A/35/PV.32 General Assembly

Friday, Oct. 10, 1980 — Session 35, Meeting 32 — New York — UN Document ↗

THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION
O/flci., Record'
Page

9.  General debate (co",;""etl) I. Mr.STRACHAN (Grenada): Mr.President, letmefirst fulfil a pleasant dutyon behalfof myselfand thedelegation of Grenada. We congratulte you,Sir, on your election to your high office. Yourdistinguished record of achievement highly qualifies you to guide the deliberations of this body and weareconfident that inthat officeyouwill makeagreat contribution to the success of this thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. 2. We express our gratitude to your predecessor, Ambas- sador Salim Ahmed Salim. We are grateful to him and his country for hisservices. Theyare well noted,and cannotbe forgotten. 3. We offer our special thanks to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for his untiringefforts inthefurtherance of the objectivesof the United Nations. 4. Subscribing to the principle of universality of member- ship of the United Nations, Grenada welcomes the admis- sionofSaintVincent and theGrenadines and Zimbabweto thisOrganization. We are happy to welcome SaintVincent not only because, like Grenada, it is a member of the Caribbean community but particularly because it is our closestneighbour and shares withus ties of history, geogra- phy, culture and blood. S. We particularly welcome Zimbabwe because of its heroic and historic struggle for freedom and independence. Zimbabwe has enjoyed our deep respect, admiration and firm support throughoutthemostdifficultand tryingperiod of its valiant and successful confrontation with racism and imperialism. Zimbabwe. isthe most recent testimony to the scientific fact that a united people fighting forfreedom and social justice will always be victorious. Wejoin the nations of the world in making a strong appealfor financial aid to help in thenationalreconstruction of Zimbabwe. Each new NEW YORK nation will inevitably seek its own route to development, and certainly each of ushasa fundamental responsibility to respect, deal with and maintain normalState-to-State rela- tions with eachother regardless of theideological predispo- sition of the various State systems. 6. We in Grenada are revolutionaries; weare not dogma- tists. We understand that change isa process requiring the scientific development of the objective and subjective fac- tors. We favour the movement towards anti-imperialism, but we know, purely on the basis of scientific objectivity, that change cannot be achieved at one stroke. So,while we reserve the rightto maintain themostcordial relations with political parties and Stateswhich shareour ideological pre- dispositions, weregard itasa serious and historicobligation to maintain and buildnormalState-to-State relations. Even so, wewill always unhesitatingly denounce thedevelopment of Fascist tendencies and the murder of revolutionaries wherever they occur. We have resolutely denounced the Chilean Fascist regime and we have publiclysupported,and will continueto support, those whoseek to restore democ- racy to Chile. We will take thesameposition wherever else fascism rears its ugly head. 7. The pursuit of democratic progressive and anti- imperialist goalsinGrenada requires ofusa commitment to support the right of all peoples to be free and independent and to choose theirdirection on the basis ofthat reality. It is for this reason that wesupportthe right to independence of allcolonial territories'in the Caribbean and elsewhere. Belize is of special concern. There are no barriers to the indepen- dence of that nationexcept theabsurdclaim byreactionary circles in Guatemala that Guatemala has a legal right to more than 75 per cent of the territory of that nation. That claim is repudiated by the vast majority of the people of Guatemala. Thereis. no doubt that thereactionaryelements inGuatemalacouldsustainthat claim onlywith thesupport of imperialist interests. And now that the revolution is taking hold in Central America, they and their imperialist allies are increasingly reluctant toagree totheunconditional sovereignty of the people of Belize. 8. WeStatesMembers of theUnited Nations musttakean international initiative to ensure theimmediate and guaran- teed independence of Belize. The ritual mentioning of our support for Belize in international forums isnot enough. In collaboration with the people of Belize, we mustset a date forIndependence andensure theearly decolonization ofthat Territorv Put it to theconscience oftheworld asit hasnever been pu "efore: Belize must be free because the reality is that none of us is free until all of us are free. This is most evident in the Caribbean community, where the colonial Powers constantly claim the right to IDterveneon behalfof their colonies and in the process undermine thesovereignty of each of us. 10. It is the right of the people of Puerto Rico to achieve their independence. Let them have that right, and after- wards, if they so wish, they can look to the question of working out special relationships with other countries. 11. As far as the British colonies are concerned, there appearsto bea fairprospect oftheirachievingindependence within a reasonable time. However, therearecolonies inour region, and the position of our Government remains firm, that independence is the right of allthepeoples demanding it. That position cannot be compromised, particularly in relation to the Latin American-Caribbean region, which remains-and wesaythiswithgreatindignation-the most colonized region in the world today. 12. The independence that weseek forour brothernations must be equal in all measures to the independence that we seek for ourselves. Likethevastmajority of Members ofthe United Nations, we are convinced that the people of all territories which are not independent have the inalienable right to self-determination, independence and territorial integrity. We are convinced, too, that all nations have the inalienable right to exercise national sovereignty and to the absolute control oftheirwealth and naturalresources, soas to beable to contribute to ~,:he development of theirterrito- ries and the well-being of their inhabitants. And all of us must be prepared to assist in defending that right and to struggle against any attempts at destabilization and inter- vention. In our short experience of revolutionary transfor- mation we have experienced varying forms of both. 13. From the very beginning we have faced the threatof military intervention from mercenaries whoserve thecause of imperialism. Very earlyin our revolution we faced what might be called a diplomatic-economic intervention, when imperialist interests again threatened to ruin our tourist industry unless weabided by theirdictates. Soonafter,we had the exPerience of violent intervention, when local counter-revolutionary elements in alliance with Mafia and imperialist agents vainly sought to turn backour revolution by overt and covert intervention. 