A/35/PV.28 General Assembly

On behalf of the General As- sembly, I wish to thank His Excellency Prince Mabandla Dlamini, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Swaziland, for the important statement he has just made. I should like also to add my own thanks for the kind words addressed to my country and to me.

Last year in this Assembly I expressed2 unease over the dark clouds gathering on the international horizon and detected early warning signals of a new round of escalation in lethal weapon systems. Malta's forebodings of yesterday have transformed themselves into the grim realities of today. 44. We have in fact been declaring the same objectives, perhaps in different words and with different emphases, for the last 35 years. Our methods and our approaches have not changed much. We give rise to great expectations in debate, but negative factors overwhelm our modest collective gains. 45. We still have the protagonists of each military alliance continuing to engage in the apparently all-absorbing activity of the pot calling the kettle black. For instance, the only significant additions to their repetitive statements on dis- armament have mostly been dictated by the new weapons systems that they themselves have commissioned in the period intervening between one session ofthe Assembly and the next. That seems to be the end-product of their commit- ment to what has now become almost a meaningless ritual- a verbal commitment to "general and complete disarma- ment under effective international control". In reality, as the study on nuclear weapons by the Secretary-General con- cludes [A/35/392], the major Powers are toying with a perpetual menace to human society. In a recent survey carried out in Britain, almost 50 per cent of'the people interviewed predicted an outbreak of nuclear war within the time span of the current generation. 46. For how long, then, can reasonable hope prevail over barren performance? Have the major Powers not yet real- ized that every action taken by either of them has world- wide ramifications and calls for an inevitable response from the other? With detente always considered so fragile, why are there elephantine lurches by one side or the other, which are bound to destroy, perhaps at a single stroke, all the patient attempts at progress made in the past? Is it possible that there can be such a lack uf perception and communica- tion in the world of today? 47. We do not lack the tools. The Charter of the United Nations is our prescription and our objective, and the Organization is our means to attain our ends. \\'hat we lack, desperately, is the will to use its institutions and to use them efficiently. Next to political will, our scarcest commodity is time, which is fast running out. 48. A lasting legacy of the imperturbable performance of Ambassador Salim ofthe United Republic ofTanzania, the previous President of the General Assembly, is the clarity and perception with which he reviewed the performance of this Assembly over the past 12 months, objectively high- lighting the major problems confronting us. 49. Similarly, our hard pressed Secretary-General has once again helped us to focus attention on the major prob- lems we face in his concise, analytical and dedicated report on the work of the Organization, which convincingly reminds us-because we need to be reminded-that our 50. And the President ofthe current session has now taken up the challenge of leadership in the strenuous months ahead. My country and I personally welcome your election, Mr. President. It is a well-merited acknowledgement ofyour personal qualities and of the important role that your coun- try has assumed in the present stage of international rela- tions. I am confident that your experience and dedication will serve us well. 51. It is symbolic of your country's effective stimulus to economic development that, in the short span of less than a decade, the pragmatic efforts of the small team ofexperts on industrial promotion that the Federal Republic ofGermany sent to Malta have been so successful that, I am glad to state, your country is the only industrially developed nation with which Malta maintains a favourable balance of trade, in a mutually advantageous partnership of German technology and Maltese skilled labour. 52. This model of modern friendly relations between two countries, forged through the vicissitudes of past history, inspires Malta's foreign policy; it is a success story that is a good foundation for Malta's hopes for the future regarding all other countries. We therefore augur that this session also will produce similarly positive and enduring results. 53. As others have pointed out, we have two outstanding elements on the credit side of our pelformance rating. The first, the long drawn-out saga ofZimblbwe, finally ended in a significant achievement which we have already welcomed, overdue as it undoubtedly was. Even that achievement, however, reminds us of the continuing frustration over Namibia and the even more insidious anomaly ofapartheid, practised as national Government policy by South Africa. That system continues to outrage the conscience ofmankind at a period in history when human dignity, social equality and racial harmony should be th,,: hallmark of modern times. 54. .fhe second achievement, the progress in the hitherto slow-moving Conference on the Law ofthe Sea, welcome as it is, does not blind my delegation te the severe dent in our original expectations as to what should derive from the concept of the common heritage of mankind. 55. During the negotiations, it has become clear that extensive, rich and more readily accessible areas ofthe ocean floor are now likely to fall under national jurisdiction, mostly benefiting a few well endowed nations, at the expense of the international community as a whole. The originally envisaged international area has shrunk considerably as a result. 56. The recovery and utilization of the resources in the international area, mOI~over, require a most sophisticated technology and highly capital-intensive efforts, of which only a handful ofcountries are capable. We now have grave doubts as to the financial benefits that will actually accrue to the international community as a whole, and particularly to developing countries, from the eventual utilization ofthose 57. Already ominous signs are emerging. Apart from the national legislation on sea-bed mining by one country, there is the refusal of some States to agree to an enforceable system of law, or even to existing disputes being subjected to the procedur~s that would apply to future disputes of the same kind. Those disputes are not theoretical; they are now being encountered in practice and applied against the weak to the advantage of the strong. 58. With advancing technology, dwindling energy and mineral resources, and escalating prices, offshore explora- tkm is bound to assume increasing and frequently compet- ing importance. Powerful technologically advanced nations fronting the oceans are currently extracting resources from dozens of rigs operating hundreds of miles offshore. Malta has been forcefully prevented from operating one single rig at a modest offshore distance of 50 miles. 59. The recognized right to exploration and exploitation of natural resources has now become an acute and actual need for all countries, but particularly for developing coun- tries which depend on energy imports and are faced with constantly escalating costs. That was stressed by the Presi- dent ofOAU in his statement to this Assembly of24 Septem- ber [9th meeting]. It was referred to by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union ofSoviet Socialist Republics in his statement of the previous day [6th meeting], and it has been highlighted by the representative ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines [Jst meeting], the newest Member of the United Nations. 60. We again compliment that nation, not only on its admission to the United Nations, which we were honoured to sponsor, but also on its perceptive statement, as an island developing country, on the importance ofoffshore resources and the relevance of the median line as the boundary between opposite States for the territorial sea and the eco- nomic zone, within internationally recognized limits. 61. Those rights "ave been enunciated in numerous reso- lutions proposed by developing countries. They are recog- nized by current international law and practice. Yet the attitudes and interpretation of States in various regions in relation to those rights and legal principles vary considera- bly; already in some areas there has been armed confrontation-over the past month alone-in Africa, in Latin America and in the Mediterranean. Malta was at the receiving end ofthe confrontation in the Mediterranean and has suffered bitterly as a result ofaction taken against it by et country which professes to be Malta's best friend. 62. I shall not repeat all the details ofthe incident, since the matter is before the Security Council. I only mention that we have spent eight years of expensive and wearisome negotia- tions with Libya, to no avail. For four years Libya has delayed ratification of a painstakingly negotiated agreement to refer the matter for adjudication by legal process. 