disarmament Decade, which starts this year, in order to uphold the spirit of the strategy aimed at controlling the arms race..We hope that by the time the next special session, scheduled for 1982, is convened all nations 149. Southern Africa is experiencing a violation of the most basic human rights. Indigenous Africans are still being subjected to occupation and various kinds ofracial discrimi- nation practised by the South African minority regime. 150. The struggle ofthe people ofZimbabwe-whic.h was crowned with independence and freedom-represents a true symbol of the African people's struggle. Its victory will 152. In view of this situation the Organization has the responsibility to respond firmly to such aggression and violations by imposing the sanctions prescribed in Chapter VII of the Charter. My country has continuously expressed its solidarity with the peoples of southern Africa and has rendered its full support to the liberation move- ments in that region. We condemn the actions of South Africa and reiterate our support for the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the legitimate representa- tive of the Narnibian people. We call upon all States to refrain from aiding that regime, so that the Organization may be enabled to eradicate all manifestations ofoppression in that part of the world. 153. I shall address myself now to a region which has been afflicted with the most complicated problem facing our contemporary world. The Middle East region undoubtedly represents a major hotbed of insecurity and' instability because of the acts of aggression committed by Israel. This aggression is reflected in Israel's occupation ofPalestine and the territories of several Arab States, the denial to the Pales- tinian people of its right to self-determination in its own territory and the repeated aggression committed against Lebanon. 154. These acts constitute a glaring violation of the basic rules of international law and of the Charter, which pro- scribe the occupation of the territories of other peoples by force. The United Nations has in numerous resolutions called upon Israel to cease itsacts ofaggression, to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories and to grant the Pales- tinian people an opportunity to determine their own destiny. These resolutions have not been implemented because of Israeli intransigence supported by certain States, in particu- lar the United States of America. Furthermore, Israel con- tinues to establish settlements in the occupied Arab territories for the purpose of annexing them under false pretexts and pronouncements made by its leaders. It con- tinues also to violate the sanctity of Lebanese territory. ISS. The latest action undertaken by Israel was itsannexa- tion of Jerusalem, declared the so-called eternal capital of Israel. The international community, in Security Council resolution 478(1980), condemned that act and called upon all States to remove their embassies from the Holy City. I 156. We have previously expressed our interest in the declaration on the situation in the Middle East issued on 13 June 1980 at Venice by the heads of State and Govern- ment and the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the member States of the European Community [A/35/299-S/14009]. We had hoped that it would signify a new approach in those countries' perception of the nature of .the problem. Although subsequent developments have, unfortunately, taken a different course, weare confident that the correction of that perception willenable the Community to play a role in solving the problem commensurate with its international standing. 157. Certain attempts have been made outside the frame- 'work of the United Nations purporting to resolve the situa- tion in the Middle East. We consider that any efforts made concerning this question must be made within the frame- work of the Organization. The United Arab Emirates, there- fore, continues to reject the Camp David agreements as a framework for the solutionof'the problem, since they ignore the vital and basic issues, including the right of the Pales- tinian people to self-determination and the recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] as the sole legitimate representative of that people. 158. We believe that the cornerstone ofany solution to the Middle East problem must include the total and uncondi- tional withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the occupied Arab territories, including the city of Jerusalem, and the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self- determination and to the establishment of an independent State in Palestine. We call upon all peace-loving States to express their solidarity with the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples in their resistance to and struggle against Israeli acts ofaggression. We also call upon the United States ofAmer- ica to refrain from supporting Israeli aggression. 159. The continued aggression committed against Lebanon shows the expansionist designs of Israel and its determina- tion to occupy the territory of other countries by force. This calls for the international community to undertake the necessary action to put an end to such aggression. 160. The non-compliance with United Nations resolutions and such acts of aggression constitute dangerous phenom- ena in the context of the policy pursued by Israel in the Middle East. The United Nations is called upon to put an end to such practices. It should resort to preventive meas- ures by applying against Israel, the aggressor State, the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter. Such action will restore dignity and respect to the Organization.