14. The imperialist rumour machine has been working overtime to discredit our efforts at economic, political and social reconstruction. We know, of course, that weare not theonlyobject of imperialist attention. Wehave seen them try to belittle the Iranian revolution, to discredit theCuban and Nicaraguan revolutions, to undermine the Kampu- cheanrevolution, theSahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, Palestine, Namibia, Ethiopia and Angola, to namejust a few. Sadly, thisisonlyanearlystage intheplansofimperial- ism to turn back the'tideof revolution. For thepatternhas been that when all those plans have failed, those same interventionist forces seek to assassinate the revolutionary leadership. We have experienced theirwrath in the savage attack of 19 June, in which threeyoung women were killed and 94 people wounded by a bomb manufactured under licence from imperialism. Thosemurderous plans of impe- rialism and its local counter-revolutionary agen~ and ter- 16. The fact is that the vast majority of us who seek to introduce fundamental change have already faced such experiences and allof usarecapableoffacingthem. Noneof us,however, candare to condone anyof these intervention- isttechniques. Indeed, wefeel surethatweshall allcondemn them as flagrant violations of the sovereign right of each nation to self-determination and independent development. 17. We regret theoutbreakof hostilities between Iranand Iraq. Bothsocieties are fuelled by a revolutionary dynamic that isfundamentally anti-imperialist, although eachtakesa different course. That reality was strikingly illustrated bythe fact that, after thehatedShahwas deposed, Iraq sponsored Iran for membership in the non-aligned movement. The achievement ofa just and lasting peace, which ensures respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, is therefore our most fervent desire. 18. The past yearhaswitnessed a greatincrease inZionist arrogance, insults, insolence and racist oppression. Notonly havethe Zionists refused to abidebySecurity Council reso- lutions 242 (1967) and338(1973), notonlyhave theyrefused to returnthe Palestinian lands illegally acquired in 1967, not only have they refused to bow to the demands of world public opinionbut, even more, theyhave illegally acquired the whole of Jerusalem and they have sanctioned the murder, maiming, torture and general violation of the human rights of the people of Palestine. 19. Weshall continue to supporttheright ofthe people of Palestine to their homeland. Grenada will always sup- port the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO]asthesole and authentic representativeoftheheroic Palestinian people and we are prepared to make whatever contribution we can to the just settlement of the problem of Israeli encroachment. 20. That pattern of encroachment is being followed by other racist States. In particular, South Africa, which daily brutalizes our black brothersandsisters usingthecruel whip of apartheid, has taken to invading Angola and Mozam- bique in what it arrogantly describes as punitive raids. It is fanning theflames ofa warthat threatens to be genocidal in its dimensions. It would be most sensible of South Africa immediately to halt its external aggression and its internal repression, to,take to heart the experiences of Zimbabwe, Zambia,Malawi, Kenya and othersand to initiate a,system of majority rule before the .passions of racism drive the oppressed blacks of South Africa to a more painful and harrowing solution that will settheworld onedge forgener- ations to come. 21. South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and its stubborn refusal to heed the advice of even its staunchest allies demonstrate the irrationality of fascism at work. The South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] has 22. That dictum applies equally to the valiant and heroic people of El Salvador, where-a military junta supported by the local oligarchy and imperialism has been engaged in a genocidal war, in the mistaken beliefthat they can defeat the people. 23. With imperialist military and financial support, the final day of victory willbe delayed but the people can never be defeated. In this forum wewishto declare oursupport for all our Latin American and Caribbean neighbours strug- gling for freedom and independence, including the people of Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay and Haiti. 24. The Fascist military coup in Bolivia is totally intolera- ble. Whatever the extent ofthe present repression, whatever the price offreedom, the people ofBolivia-the inheritors of the name of the great Jiberator, Sim6n Bolivar-e-will, through their own efforts and with the publicmoral support of the people ofGrenada and all other peace-loving people, gain their freedom. 25. From our own experiences and from the lessons of history we know that revolution cannot be forced, created or exported. We know that the objective and subjective factors must merge. Equally, we see each day the balance of forces moving in the direction ofrevolutionary transforma- tion and we have the fullest confidence that history ison the side ofthe people because the days of oligarchy, feudalism and fascism are numbered. We continue resolutely to con- demn the criminal Pol Pot gang, whichmurdered millionsof Kampucheans. We wish to restate our viewthat the Pol Pot gang has no right to a place in this Assembly. 26. Turning to Korea, Grenada wishes to restate its posi- tion that peace and stability willcontinue to be unattainable if reunification is not achieved. 27. On the question ofCyprus, Grenada willfollowclosely the intercommunal talks held under the aegis of the Secretary-General. It isour hope that progress will be made during these talks with a view to finding a just and durable solution that will guarantee the territorial integrity, sover- eignty and independence of the Republic of Cyprus and respect its policy of non-alignment. 28. Grenada is a non-aligned country, freeofany commit- ment to any military bloc and anxious to livein a world free of the threat of war. That threat of war looms larger and larger as those who control nuclear weapons for oppressive and exploitative purposes and the means to deliver them throughout the world put petty issues of local political import above and beyond the primary issueofworld peace. This, in part, inour understanding, iswhy reactionary forces in .the United States of Ameica are refusing to support ratification of SALT 11,I thus threatening world peace and security. We in the Caribbean do not have these terrible I Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic: Offensive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 29. We call for the support of the United Nations in our attempt to get urgent Latin American and Caribbean action to achieve the following: first, prohibiting the introduction of nuclear weapons into the region; secondly, stopping all aggressive military manoeuvres in the region; thirdly, dis- mantling all foreign military bases that exist in our area; fourthly, ending the colonization ofall territories, once and for all; and, fifthly, establishing machinery to deal with all forms of aggression, including assassinations, mercenary invasions, propaganda intervention and diplomatic and eco- nomic aggression; 30. This is a far-reaching initiative that will involve all of us in many problems ofdefinition. But, ofcourse, thatisno reason for attempting to avoid the tasks involved. The successofsuch an initiative would make its mark on genera- tions yet unborn and make a deserving contribution to the attainment of the elusive goal of world peace. 