64. Libya-or any othp.r country for that matter-cannot apply two weights and two measures; once it has exploited resources on its own side ofthe median line, it simply cannot deny the exercise of the same rights to Malta, by using force to impede our legitimate activities on our own side. We, for our part, have not presumed to impede lawful Libyan activi- ties, but the Libyans have impeded ours and say that they intend to continue to do so. In the circumstances which Libya has provoked, our only honourable course, as a peace-loving country, and after all efforts at good offices had been frustrated, was to seek the protection of the Secu- rity Council, instead of answering threat by counter-threat. 65. Like the Secretary-General, we feel that, as experience has abundantly shown, the Security Council should not be used as a last resort when any given situation has gone out of hand. We believe firmly in the Security Council as the promoter and the guarantor of international peace and security. We therefore do not believe that it should vacillate in the face of actions which are clearly in violation of inter- national law and of the Charter of the United Nations. There cannot be two codes of internation.:! conduct-one for the strong and the other for the weak. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France so correctly stated in his address to this Assembly, "When la\\o is violated, silence acts as an accomplice" [8th meeting, para. 207]. 66. We know-there is already evident proof-that the incident provoked by Libya is not an isolated one. It is bound to occur again in the future, as it has in the past. Therefore the Security Council must pronounce an appro- priate code of conduct; it must not condone breaches of the peace; it must ensure that they do not recur. 67. The proposed law of the sea convention is innovative, but it does not inhibit established international law and practice. In fact, it foresees the necessity of practical interim arrangements until boundary agreements are reached. Arti- cle 83, paragraph 3, provides that, pending agreement, "... the States concerned, in a spirit ofunderstanding and co-operation, shall make every effort to enter into provi- sional arrangements ofa practical nature and, during this transitional period, not to jeopardize or hamper the reaching of the final agreement.") 68. Malta, in its search for agreement, although constantly faced with dismaying delaying tactics and totally unfounded claims by Libya, has made a practical suggestion. Up to this very moment the only Libyan reply has been a deafening silence. 69. A heavily armed, richly endowed country thus.. con- sciously or unconsciously, stifles the legitimate rights of a •Sce A/CONF.62/WP.IO/Rev. 3 and Con. I and 3. 70. That is the only issue-a vital one fo. Malta, though perhaps minor for Libya-which is exacerbating relations between the two countries. That provocative and illegal attitude flies against the interest of Mediterranean co- operation and of reducing tension in the Mediterranean, to which Libya allegedly is dedicated. 71. In the past, it has given me great pleasure to praise Libya's understanding. Today, I have no option but to call it into question and to ask Libya to change its present attitude. I do it with the utmost candour, which is the true expression of friendship, so that existing doubts and anxieties will be removed. It is the least we can expect from a nation that has stood by us in difficult circumstances in the past. 72. Therefore, I very much regret that in his statement of 6 October [25th meeting] the representative of Libya, while reviewing Mediterranean problems, did not even see fit to mention the acute controversy between his country and mine, as if that question, ofsuch vital interest to Malta, is of no concern to his country. 73. The Security Council suspended its exalJlination of Malta's complaint so as to give Libya time to study the matter, and to this date Libya has not provided any reply, beyond stating in letters that: first, the question is a complex and technical matter which cannot be settled overnight; secondly, the law of the sea has not yet resolved the question of delimitation; thirdly, Libya is ready to go to the Interna- tional Court of Justice; fourthly, Libya did not use force against Malta; and fifthly, since "the area" is disputed, Malta cannot carry out any activities therein until the border demarcation 1i11e is determined. 74. To those points I would reply briefly as follows. 75. First, ~:6ht years of patient but fruitless effort is not exactly "trying to settle the question overnight". In any case, if the Libyan People's Congress can ratify a complicated constitutional and political question of a merger with the Syrian Arab Republic in a few weeks, I feel justified in asking why it needs four years to ratify a comparatively simple agreement already negotiated between the two Governments. 76. Secondly, it is, of course, true that the Conference on the Law of the Sea has not yet completed its work, including the question of delimitation. But the world did not stop while the Conference proceeded with its discussions. Neither Libya, nor any other country, h3s ceased its own explora- tion activities. The proposed convention, in any case, does not inhibit current international law and practice, and Mal- ta's activities were fully in compliance with those require- ments. Besides, as I have already indicated, the proposed convention does foresee the necessity of interim arrange- ments until final agreement is reached. 78. Fourthly, Libya says it did not use force against Malta, and does not intend to do so. To this fundamental point I have to reply at somewhat greater length. 79. It is, of course, true that no foreign forces landed in Malta, although we judged it prudent to take precautionary measures. But, as the representative of Libya would appre- ciate, through the actual experience gained by his country from the 30 (}r so offshore oil wells it is currently exploiting, expensive drilling operations are .10t voluntarily suspended before the operation is considered complete. The fact is that Malta's solitary oil drilling operation, well inside Malta's side of the median line, had to suspend operations under the threat of armed Libyan naval units pointing menacing guns against defenceless citizens and expensive equipment. 80. The telex sent on 20 August 1980 by the Libyan Minis- ter for Oil, to the captain of the oil rig, stated explicitly: "We hereby warn you that your company should immediately refrain from performing any drilling opera- tions, withdraw the rig and leave the area; otherwise, the Jamahiriya is obliged to prevent your company from doing so by all means including force, on the ground that what is being done by your company is a hostile action against a sovereign State." 81. I also happen to have available photographs of the Libyan warship-showing its identification number-taken by officials ofthe Maltese Government from the rig that was being threatened by the Libyan warship. Those photo- graphs were witnessed by citizens ofother countries and give the exact geographical co-ordinates and the date and time when the photograph of the incident was taken. 82. There is therefore no question but that force was used and that its use is still being threatened. The rig did not leave of its own accord, and any other rig in future will need either armed protection or an assurance from Libya that it will not be threatened. We prefer the latter alternative. 83. The fifth and final point is the claim by Libya that "the area" is disputed. But in order for a dispute to be genuine and not just a convenient pretext, it has to have some foundation. In Libya's case there is none; neither historical rights, nor geological criteria, nor contemporary interna- tional law and practice support Libya's unf<>unded claim. Libya itself seems to have so little faith in its own arguments that, as I have indicated, it has failed to honour its commit- ment to go to the International Court. Malta has been ready to do 'so from the very beginning. 84. Our latest contribution to an equitable accord was the honest though rather unusual step of declaring in advance that the benefits ofany activities carried out by Malta would accrue to Libya ifthe International Court ofJustice found in favour of Libya. But Libya remains singularly deaf to all approaches except those that put Malta in an economic strait jacket. 86. First, is he publicly and solemnly willing to commit his country, in an appropriate manner, to go to the Interna- tional Court this year? 87. Secondly, is he publicly and solemnly willing to state before this Assembly or in any other appropriate manner that his country will not in future use force against peaceful exploratiun activities carried out by Malta, under current international law and practice, on its side ofthe median line, ~ubject to the understanding given by my Prime Ministe. and without prejudice to the claims of either side until the demarcation issue is settled by agreement or by legal process in accordance with the relevant provisions of the proposed law of the sea convention? 