31. The peace of the world is also seriouslythreatened by the pauperization of more than half of mankind and the acquisitive enrichment of a segment of the citizens of the industrialized world. 32. We are on the verge ofconcluding a reasonable treaty on the law of the sea that will, we hope, make at least a modest contribution to rectifying the dangerous maldistri- bution of the world's resources. We support the view that the resources of the seas and oceans should be utilized for the benefit of all the world's peoples. We reject any sugges- tion that profit-seeking multinational corporations should be allowed free access to the exploitation ofthese resources. Some mechanisms and institutional arrangements must be implemented to ensure that the interests and basic needs of developing countries are protected. But the piecemeal tack- ling of these urgent problems will not solve the great div- isions between North and South. We need a comprehensive new international economic order. 33. In recent years every single report of the developed economies has stated that the world economic situation is grim. Usually these same reports predict a gloomy future for the developing world. These reports say that development prospects for the world's poorer nations are practically zero. 34. When we look at any of the widely used economic indices, what do we find? We find, for example, that poor developing States suffer from much higher rates ofinflation. Recent reports indicate that inflation rates in non-oil- producing developing countries averaged 29.4 per cent in 1979with even higher rates predicted for 1980.·Thecompar- able statistics for the advanced industrial States is reported at just under 10 per cent for both years. 35. Certainly a plan of action for structuring the world economy isan absolute necessity.But plans must not remain mere documents. Plans must be implemented. They must be concretized and serious attempts must be made to ensure speedy and successful implementation. And, further, imple- mentation ofplans require genuine commitment on the part 36. For us poor countries, accumulation isa serious issue. As colonies, our ability to accumulate resources inorder to create conditions for our development was seriously con- strained. Foreignownership and control of our key resour- ces and massive transfers of resources to finance development in the advanced countries ensuredthat possi- bilities for economic transformation were limited. 37. A paragraph on page 5 of the World Economic Out- look: A Survey by the Staff of the International Monetary Fund of May 1980, offers us cold comfort: "In any case, the availability of resources to support developmental expenditures in the non-oil developing countries will tend to be squeezed in the period ahead. Maintenance of domestic savings will be difficult or impossible in the face of very high rates of increase in consumerprices, and the real valueof fundsborrowedor received through grants from abroad will be impairedby the riseinimportprices. Even ifsubstantially largernomi- nalamounts can beborrowed,the recent and prospective deteriorationin the termsof trade of the non-oil develop- ing countries means that a larger volume of domestic output must be used to obtain a given real inflow of imported goods and services." 38. Finance plays a critical role in the development pro- cess. For developing countries, external financial assistance is extremely important, but we must remember that eco- nomic backwardness cannot be eradicated simply by attracting foreign capital. Historically, foreign monopolies operating in developing countries have extracted and exported large profits. Rather than promote development, transnational corporations have generated conditions for increasing the impoverishment of poor countries. 39. Official developmentassistance or aid to poor coun- tries has been recorded as a dismal failure. The developed countries have failed miserably to achieve a limited aid target of 0.7 per cent of their gross domestic product. 40. We know that developing countries cannot generate economic and social progress for their peoples without fundsfrom outside. It isimperative, however, that therebea radical change in the terms and conditions under which external financing is obtained. Whether funds are from Government-to-Government programmes, international financial institutions or private investment sources, the terms and conditions under which they are granted are extremely important;and westronglysupport theview that such funds must be.allocated in such a wayas to guarantee the economic advancement of the developing world. 41. We echo the numerous calls being made in various internationalforumsfordemocratization of"international" 42. Primary commodity production continues to be the main source of foreign exchange earnings, employment creationand income generation in thedeveloping world. So far the implementation of policies to strengthen and stabil- izeprimarycommodity prices and marketshasbeenlimited. Although in operation, the IMF compensatory financing facility requires significant modifications tosatisfy theneeds of developing countries; for example, use of theIMF facility is basedon a country's IMF quota rather than itsfinancial needs or revenue shortfall. The repayment periodunderthe IMF compensatory financing facility is three to five years, whereas the gestation period for primary products in most developing countries isfive toseven years.Therefore itisour view that the repayment schedule of institutions like the IMF shouldbeextended to a periodof notless than 10years. With this ind other international finance issues in mind,we support the Arusha initiative! and join thecallfor a United Nations conference on international money and finance. 