88. If the representative of Libya is willing to give a cate- gorkal answer to those two specific questions the whole world will be able to determine whether Libya's protesta- tions of friendship towards Malta's independence and prosperity have any practical content, and the Security Council would then be guided accordingly. 89. In that perspective I am pleased to express my coun- try's appreciation for the understcmding shown by the Ital- ian Government, as outlined in the statement delivered by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Italy on 23 September [7th meeting]. It is the end result of a long series of negotia- tions which were finally concluded successfully-another example of the favourable evolution of history. We are endeavouring to negotiate more or less similar approaches with other Mediterranean countries and our efforts have also succeeded with friendly non-aligned Yugoslavia. We are dedicated to bringing peace~ventually to the Mediterra- nean and to promoting ever increasing co-operation between Europe and the continents bordering upon it. 90. It is against the background of those objectives that, once again, we are forced to note with increasing dismay the paucity of political progress concerning the plight of the friendly Mediterranean sister island ofCyprus, caught as it is in a vice-like grip by outside influences which tend to ignore the real needs of the indigenous people of the island, who suffer the SCJ?rs of artificial division brought about princi- pally as a resuh of the heavy-handed events of 1974. 91. Subsequently, belatedly, the persistent efforts of the Secretary-General managed to break through the procedu- ral morass that had paralysed the intercommunal talks, but it remains to be seen whether the progress that the Cyprus Government seeks and the international community has repeatedly urged will in fact be forthcoming. Malta encour- ages the restraint now being shown and hopes that a dynamic momentum for progress can be generated. 92. No one would dare to underestimate the complexity of the Middle East-the most recent regrettable conflict is a sharp reminder of it-but that is no reason to overlook the 93. Malta was foremost in taking a prominent role in alerting the conscience of previously marginally involved countries and in advocating a comprehensive solution to that problem by forcefully raising its voice, not in the cosy company of the like-minded, but in the halls of the Council of Europe, the Commonwealth and the Socialist Interna- tional. We therefore welcome the fact-finding mission ofthe European Economic Community and trust that the com- bined efforts under way through the United Nations will result in remedying the deficiencies of 'past and recent approaches, whose main features have been dismal failure and simmering resentment periodically exploding in wide- scale conflict. In the 3ame context, we trust that friendly Lebanon will be spared further suffering and dldt the status of the Holy City of Jerusalem will henceforth be respected. 94. Despite these and other dark cleuds that hover over the Mediterranean and that are fed by the divergent approaches of the major Powers, Malta has resolutely held to its policy of freedom from military attachments. We intend to entrench that policy in our national Constitution and to register it with this Organization under the terms of Article 102 of the Charter. 95. We shall declare the Republic of Malta a neutral State, and shall actively pursue peace, security and social progress among all nations by adhering to a policy of non-alignment and by refusing to participate in any military alliance. Our constant objective will then be to seek resolutely to increase the sectors ofco-operation among Mediterranean countries. We have maintained regular contact with all those countries and have sensibly sought to bring them together in prepara- tion for the Madrid meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, of which the Mediterranean is among the most sensitive components. 96. We are strenuously striving to make the dialogue that· has been initiated something more permanent, more repre- sentative and more action-oriented and to give all Mediter- ranean countries a better role in the process, since Mediterranean issues can be discussed productively only on the basis of adequate participation by all concerned. 97. We believe there can be little prospect ofeasing tension in that sensitive region until some adequate mechanism is devised for planning and executing agreed programmes between the largest possible number of interested countries. Otherwise, the present tension and division will deteriorate even further and the concept of the Mediterranean as a zone of peace and co-operation will become more difficult to achieve. 98. Though Asia is far away from Malta geographically, we are very sensitive to its problems. We have watched with interest and encouragement the gradual but steady progress of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, but have noted with concern the events in Kampu- 99. We regret that the aspirations ofthe people ofKorea to peaceful reunification remain static, while foreign troops remain stationed in the south-a permanent symbol of the country's division and an obstacle tu the genuine and open dialogue required for the prospects of reunification. The time has come to generate the necessary momentum by gradually overcoming the economic, administrative and political divisions artificially inherited from the hostilities of the past. 100. The more recent evolution in the region provides an impetus for the reunification of the country and new initia- tives could be ~aken so as to reach an agreement satisfying the wishes of a11 the Korean people. The death sentence passed on the South Korean opposition leader was a further set-back to the prospects for a popular dialogue. We urge that that retrograde decision should not be implemented. 101. We are closely fo!!o\J/ing the disc:issions designed to promote the concept of the Indian Ocean as a zone ofpeace. We fully support the realization of that objective and we believe it would receive a major impetus if the suggestion by Madagascar of a summit conference of the interested coun- tries and parties were agreed to and the conference were held at an early date so as to complement and to consoli- date the outcome of the scheduled meeting at Colombo. 102. In the obligatory glance backwards at international economic co-operation over the last months, it is only natu- ral to determine whether a common theme has pervaded all the developments. That theme perhaps emerges best from the results of the recently concluded eleventh special session. 103. Where no binding commitment for fundamental structural reform was expected, as in the case of the new international development strategy, some sort of agreement was reached. But no such agreement could be reached in the case of the procedures for the global round of negotiations, precisely because what the developing world is demanding through those procedures is that full commitment to negoti- ation which has so far eluded all important aspects of the North-South dialogue. We are therefore still facing the origi- nal dilemma over the lack of political commitment. The special session did, however, have the merit ofclearly identi- fying as never before the exact source ofthat lack ofpolitical commitment. Indeed only a very small number of countries persist in believing that the present inequitable and unjust international economic system can evolve in a piecemeal and haphazard fashion. The vast majority of nations are now committed to a bolder and more thorough approach. It is to be hoped that the hesitant few will agree to join the common endeavour and permit the global negotiations to commence early in the new year. 104. That brings me back to Ambassador von Wechmar's opening statement [IS( meeting] and to some considerations which I expressed in this same hall last year. He very rightly inquired whether everything had been done to reach a con- sensus and pointed out the enormity of our task and the limitations of our time. Last year I also asked that some consideration be given to devising techniques to render the 105. The fact is that, unless universal and regional institu- tions prove able to meet the challenges with which they are faced, the course ofworld politics may well assume a sinister direction towards head-on collision. The signs are already there; we should act now to avert possible calamity. 106. As we pass through this dark period in international relations, we may perhaps derive some comfort from the old truism that the darkest hour comes before dawn. At this session we have at least thrown the collective spotlight ofour analysis in an attempt to penetrate the darkness. Now it is up to all of us to act, each one in accordance with his capacity and responsibility towards the international community. If we fail, we shall all be losers. 107. As far as Malta is concerned, I believe that what I have stated above is sufficient practical and unequivocal evidence ofour deep, abiding faith in this Organization and of our credentials to serve its highest organs. 108. Malta may be one of the smallest and least armed States Members of the United Nations but we do have the moral fibre unflinchingly to defend the principles oflaw and justice from being threatened from any source, no matter how strong, no matter how near or far that source may be. 109. Mr. D'ESCOTO BROCKMANN (Nicaragua)(inter- pretation from Spanish): I should like at the outset to wel- come Mr. von Wechmar and to express our most sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We should also like to express our appreciation for the excellent work done by the outgoing President, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, during the last regular ses- sion, the two emergency special sessions and the recently concluded special session. We welcome with great pleasure the heroic people ofZimbabwe to membership ofthe United Nations. It was an honour for us to be present at its procla- mation of independence. We also bid a very warm welcome to the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as it joins our Organization. 110. As Mr. von Wechmar put it so well, "this Assembly convenes at a time when the world has entered a difficult decade" [/st meeting, para. 45]. It is difficult primarily because of the lack ofpolitical will and the incredible lack of vision, which seems to be symptomatic of a state of moral bankruptcy preventing the developed countries from appre- ciating the justice of the demands of the overwhelming majority of the people ofthe world. That majority is eager to uphold not only the right to li.ve with a minimum ofdecency Ill. Aware of this complex situation and eager to pro- mote peace, Nicaragua believes that lasting peace can be achieved only through the eradication of exploitative regimes, together with imperialism, colonialism, neo-colo- nialism, apartheid, zionism and all the other ills contrived by capitalism to justify the exploitation of man by man. That is why, directly after the overthrow of the genc,ddal Somoza Debayle, we joined the non-aligned movement, whose prin- ciples and objectives Nicaragua will uphold within this Organization. 112. The National Directorate of the Sandinist Front for National Liberation, which was in the forefront of our revolutionary process, and the Government of National Reconstruction are aware that the best way for us to stand together with those who want a genuine peace is to continue the fight to achieve or consolidate justice in our own coun- try, Nicaragua. 113. The world learned of the Nicaraguan people's hero- ism, determination to be free and patriotism, which, under the leadership of the glorious 3andinist Front for National Liberation, put an end to the 70 years ofagony during which the enemies of freedom and justice, the allies ofimperialism, tried to crush the indomitable spirit of the Nicaraguan people. But, as our poet, Ruben Dario, said, "Nicaragua is made of vigour and glory, Nicaragua is made for freedom". So it was that, shortly after the infamous Knox note where- by the United States initiated one of the darkest chapters in the history of interventionism, Benjamin Zeled6n emerged on the scene in Nicaragua. He was the hero of the anti- imperialist resistance of 1912 and a precursor of the Sandi- nist struggle. 114. The achievements of the General of free men, Augusto Cesar Sandino, half a century ago showed once again that moral superiority and patriotism are more impor- tant and can achieve more 'than the mere power of money and weapons in the service of plunder or domination. That great man, whose spirit represents the best of our people, lives in the hearts of all true Nicaraguans, as was amply demonstrated in the heroic insurrection that defeated the Somoza dictatorship and continues to Bve in our present struggle to rebuild our plundered, bombed but finally Iiber- at~d Nicaragua. 115. We had not yet recovered from the earthquake that destroyed the capital in December 1972 when the Somoza 117. The external debt was about $1,650 million, much of which had been contracted with private international banks, with repayment periods and interest rates that were incom- patible with development policy and especially incompati- ble with the payment possibilities ofa destroyed country like Nicaragua. Thus in 1979, even with all our export earnings, we should not have been able to repay the capital and interest we owed. 118. Our gross international reserves were barely suffi- cient to pay for two days of imports; the public finances had been totally destroyed and were in a state of insolvency; stocks had been exhausted or plundered; the distribution networks had been destroyed; and at the time ofthe triumph of our people, half ofthem required assistance in the form of food in order to survive. What is even worse, considering its long-term consequences, the agricultural cycle had been seriously interrupted. 119. The gross domestic product for 1979 decreased by 25.1 per cent, and together with a negative growth rate of6.9 per cent in 1978, brought us to the unusual position in which the gross domestic product per capita had dropped to its level no less than 17 years earlier, in 1962. 120. What is more, 45,000 people were killed, between 80,000 and 100,000 were wounded, and 40,000 children were orphaned. All this bears striking testimony to the suffering of our people. 121. The material and economic damage showed us what tremendous effort we would have to make. The plight ofthe people gave us the will to make that effort. Our only asset was the political legitimacy, national and international, of the Revolutionary Government. 122. That legitimacy made it possible to unite the whole population behind the national reconstruction effort and, with the conscious support of an organized people, to carry out such important measures as the nationalization ofbanks and foreign trade, the repossession of the mines and natural resources, agrarian reform and administrative and institu- tional changes, which are powerful instruments for promot- ing national development. 123. Our international political legitimacy was the result of the firm exercise of the independence won by our people. The broad sympathy and solidarity awakened by our strug- gle also made possible a suitable renegotiation of our exter- nal debt with private international banks. 124. The efforts which have been made so far have focused on the Programme of E~onomic Reactivation that was 125. While economic stabilization is of obvious impor- tance for any country in a position similar to that of Nica- ragua, it also should not be forgotten that what our people earned through the sacrifice of tens of thousands of its best sons was the right to carry out a genuine revolution, one which involved the eradication ofcrime and exploitation as a system and the creation of a new order guaranteeing respect for the inalienable rights of the human person, the rule of law and the satisfaction of basic necessities such as education, health and housing. Of course, this whole new order cannot he truly revolutionary unless the people are able gradually to take part in the entire process. It is not enough to abolish the totalitarianism which characterized the former regime; one must fight against attempts to create a democracy that is merely a matter of form, that is, one which defends only the interests of the privileged. Popular democracy is the only way of guaranteeing the right ofour people to effective participation in the revolutionary pro- cess. Therefore we vigorously reject the attempts of those who, adopting a sanctimOniOUS attitude, are trying to impose on us certain specific forms ofdemocracy against the interests of our majority. The allies of the Somoza regime, the interventionists and those who try to impose presidents on us have little moral authority to speak of democracy. 126. This is not the time to go into detail about the many achievements of our revolution in the first 14 months; but we would mention a few things to demonstrate what can be achieved when there is a will to move forward and overcome problems that at first appear to be insuperable. 127. In the area of human rights, we wish to say that the Junta of the Government of National Reconstruction has from the start expressed its concern to ensure full respect for the promotion of human rights. One of the first acts of the Government was the promulgation on 21 August 1979 of the Statute on the Rights and Guarantees of Nicaraguans, article 5 of which provided for the abolition of the death penalty, and on 20 July 1979 the Basic Statute ofthe Repub- lic, which guarantees, in article 6, full respect for human rights. A few weeks after the revolutionary triumph, the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights was ratified. We have also ratified the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights with its Optional Protocol, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. 