43. Economic co-operation among developing Statesisan area of greatconcernto us.Ascolonies and formercolonies theyhad a particularform ofintegration intheinternational division of labour. Historically,this has had negative conse- quences. While some countries provided the sugar, others providednutmegs and othersstill provided cocoaor coffee, in the final analysis alldeveloping States imported the fin- ished products from the head office or colonizing country. We had everything to lose, nothing to gain. 44. It isprecisely because of that historical experience that we support the deepening of "South-South" discussions, not as a replacement for North-South dialogue but to strengthen our negotiating position. More specifically, we urge the implementation of the Arusha programmeof col- lective self-reliance.' In this context, we must ensure that genuine.economic co-operation takesplace notonlyininter- national trade but also, to a greater extent, in production ventures, marketing and transportation arrangements and financial mobilization. All this must be seen as part of a strategy for eliminating dependence on imperialism and participatingina worldeconomy inconditionswhich would develop rather than underdevelop our national economies. 45. In this respect, we welcome the establishment of the joint Venezuela-Mexico oil facility for Latin American and Caribbeancountries. Thisdemonstrates aconcretemanifes- tation of South-South co-operation. 46. As we say this, we reiterateour fundamental concern for the needs of particularly disadvantaged countries. We recognize that such countries cannot create the conditions for economic transformationwithoutsignificant assistance. We agree with the Brandt report's recommendation that "there must be immediate intervention toattack the root 2See document A/S-II/AC.II2, annex.. )Proceedings ofthe United Nation.f Conference onTrade andDe.velop- ment, Fifth Session, vol. I, Report andAnnexes(United Nations publica- tion, Sales No. E.79.II.D.14), annex VI. 48. In conclusion, I should liketo stressthat, althoughthe causes for concern hold swayover considerationsofa com- forting and encouragingnature, weare neitherdiscouraged nor pessimistic. Our concernssimplyreflect the realityofthe millions of the deprived and under-privileged in the.third world; our concerns also reflect our firm determination to contribute fully to the solution of the problems we face, matched by our commitment to non-alignment. We are confident that, as the struggle continues,it will findassured victory.

Mr. Bole FJI Fiji on behalf of Government and peopleofFiji #4507
Mr. President, on behalf of the Government and peopleofFiji,mydelegation wouldliketo join with other delegations that have already spoken in congratulatingyou verywarmlyand sincerely on your elec- tion as Presidentof this body. Your election as Presidentof the General Assembly during this itsthirty-fifth session isa reflection of the very high regard in which representatives hold you personally and, equally important, of the deep commitment of your Government and your people to the continued observance of the high ideals of the United Nations. Mydelegation wishes to express itsfully support to you in your task, which we know.is not an easy one. 50. Fiji also wishes to put on record its gratitude for and warm appreciation of the excellent and constructive leader- ship shown by the immediatepast President ofthis Assem- bly, Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. His record is a credit to himselfand his country. 5I. We wish to thank also the Secretary-Generaland his staff for their dedication and devotion to duty in their thankless job of translating the many resolutions of the United Nations into action. 52. Just over three weeks ago this communityof nations welcomed to its ranks Saint Vincent and the Grenadinesas its one hundred and fifty-fourth Member. The Fiji delega- tion, representing another islandState, extendsa veryspe- cial welcome to the island State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. My delegation is certain that, with the admis- sionof this islandState to theworldOrganization,the needs of island economies-some of which are very fragile indeed-and the aspirations of their peoples will be given the support they richly deserve and the attention from this 4North-South: A program for survival: report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues under the chairman- ship of Willy Brandt (Cambridge, Massachusetts, the MIT Press, 1980), p.79. 53. We also wish to acknowledge the achievement of independence by Vanuatu, a sisternation in the Pacific, on 30July this year.The Fijidelegation notesthe positive roles playedby the administering Powers ofthisformercondomi- nium and the encouragement given by the South Pacific Forum countries and the United Nations in regard to the attainment ofself-determination and ultimateindependence by thiscountry. Vanuatu, soon after independence, became a memberoftheCommonwealthofNationsand, as another islandState and a Pacific State,Fijilooksforward to theday whenVanuatu will take its rightful placein thisworldbody. 54. Ten years ago today Fiji became independent after peaceful and constructive discussions withits then adminis- tering Power, the United Kingdom. The peaceful processof dialoguewhichledto the attainment of independence in Fiji on 10October 1970 has continuedto be the corner-stoneof our independence and nationallife and thefoundation upon whichour relations with other nationsare based.The tenth anniversarycelebrationswhich thepeopleofFijiare holding today bear testimony to the democratic and peaceful pro- cess that has been the chief characteristic of our social, economic and political developments to date. Our abiding faith in the value of peace and peaceful and constructive dialogue in resolving problemsisalso the major motivation for our membership in this international community. 55. At the outset I should thereforeliketo reiterate Fiji's unequivocal commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and its hope for peaceand security in the world. 56. This session is significant in the history of the United Nations as it marks the beginning of yet another decade in the continuing efforts of this Organization to provide a global framework for the maintenance of peace and secu- rity, for promoting respect for human rights and freedom and for improving the social and economic well-being of peoples the world over. 57. As we begin this new decade it will not be inappro- priate, in the view of my delegation, for Membernations of thisglobal body to remindthemselves afreshoftheirobliga- tions to maintain and uphold theseaims and principles for which theUnited Nations wascreated35yearsago. It isthe view of the Fiji delegation that such a reminder cannot be over-emphasized and will not be misplaced in view of the threat to international, regional and localharmoniouscoex- istence arising from ruthless expansionist policies whichare insensitive and oblivious to the national pride, self-respect and feelings ofpeoplesinsmall,weakand dividedcountries; the apparent relaxation of detente among super-Powers with its consequent adverse effects, implied and real, on global peace and stability; the current impasse in interna- tional and North-South economic relations-relations between the third world and the industrialized countries- becauseof the inabilityofboth groups to arriveat a consen- sus;the lackofrespect for internationallaw, agreements and treaties that Member nations individually and/or collec- 58. Fiji believesthat those are some ofthe keyissueswhich at the beginning of the decade of the 19808 are threatening the work and the very existence of the United Nations. 