128. Also, as an official policy, the Junta of the Govern- ment of National Reconstruction has opened its doors to all international bodies which wish to see for themselves "It is obvious that the Government is concerned to prevent the torture and ill-treatment of detainees. A cli- mate of freedom and guarantees exists in the country. The Government has demonstrated that it is favourably dis- posed to dialogue and prepared to consider carefully those suggestions which come from institutions and organizations which protect human rights:' 129. At the present time, £'It the special invitation of the Governmental Junta, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is in our country, looking into the question of respect for human rights. 130. At the judicial level, it is important to say that when the people's Sandinist revolution took control of our coun- try, its first act was to abolish the Political Constitution, which supported the Somoza regime and all its structures, and to deprive oftheir powers all the former magistrates and judges who, for the most part, had already fled the country because of their complicity in all kinds of violations of the law. 131. As a result, in the first days of the revolution, the country had no organized tribunals, police or other authori- ties, and everything had to be created. 132. However, notwithstanding the ravages ofthe war and the precarious economic situation, just 14 months after our triumph the judicial power is functioning fully throughout the entire country; the military power of the revolution has been replaced by the legal power and the rule of law is now on a sound basis. 133. In order to improve the standard of living of the Nicaraguan people and to eliminate the extreme poverty of the groups and sectors on the fringes of society, we have created a Ministry of Social Welfare, which, despite all its limitations, is developing a series ofprogrammes to help the most deprived who, under the dictatorship, have tradition- ally been on the fringes of society, namely, women, children and the great working masses. 134. On 19 July 1979, after 45 years of dictatorship, the general picture of housing in Nicaragua was truly gloomy. Substandard housing and slums made up 60 per cent, or 300,000 of the living units in the country. 135. In the first year we have completed or initiated 10 times the number of units built in a single year during the dictatorship; but the challenge of the future is immense. To make up for lost time and meet the requirements of the growing population it will be necessary to build 30,000 housing units a year between 1980 and the year 2000. In other words, every year we shall have to build more than the dictatorship built in half a century. 136. After the triumph of the people's Sandinist revolu- tion, a number of fundamental changes were made in the educational system in order to put education at the service of the masses. The elitist, vertical, fragmentary education 138. I will conclude this part of my statement with a few observations regarding the Council ofState ofthe Republic of Nicaragua. 139. The Council of State is a new institution, an innova- tion for which the revolution is responsible and an instru- ment intended to be a living expression of the democracy of our people. It brings together 29 people's organizations, trade unions, guilds, and political and social organizations, and there are 47 representatives of these organizations. 140. For the first time in the history of our country, workers, peasants, women, young people, people from the towns and the country, discuss without intermediaries all the problems that concern them. They have decision- making authority with regard to those problems and can translate into laws the solutions which are viewed as appro- priate by our workers and peasants. 141. The Council of State is made up of democratically elected representatives; it is an experiment in democracy in the making; it is of benefit to our people as they seek structures that will make it possible for them to build a genuine people's democracy. 142. In the area of international relations, Nicaragua has tried to strengthen its bonds of friendship and co-operation with old friends and our relations are indeed very cordial with many countries, including Mexico, Cuba, Panama, Costa Rica, Venezuela, Ecuador, Jamaica, Peru, Grenada, the Federal Republic of Germany, Spain, the Netherlands and Swe.den. 143. We have also established new and very good relations with the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic, Poland, Bulgaria and practically all the socialist countries of Europe. We have made overtures to Africa, a fraternal continent with whose people ours have much in common, including common aspirations. We have established diplo- matic relations with Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, Zambia, the United Republic ofTanzania and a number of other African countries with which we wish to have strong bonds of friendship and co-operation. We have achieved those with our good friends in Algeria, our dear friends in the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic and the heroic POLISARI04 Front, whose cause we support. 144. We wish to strengthen our bonds with many other Arab countries, too, and have already established diplo- 4 Frente Popular para la Liberaci6n de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Oro. 145. As we have already said on many occasions, we wish to maintain the best possible relations with the United States, and we are willing to continue to make whatever effort is necessary to heal the wounds which still exist among our people as a result of the poiicies of intervention and of complicity with tyranny which, until only a short time ago, were dominant. We appreciate the important efforts made by President Carter to bring about changes in the traditional policies of the United States towards our people. Regretta- bly, as the entire world is probably now aware, there are still powerful interests within and outside tQe United States Government that are eager to slander and damage the only popular, democratic and nationalist Government that Nica- ragua has ever had over the past 70 years. There are two trends in the United States today-one realistic and the other interventionist-and the nature ofour future relations with the United States will depend on which trend emerges triumphant. We wish to be friends, but we will never sell out, nor will we ever flag in our sacred task ofbuilding a new free and sovereign Nicaragua. 146. Although we have nothing but the most cordial feel- ings for the sister people of Colombia, the obligation to defend our territorial integrity has obliged us to issue a declaration regarding the invalidity of the Barcenas Meneses-Esguerra Treaty,5 which was signed and ratified during the United States occupation ofNicaragua and-this is important-under United States pressure. Although we realize that the present Colombian Government cannot be blamed for the fact that the 1928 Government took advan- tage of the United States occupation of Nicaragua to gain control over part ofour territory, once we achieved indepen- dence and sovereignty with the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship, we could not fail to declare null and void a Treaty which had never expressed the sovereign will of our people, and which, even from the legal standpoint, is invalid, since it is at variance with the provisions of the Constitution in force in Nicaragua at that time. It is a matter not only of the San Andres and Providencia Islands and the keys, but of more than 80,000 square kilometres of Nicaraguan territory on our Atlantic continental shelf. We shall continue to do everything we can to see to it that this conflict is settled within a framework of fraternity and respect, and we main- tain that dialogue is the best course ofaction. In our view, it is also important to stress that this is not a border conflict, since Colombia and Nicaragua have never been neighbours in the geographic sense. 147. If I have dwelt on the progress of the revolutionary process in Nicaragua, it is because I feel the international community has the right to know the truth concerning a process about which the media speak so much, but often with the sole intent ofdistorting the facts. We should not be 5 Treaty concerning Territorial Questions at issue between Colnmbia and Nicaragua, signed at Managua on 24 March 1928. For the text, see League of Nations, Treaty Series, vo!. 105, p. 338. 148. We do not regard our revolution as something sepa- rate and apart from the world-wide revolutionary process; quite the contrary, it is an integral part ofthe fight ofpeoples for their liberation. That is why we cannot fail to identify with and to stand by all those still involved in this same process. 