59. Fiji isa small independent country in the South Pacific which is proud of its tradition of harmonious multiracial living, orderly socio-economic development, stable political evolution and peaceful coexistence with its neighbours. But as a part of an increasingly integrated and interdependent world community, Fiji views with the greatest concern the continuing escalation of unresolved conflicts in many parts of the world. 60. The situation in the Middle East, for instance, remains one of our dominant concerns, primarily because of its implications for international peace and security and the economic future of the world. The search for a just and lasting peace in the area has continued for severalyears now. This year, there was the seventh emergencyspecialsessionof the General Assembly, devoted to the question ofPalestine. Efforts have also been made to revivethe stalled talks on the issue of Palestinian rights. A noteworthy initiative has been undertaken by the European Community, which sent an exploratory mission to all the parties this year, in an effort through dialogue to promote peace in the region. While the prospects for an immediate solution appear uncertain, there is no doubt that the question ofPalestine isat the core ofthe Middle East conflict. 61.. A negotiated settlement, in the viewof my delegation, could be based on the following principles: Israeli with- drawal from all territories occupied since 1967; recognition by the parties concerned ofeach other's legitimate concerns, including the right of the Palestinian people to self- determination and a homeland and acceptance of Israel's security needs; and the involvement of PLO in negotiations leading to the self-determination of the Palestinian people. 62. We further believe that all actions that discourage the attainment of a just solution through a process of dialogue and consultation must be abandoned. In this regard, the deliberate policy of creating settlements in occupiedArab territories and the unilateral decision by Israel to change the character and status of Jerusalem create serious impedi- ments to the peace process in the Middle East. However, we remain convinced that, given goodwill and understanding on all sides, an amicable solution can be found for the complex Middle East question. 63. The course of events in the Middle East continues to affect the. situation in Lebanon, a small country whose peaceful and secure existence has been seriously compro- mised. To our deep regret, the practice of pre-emptive strikes and armed activities has continued. For normalcy to return to the area, it is imperative that the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon be scrupu- lously respected. It is because of Fiji's abiding commitment to the principles of the Charter concerning.international 64. It is indeed regrettable that, despite the fact that peace- keeping operations like UNIFIL have proved their useful- ness,.their financial situation remains precarious. We fully concur with the following observations made by the Secretary-General in his report to the Assembly on the work of the Organization: "This situation places a heavy burden on the troop- contributing countries which, ifallowed to continue, may adversely affect the future of such operations." [A/35/1. sect. II.] The troop-contributing countries, and particularly develop- ing countries such as mine, continue to suffer from the failure of some to share the financial burden of peace- keeping. Since the maintenance of international peace and security is a collective responsibility, we hope that all will fulfil their 'financial obligations in this regard. 65. Moreover, my delegation recalls that the General Assembly, in its resolution 34/166, requested a United Nations study this year on "the existing standard rates of reimbursement, with a view to ensuring an equitable rate of reimbursement to the Governments of troop-contributing States". My delegation looks forward to that important report. We further hope that this Assembly will be able to take action that will provide for more regular and fairer rates ofreimbursement to the troop contributors. Failure to act could mean continued absorption by the troop- contributing countries of escalating costs for the mainte- nance of their national contingents on United Nations peace-keeping assignments. 66. The conflicts in Indo-China and West Asia remain unresolved. Despite efforts to defuse the situations in Kam- puchea and Afghanistan, no political solution acceptable to the parties directly concerned has emerged. Because of the serious implications ofthese conflictsfor peace and security, and for humanitarian considerations regarding the plight of the refugees, urgent solutions are necessary. It is therefore our very earnest hope that General Assembly resolution 34/22, in respect of the situation in Kampuchea, will be expeditiously implemented, with the co-operation of the parties concerned. 67. In the case of Afghanistan, we remain convinced that General Assembly resolution ES-6/2 provides the basis for a satisfactory solution. Even though various efforts to resolve the crisis have not yet yieldedresults, it iscrucial that a search for a negotiated settlement should continue. 68. My delegation supports the implementation of these resolutions essentially because they provide for the with- drawal of foreign forces, which in turn could facilitate the act of self-determination by the peoples concerned. We 69. A problem which faces the United Nationseach year, and which is not dissimilar to the problems in South-East and West Asia that I havejust alludedto, isthe questionof decolonization. 70. Many members who have spoken from this rostrum have drawn our attention to the commemoration this year of the twentiethanniversary ofthe adoption ofthe Declara- tion on theGranting of Independence to ColonialCountries and Peoples [resolution 1514(XJ1]. 71. Whilewewelcome theindependenceattained bymany countriessince 1960, weare nevertheless awareof the plight of the many that are still seeking to control their own destiny, including those in Africa, the Caribbean and, indeed, our part of the world. 72. My delegation supports the inalienable right of all colonial peoples to exercise self-determination in accord- ance withthe important principles that areenunciatedinthe Charter and in resolution 1514 (XV). Having attained our own independence in 1970, and following our accession to membership of this Organization and of the Special Com- mittee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we have been guided by those principles in our approach to variouscasesofdecolo- nization,Mindfulof the factthat theCharter recognizes the well-being and interests of the colonial peoples as para- mount, wefully subscribeto the view that itisfor thepeople themselves freely to choose their own destiny. We would thereforemonitor closely the positive assurances fromthose concerned that they will be guided by the wishes of the peopleas regardstheirfuture. For weremainconvinced that no self-centred interests or narrow considerations, such as those based on race, creed or colour, should be allowed to impede the decolonization process. 73. Concerningthe internationalTerritoryofNamibia,we note that the prolongedsearchforan internationally accept- ablesolution has not yet resulted inNamibia'sfreedom. It is indeed regrettable that the carefully devised United Nations plan for the peaceful decolonization of Namibia remains unimplemented because of the continuing intransigence of South Africa. My delegation earnestly hopes that South Africawill speedilyend itsillegal occupationoftheTerritory and accept a solution based on the important principles outlined in SecurityCouncil resolution 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) which, in brief, entail the acquisition of genuine majority ruleby the Namibian peoplebasedon free and fair elections to be held under the auspices of the United Nations. Moreover,SWAPOshouldcontinueto participate fully in the processes leading to independence. Such steps should bring to fruition the attainment ofthe peaceful solu- tion that the peopleofNamibiafully deserve and havelong been denied. 74. As for South Africa itself, the abhorrent practice of apartheid and racial discrimination remains the concern of the internationalcommunity.Repressionshouldgive wayto 76. On the question of human rights, my country isforti- fied by our election to membership of the Commissionon Human Rights,witheffect from nextyear.Itisour intention to.honour the trust placed in us by the world community through a constructive contribution to the deliberationsof the Commission. 77. Although great progresshas already beenmade in the field of human rights, the efforts of the international com- munity are being continuously tarnished by human-rights violations in many parts of the globe. Political persecution, racial discrimination, torture and arbitrary sentences are still a painful reality today. It is extremely important to understand that in thefinalanalysis individual human rights must rest on the foundation of collective human rights. National liberationand self-determination createthe frame- work for the latter, and only after they have been achieved can one think of ensuring human rights for individuals. 78. My delegation believes that concrete and effective measures should be urgentlyadopted by this Organization in order to meetand fulfil itsobligationsinthehuman-rights field by seeing to it that those whoon variouspretextshave pushed waves of refugees across their national borders or out to sea show more moderation and responsibility. Whether in Africa,Asia,theMiddleEastor elsewhere, these refugees suffer the most inhuman treatment. My delegation appeals to this Assembly to support theeffortsoftheUnited Nations and other organizations to relieve the misery of these fellow men. We sincerely hope that the inscriptionon this session's agenda of the item entitled "International co-operation to avert new flows ofrefugees" [item 122]will bring us closer to a solution of the refugee question. 79. We remind this Organization again that stability of newly gained freedom is essential for ensuring socio- economicdevelopment and for widening and deepening the ambit of human rights. That needsto be properly institu- tionalized, for only then will there be a safeguard against their possible abuse or suppression, or even total eclipse. 80. We in Fiji are very concerned about our society because it is multiracial, multireligious and multicultural, and insuchasociety greatcare and sensitivity are neededto ensurethat no segment ofthe society isdeprivedinanyway. The dignity of man expressed through the equalityof all is what we believe in. 81. The World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, heldat CopenhagenlastJuly, isonlyoneofthe many facets ofour internationaleffortstowardstheachieve- 82. The progress we have made in Fiji on the general question of human rights and respect for others and its consequence in bringing about harmony and peace can perhaps be summed up in the following passage taken from my Prime Minister's address this morning to the people of Fiji on the occasion of our national independence day: "We have been fortunate in Fiji. We have enjoyed peace. We have made progress, and there is stability in our country. Our endeavour for the future isto maintain thisstability. Our aim isto establish inour countrya truly multiracial society where the welfare of all is our collec- tive concern. "Given the toleranceand goodwill and the hard work and dedication through which wehavebeenblessed with peace,progressand stability, I believe thereisgreatprom- ise for our country in the future. As we look to the next decade of our development, let us remember that our greatest contribution to our country and to the world at large is to maintain a unitedand harmonious multiracial society." 83. Many speakerswho havepreceded me havespoken of the current trends in the world economy and the grave economic problems facing the international community today. The eleventh specialsession of the General Assem- bly, whichended recently, focused on the realizationby the international community ofthe urgent needto establishthe New International Economic Order. A significant part of that economic restructuringprocess envisages emphasison the development of the small,less endowed,geographically handicapped and poor nations ofthe world. Mydelegation ispleasedthat a consensus has beenreachedon the question of the International Development Strategy for the Third UnitedNations Development.Decade [A/35/464]. Wehope that the textw ('- J,e adopted and the recommendations in it expeditious nplemented, We are, however, disap- pointed that the "'y'" lalsession failed to reach a consensus on the global round of negotiations, but we hope that the preparation for the globalround will befinalized during the current session. 84. The international community is mindful of the interdependence of the economies of our nations.It hasalso shownthrough many resolutions adopted withinthe United Nations system that it is fully aware of the economicplight ofislanddevelopingcountrieslikemyown.In our statement to therecently concludedspecial session on theNewInterna- 7Report of the World Conference of the United Nations. Decade for Women: Equality, Development and' Peace, Copenhagen, J4-30 July J980(United Nations publication, Sales No,E.80.lV.3), chap. I, sect. A. 85. However, my delegation has always emphasized its views on trade as the vehicle for economic growth. Most island developing States like Fiji are faced with limited resources, small domestic markets, heavy dependence on imports and high transportation costs. Having made that point, I must say that wehave, inthecourseofour decadeof independence, assumed full responsibility in resolving that problem. 