149. Yec;terday it was the people ofNicaragua. Today the heroic people of Zimbabwe is another link in the long, powerful chain of peoples that have waged great struggles for national liberation. And, just as the example of the Nicaragl~an victory serves to advance the cause ofliberation in Latin America, so does Zimbabwe's victory represent an enormous stride in the struggle for liberation in southern Africa, as did the victories of Mozambique and Angola before it. With Zimbabwe's victory, that struggle has reached a decisive stage, and we are convinced that, sooner rather than later, the people of Namibia, represented by its sole vanguard, the South West Africa People's Organiza- tion, will join us in this hall. 150. But it is the mortally wounded beast that is the most dangerous. The cornered racist regime of Pretoria is com- mitting ever more criminal acts of aggression against the front-line States. At the same time, it is trying to impose its system of exploitation and repression by means ofso-called "internal settlements", which violate the popular will of Namibia. More valid than ever now is the statement issued at the Sixth Conference of Heads ofState or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held from 3 to 9 September 1979at Havana, that "freedom, peace, security and progress cannot be achieved in southern Africa unless the apartheidsystem of institutionalized racial discrimination, exploitation and oppression is crushed".6 That task devolves fundamentally upon the South African people, but we believe that the role of the international community must not take the form of mere resolutions unimplemented by concerted action of the kind envisaged in Chapter VII of the Charter ofthe United Nations. 151. No less than racism and South African expansionism, zionism and Israeli expansionism have been repressing the peoples of the area which are defending their inalienable right to self-determination. The Government ofNicaragua, which recently formalized diplomatic relations with the people of Palestme and its sole legitimate representative, the PLO, considers it a primary duty of the United Nations to help bring about peace and stability in the Middle East, which, ofcourse, involves defence ofthe inalienable rights of the Palestinians, including the right to establish a State of their own. Defence of the Palestinian struggle also implies rejection of any partial approach or agreement aimed at settling the future of the occupied territories and of the 6 See document A/34/S42. annex. sect. I, para. 78. 153. In the course ofthe past year, the areas ofconfronta- tion in the world have apparently widened and become more serious. Nicaragua is well aware of the fact that, as long as there are exploiters and exploited, oppressors and oppressed, there will have to be struggle-often bloody-if peoples are to move forward in history. But the possession of nuclear weapons, particularly by a Power which today is toying dangerously with the absurd idea of preventive attacks and reckless concepts of limited nuclear warfare- which is undermining our efforts to secure non-proliferation and disarmament-only serves to increase international ten- sion. The search for military bases and the creation ofrapid deployment forces also increase international tension. 154. Failure to ratify the SALT 11 treaty, manoeuvres by naval forces, the supply ofweapons to reactionary Govern- ments and military intervention by major Powers against countries in the Middle East and Indo-China further increase international t~nsioil1 and endanger world peace. In this context, with regard to the case of Afghanistan, our country would like to reiterate the appeal made at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly' that a dialogue be started, without conditions, between the coun- tries involved in this conflict, between the parties which in one way or another support or oppose the revolutionary plan that motivates the Afghan people, in order to preserve peace and stability in the area. 155. In reiterating our support for the right ofthe Afghan people to self-determination, we consider that any discus- sion ofthis subject in this forum that is not accompanied by efforts to bring the peoples ofthe region together, as we have already said, will only serve rhetorical purposes, increase tension and make a settlement of the conflict even more difficult. 156. Nicaragua takes a similarapproach to the situation in South-East Asia; there too certain Powers are trying to destabilize the area and aggravate regional conflicts. How else can we explain the fact that the genocidal Pol Pot regime continues to occupy a place in this hall? Why are armed and economic provocations continuing against Viet Nam? Can it be that the necessary conditions for renewed aggression from the north against Viet Nam are being prepared? We vigorously reject the policy ofpunishment and threat of the use of force, which violates the purposes and principles of the United Nations. 157. Tension in the Indo-Chinese region must be reduced. In this connection we applaud the proposals of the legiti- , 7 See''OffiCialRecords ofthe.GeneralAssembly. Sixth Emergency Spe- cial5ession. Plenary Meetings. 7th meeting. para. 104. 158. Of course, there is no greater need for understanding than among peoples which have been artificially divided. I refer to Korea and the just demand ofthe Korean people for peaceful reunification ofits homeland, which the people and the Government of Nicaragua fully endorse. We condemn the unbridled military repression ofthe Korean people in the south. 159. This year we commemorate the twentieth anniver- sary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo- ples [resolution 1514(XJ1]. In few other areas has the United Nations been more successful in promoting the ardent desire ofpeoples for peace, progress and freedom, that is to say, in giving effect to the purposes and principles of the Charter, than it has done in the field of decolonization. 160. However, resolution 1514(XV) speaks ofthe eradica- tion of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. We emphasize those words because there are still attempts in the world to give colonialism a new face, with the aim ofimped- ing the historical process of liberation. There are peoples, such as those of the Sahara, Belize, East Timor and Puerto Rico, which have not yet achieved their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. 161. Furthermore, there are countries which seek to dilute the principle of the complete transfer of powers to colonial peoples as a prerequisite for decolonization, as required by resolution 1514 (XV). Thus, in the case of East Timor, there are a number of resolutions calling for the withdrawal of Indonesia from the Territory and self-determination and independence for its inhabitants. Similarly, the General Assembly has recognized the legitimacy of the struggle of the Sahraoui people against Moroccan occupation and urged Morocco to undertake direct negotiations with the POLISARIO Front, the indisputable representative of the Sahraoui people. Both Indonesia and Morocco have turned a deafear to the appeals ofthe international community and h.ave at the same time responded with new military aggres- sion. In both cases the occupying Powers are counting on weapons being supplied by the imperialists and their allies. 162. Nicaragua and the Latin American peoples are seriously concerned about the colonial status ofPuerto Rico because Puerto Rico is the only Hispano-American nation which has not yet achieved independence. We reaffirm that Puerto Rico cannot continue to be an exception to the process of decolonization. That has also been stated by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in its resolution of 20 August 19808 calling on the Government of 8/bid.. Thirty-fifth session,· Supplement No. 23, ..chap. I, para. 78: 163. That resolution calls attention to the military activi- ties of the United States in the town of Vieques, which not only violate Puerto Rican rights but also constitute provoca- tions against the peoples of the area, and tend to worsen the tense political situation in the Caribbean and Central America. 164. The Bolivian people has constantly sought to recover its legitimate right to sovereign access to the sea. The fact that that country is land-locked is a major factor obstructing its economic and social progress. To that is added the constant unswerving struggle against foreign oppression and the need for a stable pluralistic social democracy. Those positions were reiterated during the elections which last July led to the victory of the People's Party ofDemocratic Unity. That triumph was suddenly interrupted by a coup d'etat unprecedented in the history of that country and of Latin America in terms of political crimes, the killing of miners and corruption. It is necessary to point out that, unlike in the past, the politi~al power generated by the economic power deriving from drug trafficking, under the auspices ofvarious military members of the present dictatorship, had a decisive influence in the coup of Garcia Meza. Thus those are crimes committed by people who deserve no political consideration or protection. Hence the regime is absolutely without popu- lar support and remains isolated from the Catholic and Methodist Churches, the democratic parties, trade unions, farmers, students, and the honest sectors of private enterprise. 165. That coup has provoked such widespread repug- nance that, three months after the regime took power, it has not been able to consolidate its position within the country and is rejected by the overwhelming majority of the interna- tional community. Nicaragua hopes that the isolation of those l!nworthy representatives of the military will continue and that the heroic people of Bolivia will be able to exercise their right to self-determination and be governed by those who were democratically elected on 29 June of this year. 166. Nicaragua fully supports the two political demands of the Bolivian people: for an outlet to the sea and for democracy. 167. We support the people of Belize and the Government of Belize who are about to realize their aspirations to be an independent country. We support the just demands of the sister republic of Cuba regarding the withdrawal of Ameri- can troops and the reincorporation of the territory of Guantanamo into the country. 168. With the liberation of Nicaragua, the situation in Central America has been changed in an irrevocable manner. Neither destabilization campaigns nor military manoeuvres, nor the most brutal military repression will stifle the desire for freedom of the peoples of El Salvador and Guatemala. We warn the world that outside interven- . tion in El Salvador would involve a spreading ofthe conflict - to the entire central American area. Nicaragua does not 169. The Nicaraguan revolution stands with the peoples fighting for their liberation, and we wish to issue an appeal to the international community to increase its efforts to win respect for the principle of non-intervention and self- determination of peoples as an indispensable condition for the peace which the peoples of the world desire.

May I at the outset, on behalfof the delegation of the Ivory Coast and on my own behalf, offer most heartfelt and cordial congratulations following the unanimous vote which has brought Ambassador von Wechmar to the office of the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. His election is the recognition ofthe contribution of the Federal Republic ofGermany to the establishment of detente between East and West, and peace in the world. It is likewise a tribute to his personal quaiities and to the meritor- ious efforts which he has unswervingly deployed since he has represented his country with unlimited distinction at the United Nations for the triumph of the ideals of the Organi- zation. Nor are we ready to forget the decisive role he played within the group offive Western Powers working towards a peaceful settlement of the Namibian conflict and which has elaborated for this purpose a plan which the United Nations has endorsed. I wish from the bottom of my heart that the lofty mission entrusted to him will be fully crowned with success, and I wish to assure him ofthe entire and unalloyed co-operation of my delegation. 171. May I offer my sincere gratitude to his predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, who has carried out his task with the talent and competence that are well known to us. There is no doubt that the General Assembly, in electing him as a representative of Africa to direct its work, chose well. 172. I would be remiss ifI were not to express my gratitude to our dynamic and courageous Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless dedication to the objectives of the United Nations. 173. The Ivory Coast is pleased with the progress achieved since the last session of the General Assembly in the sphere ofdecolonization. The access to independence ofSaint Vin- cent and the Grenadines was preceded by that ofthe Repub- lic ofZimbabwe and the Republic of Vanuatu. It is with great joy that I hail the admission ofZimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations. I should like to assure their delegations of all our sympathy and our earnest desire to maintain the best possible relations with them. We are particularly gratified at the process by which the transfer of power to the majority has been carried out and at the reconciliation which has taken place between the racial communities within Zimbabwe. 174. The Ivory Coast hopes that the Republic of South Africa will soon draw the necessary lessons from the settle- 175. The war continues to claim victims in Namibia and in the neighbouring States. Violence continues to grow in South Africa itself. Blind, merciless and bloody repression strikes down school children who in their turn dare to denounce openly the inhuman and odious system ofapart- heid and racial discrimination. Those who endure this sys- tem and South African occupation are quite naturally ready to enter into a pact with the devil himself to escape their situation and to satisfy their legitimate aspirations for free- dom and human dignity. 176. The occupation ofNamibian territory, apartheidand racial discrimination thus constitute threats to peace and security in Africa and are promoting foreign interference. With every passing day this danger increases. It is indeed high time to put an end to this situation. 177. The Government ofthe Ivory Coast urgently appeals to the South African Government to facilitate the imple- mentation of the United Nations plan for the settlement of the Namibian question. An internal settlement ofthis ques- tion, of which the establishment of a council of ministers seems to be the beginning, appears quite clearly to be doomed to failure, as was the case with Southern Rhodesia. Only the organization of free and democratic elections, as provided for in the United Nations plan, can lead to a lasting settlement of the conflict and bring peace to Namibia. We exhort the five Western Powers to continue to work for a peaceful solution of this problem, in spite of the difficulties which prevent the implementation of the United Nations plan. 178. The Ivory Coast wishes to reaffirm its position with respect to the policy ofapartheid, now that the Government ofSouth Africa has taken an initiative in creatinga consulta- tive body composed of representatives of the various com- munities of the country, but excluding the black community. My country considers that it is only through dialogue between all the communities without any excep- tion that it will be possible to promote their harmonious coexistence. That coexistence cannot be conceived ofexcept in an acceptance of fundamental freedoms and equality of rights for all citizens ofSouth Africa, without any considera- tion of race. 179. The Ivory Coast is deeply concerned also by other conflicts on the African continent, those in the Horn of Africa, in Chad and Western Sahara. It cannot conceal its bitterness at the fact that interventions by OAU have so far not made it possible to make any progress in the settlement of those conflicts. It deplores foreign interference in the Horn of Africa. The situation prevailing in that region strengthens us in our conviction that the only way to protect Africa against such interference is through a policy of neu- trality based, as we have so frequently stated from this rostrum, on peace within each African country; peace between African countries; and peace between African countries and the rest of the world. We renew our appeal to the parties to the conflicts in the African continent to settle their conflicts by resorting to peaceful means, to brotherly dialogue, free from any foreign interference. 18t. The Ivory Coast is pleased with the results already obtained along those lines. It is profoundly convinced that an over-all just and lasting settlement of the conflict is possible if all the parties agree to seek it through negotiation-that is to say, by means of dialogue. We shall not cease to affirm that that presupposes at the outset refusal by the parties to delude themselves as to the realities of the region. There can be no solution ofthe conflict without tht. withdrawal of Israel from occupied Arab territories and without its recognition of the national rights of the Pales- tinian people, in particular its right to an independent home- land. Nor can there be any solution unless the Palestinians recognize Israel's right to exist. That is the price ofpeace in that region. 182. We cannot hide our indignation at the violations of such sacred principles of the United Nations Charter as respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and non- interference in internal affairs, nor our anguish at the resul- tant threats to international peace and security. 183. Those violations and their consequences, which inev- itably bring to mind the sorry period of the cold war, have demonstrated that detente is desired and sought only between the great Powers, and that the developing countries are but pawns and victims ofthe merciless struggle that pits the two blocs against each other. The great Powers confront each other through proxy States or proxy rival factions within States. Nor are there any scruples about invading a State directly or through an allied Power, regional or other- wise, in order to impose some faction or regime upon it. And unquestionably that is neo-colonialism and imperialism. 