86. We believe that equitable terms of trade with devel- oped and developing countries constitute the best form of aid. We are convinced that the best form of assistance that countries can give us isthe provision ofassuredmarketsfor our exports. 87. We have therefore been encouraged by the positive response demonstrated by the industrialized European Eco- nomic Community [EEC] countries in their improvedeco- nomic relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and in their willingness to give guaranteed access for an assuredquota ofour sugarto theirmarketsat guaran- teed prices. We are grateful to the EEC for the substantial aid and technical assistance given to us under the Lome 11 Convention." We are also.appreciative of the positive steps taken towards regional trade agreements and economic co- operation among South Pacific countries providing for duty-freeand unrestrictedentryof a widerangeof products on a non-reciprocal basis. My delegation is pleased at the noteworthy progress made in UNCTAD, whereagreement has finally been reached on establishing a Common Fund for Commodities. 10 88. The island States in the South Pacific have their own regional identity in the South Pacific Forum. The member States ef the Forum have comea long way,since itsincep- tion in 1971, in their desire for increased mutual co- operation among themselves. At regular meetings, the South Pacific countries havecome to gripswithsuchprob- lems as assisting member countries in providing for their needs in economic assistance, specialist skills, manpower, technical co-operation, regional shipping and fishing. Indeed, the South Pacific Forum is regarded as a respected international organization fully consistent with the Pacific tradition of mutual help and self-reliance and also in keep- ing with the United Nations concept of increased co- operation among developing countries. 89. Earlier in this address I mentioned that a majorcause for concern in the world today is the lessening of detente resulting from the lack of respect for international law, agreements and treaties, to which Member nations sub- scribe, some individually, some collectively, as a basis for 8 See Offtcia! Records. ofthe General Assembly, Eleventh Special Ses- sion, Plenary Meetings, 16th meeting. 9Second ACP-EEC Convention of tome, signed at Lome on 31 October 1979. See The Courier, ACP-EEC, No. 58, November 1979. 90. At its thirtieth session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 3477 (XXX) endorsing the idea of the establish- ment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the South Pacific. In inviting the countries ofthe region to carry on consultations about ways and means of achieving this objective, the reso- lution also expressed the hope that all States, in particular the nuclear-weapon States, would co-operate fully inachiev- ing the objective of a nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific. 91. Whilst the heads ofGovernment ofthe independent or self-governing States ofthe South Pacific Forum have issued various communiques since the adoption of resolution 3477 (XXX), reiterating the importance of keeping the South Pacific region free from the risk of nuclear contamination and of involvement in a nuclear conflict, the co-operation they had hoped to receivefrom nuclear-weapon States ofthe region has not been forthcoming. 92. Encouraging progress has been made in the declara- tion and the establishment of nuclear-free zones in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East and South Asia, as wellas in the denuclearization of Africa and Latin America. Sadly, the largest and, from its name, supposedly the most peaceful of oceans remains the hub of nuclear testing and related nuclear activities. We therefore call on the States concerned to refrain from any action contrary to the objective of establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the'South Pacific and urge them to enter into dialogue and negotiations with the States of the region for the achievement of these objec- tives. Everyone recognizes that the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Pacific would contribute not only to the security of our region but, more important, to the prev- ention of the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and would bring us a step closer to the goal of general and complete disarmament. 93. The numerous appeals by the General Assembly in its equally numerous past resolutions for an end to all nuclear- weapon tests in all environments must be heeded and heeded by all. In the present international climate, in which nearly all our disarmament negotiation efforts have reached an impasse, the call for the cessationof all nuclear testing and of the nuclear arms race is even more imperative than ever before. The highest priority must be accorded to the adop- tion ofeffectivemeasures towards nucleardisarmament and the conclusion of an agreement on general and complete disarmament. 94. A necessary corollary to the Pacific island nations' call for the cessation of all nuclear testing in the region is our protest at the dumping ofnuclear waste inour waters and on our islands. In July this year the heads ofGovernment ofthe South Pacific Forum in their meeting in Kiribati unani- mously adopted a resolution condemning any action that represents further exploitation of the Pacific for nuclear purposes to the disadvantage of the people of the Pacific. That was a follow-up to a similar resolution adopted at the previous year's meeting regarding the storage in the Pacific of spent nuclear fuel. While we note in that regard the assurances by the States concerned of the high safety stand- 95. The question ofglobal disarmament remains the most basic and isofimmediate concern to this world body, whose very foundations appear threatened not only by the stale- mate reached in both multilateral and bilateral negotiations towards agreement on general and complete disarmament but also and even more by the increase in the military budgets of all major Powers, which aggravates further the constantly spiralling arms race. Even previous calls for the freezing and reduction ofmilitary budgets, including the one issued 'last year by the General Assembly in resolution 34/83F, which was 'adopted without a vote, appear-in the light of the major Powers' military budgets for the coming year-to represent mere drafting exercises. Perhaps the General Assembly's decision in resolution 