184. Thus detente is seen as the absence of any direct confrontation between the great Powers, particularly the two super-Powers, but not as the disappearance of the fundamental antagonisms between East and West, which will come about only through the elimination of one of the competing conceptions of a just order that the two blocs represent. 185. In fact, the great Powers wish to achieve peace not through detente but through the old and dangerous princi- ple of a balance offorces, which inevitably leads to mistrust and an arms race and has begotten all the wars that mankind has known. 186. Disarmament is not possible under such conditions. It is therefore not surprising that the measures adopted so far in this field have riot resulte9 in any significant reduction in armaments, and that they have all been aimed at stabiliz- ing the nuclear balance and consolidating the strategic status quo on the basis of parity. We would reiterate the appeal to 187. The two blocs will be able to achieve peace through detente and disarmament only if they give up trying to convert each other and to impose upon the world their ideologies and their truths, and if each recognizes the right of the other to exist and to be different. In order to assure peace and international security, detente must be global and not limited to the great Powers. 188. The Ivory Coast believes that those States that are not parties to a bloc can contribute positively to the strengthen- ing of peace and international security ~f they practise a genuine policy of neutrality. Such a policy implies peace within each ofthose States, peace between those States, and recourse to dialogue to settle any potential disputes between them. 189. Only neutrality of that kind can protect them from subversion, interference and foreign intervention. It would save the developing countries from allowing themselves to be drawn into the rivalries between the two blocs, having to spend millions of dollars for the purchase of weapons and the creation and training ofpowerful armies and thus sacri- ficing their development. The only worthwhile kind ofcom- petition between the great Powers in these countries is competition which relates strictly to the economic, social, technical and technological fields. 190. Our policy of being open to the world, without any exclusions, which was affirmed at the Congress of the Dem- ocratic Party of the Ivory Coast, just held at Abidjan, is based upon those considerations. 191. It is clear from the positions I have just outlined that peace is a fundamental goal of my country's foreign policy. Hence the economic crisis through which the world is now passing cannot but be a source of profound disquiet for my country because it contains the germs of conflict and so threatens international peace and security. As a result of unjust economic relations and of an economic system insti- tuted by and for the developed countries, nearly 1 billion human beings in the developing countries are undernmlr- ished, and many millions of them are dying from hunger. 192. The Warid Food Conference that was convened in 1974 following the food crisis of 1972 and 1973 considered that within 10 years it might be possible to ensure that no child would go to bed with an empty stomach and that no family would have fears about food for the morrow. Today it appears that, if considerable efforts are not made during the'next 20 years, there will still be 400 million malnourished persons in the year 2000. 193. And yet 'the development efforts of the developing countries are being held back by the decrease in their export revenues that results from the constant deterioration in the terms oftrade. That is why the Ivory Coast is gratified by the felicitous results of the negotiations on the creation of a 195. ..; re hope that the conditions for the operation of the Fund wiil rapidly be formulated-in particular as far as concerns the entry into force of the agreement that estab- lished it, the constitution of its two windows and the conclu- sion of agreements on commodities. 196. We wish the establishment of the Common Fund to mark the beginning of the disappearance of the spirit of speculation that prevails in exchanges between developed and developing countries, and the beginning of the process that will lead to the stabilization of the prices of raw mate- rials, the principal element of the new international eco- nomic order. 197. It is indeed paradoxical that the developed countries should be asking for the stabilization of petroleum prices when they do not agree to the stabilization of the prices of commodities such as cocoa and coffee. Need we recall that it was in order to avoid the speculation to which petroleum fell victim that the exporting countries established a common front? 198. The spirit of speculation of the wealthy countries is therefore at the root of the rise in petroleum prices which is engendering inflation throughout the world, excessive indebtedness, increased deficit in the balance of payments, and increased wretchedness in the developing countries.!t leads to the death of freedom and encourages subversion and foreign interference and intervention in those countries. In short, it leads to their destabilization. 199. As has been stated by President Houphouet-Boigny, "Poverty resulting from speculation on other raw materials may well in the long run create a situation that is dangerous both for those who are the victims ofthose evil practices and for those who engage in them, a situation that is bound to be exploited by those who try to fish in troubled waters." 200. A new international economic order implies also that manufactured goods produced in factories, sold to the devel- oping countries by the developed countries should not be restricted or denied access to the markets of the latter. The industrialization of the developing countries would gain as a result, and achievement of the goal of the Lima Declaration of 29 July 1980, which provides for their share of world indl'''trial production to be increased from 7 to 25 per cent by the year 2000, would be facilitated. 9 Document TD/IPC'/C'F/C'ONF.24. 202. The establishment of a new economic order also calls for reform of the international monetary system. The latter must take the form of replacing the floating exchange rates, which generate insecurity, by fixed or stabilized parities. There again, it is the developed countries which bear the responsibility for the reforms. It is for them to put an end to the present monetary disorder. The reform of the monetary system should make it possible to establish a link between the creation of new liquidities and the granting of supple- mentary resources to the developing countries so as to bring about a large-scale transfer of the financial resources neces- sary for their development. 203. We are therefore pleased at the decision taken during the annual meeting of IMF and the World Bank, which has just been held, to authorize the developing countries to receive larger loans than those that have been granted to them in terms of their quotas. 204. Any discussion of a present economic crisis must include a reference to the problems of the world energy supply. It has been shown that without a massive and generalized mobilization of all ene~gy resources, there will be an energy shortage within 20 years. Energy consumption in the third world countries will triple by the year 2000 and will represent 37 per cent of world consumption, compared with 25 per cent at present. 205. The investments required in order to ensure fulfil- ment of energy requirements by the year 2000 are enormous. They are estimated at $10,000 billion. More than half that amount relates to the nuclear power industry, the principal replacement source ofenergy in the industrialized countries. However, it is essentially in the developing countries that the problems of investment with respect to energy arise most acutely. 206. We are bound, therefore, to welcome the project to establish a branch of the World Bank designed to finance the energy develCilPment ofthe poor countries, whose author is Mr. Robert McNamara, President of the Bank. We trust that the project, which comes at the right time to strengthen the hopes that we have placed in the United Nations Confer- ence on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, will soon see the light of day. 207. We urge the thirty-fifth session ofthe General Assem- bly to adopt decisions to set in motion global negotiations 208. The division of the world into two poli!ical and mil- itary blocs has not made it possible for the United Nations so far to come anywhere near assuming its responsibilities with respect to the maintenance of international peace and security. But it could be different if Member States, accept- ing themselves as they are, had a jU;it, equitable and realistic understanding of the growing interdependence of their economies. 210. Before this common aspiration for the happiness of men, of all men without exception, man's hostility towards man would begin to be blunted, force would be replaced by dialogue and the world would come to know genuine peace. The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m.