34/75 last December to declare the 19808 as the Second Disarmament Decade is indicative of the rate ofprogress we have achieved so far in this area. 96. The World Disarmament Conference envisaged to take place after the second session on disarmament would, in my delegation's view, be the most appropriate forum, in which all the peoples and nations ofthe world shouldparti- cipate, for everyone to make an all-out concerted effort at reaching some consensus on ways and means of achieving our goals. For such.a conference to be effective, it requires the political will.and participation of all nuclear-weapon Powers. For such a conference to have any meaningful effect it must be convened at the earliest possible time. 97. Why, it may wellbe asked, isthe issueofthe urgency of global negotiations on disarmament raised by one of the smallest Member nations? For a variety of reasons. In addressing the General Assembly 10 years ago on Fiji's admission into the United Nations, our Prime Minister said!' that Fiji's remarks on world affairs and events were made with an appreciation of our isolated geographical location, which in turn gave us a perspective different from that of many nations closer to the pulse of international affairs. For that very reason alone, and given the endless search for alternative avenues and ways a.nd means of achieving any progress in many of our international striv- ings, it may be worth our while to take some of the views expressed by small and medium-sized countries into consid- eration. Fiji sees the impasse reached in many ofour disarm- ament negotiations as not only dangerous for our immediate future but equally undesirable, given the latest regional conflicts in South-East and South-West Asia as well as in the Middle East. 98. A further reason why my small country has seen fit to comment on global disarmament isour over-all responsibil- ity to the world community. The question of disarmament is, in my delegation's view, not a matter for the major Powers alone. It is a problem that affects each and every 99. My delegation is mindful and appreciativeofthe untir- ing work ofthe Committee on Disarmament in this area. Its report [A/35/27], setting out the various stages the negotia- tions have reached concerning the elementsofa comprehen- sive programme on disarmament, and its recommendations should form the basis of our future efforts. In this connec- tion, the report ofthe DisarmamentCommission [A/35/42] to be placed before this sessionand incorporating the report ofthe Committeeon Disarmament, shouldagain emphasize the need for our efforts to be co-ordinated and concerted and to receive serious consideration by the General Assembly. lOO. The second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nclear Weapons, held at Geneva from 11 August to 7 September this year, noted that "considerable progress" had been made in some key areas on peaceful uses of nuclear energy. But again we note with deep concern the inability ofthe Conference to reach an agreement on issues pertaining to nuclear non- proliferation, disarmament and international peace and security. This again underscores the urgency of the call my delegation and those that have preceded me maketo the major Powers to co-operate fullywith the negotiating pro- cesses aimed at establishing peace and security. 101. If there is a ray of hope about what political willand co-operation between nations can do, a hope that so farhas eluded the world community in our efforts to reach agree- ments in areas ofglobal disarmament and in the last special session concerning the global round of negotiations to launch the New International Economic Order, it is to be seen in the success achieved at the recently concluded ninth session ofthe Third United Nations Conference onthe Law of the Sea at Geneva. The hard-core issues which had plagued the Conference over the years and which now have happily been resolved amply illustrate one fundamental fact, namely, that the international community can arrive at a consensus in any areas of international endeavour if there exists a genuine will and determination to do so. 102. The draft convention that has emerged12and that isto establish a new order to govern the ocean space based on international socialjustice is ofparticular importance to the small island countries and territories of the Pacific which rely to a very great extent on the resourcesofthe sea for their daily needs. For archipelagic States like Fiji, it isparticularly gratifying to note that the concept ofan archipelagic regime is firmly entrenched in the draft treaty and has now won universal acceptance. 101. Mention of this major achievement leads me to refer to our added apprehension about our vast ocean areas. We have already alluded to the danger that nuclear testing and 12Document A/CONF.62/WP.IO/Rev.3 and Corr.I and 3. 104. The main theme ofwhat we have said isthe peaceand security of this world. Without it there is little hope for mankind, as indeed peace is necessary as a precondition for the fulfilment of our hopes for a better world. 105. .Mr. HEPBURN (Bahamas): Mr. President, I should like first of all, on behalf of the Bahamas Government and its people, to congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your distinguished record ofachievement eminently qualifies you to guide the deliberations of this body. I wish you every success in your high office and can assure you, Sir, of my delegation's full co-operation. 106. I am further pleased to have this opportunity to thank your predecessor, Ambassador Salim ofthe United Repub- lic of Tanzania, who through quiet diplomacy and expert skill guided the work ofthe past session in an admirable and efficient manner. 107. I wish also to take this opportunity to express our sincereappreciation to the distinguished and indefatigable Secretary-General and his staff for their devotion to duty and loyalty to the Organization. They have our full support in their endeavour to execute the decisions and resolutions of the Organization. 108. Believing firmly in the principle of universality of membership of the United Nations, my delegation warmly welcomes Zimbabwe and the sister Caribbean nation Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership ofthis Organi- zation. We wish to congratulate those two Commonwealth nations on their independence and their emergence into the community of free and sovereign States. 109. In 1973, when the Bahamas became a Member ofthe United Nations, we gave some indication of how we per- ceived the international situation and the problems con- fronting the world community. We also expressed our confidence in the United Nations as a global mechanism for the resolution of international problems. However, today, seven years later, we are obliged to acknowledge that many of those problems are still with us. Indeed, in some instances they have worsened and in others given rise to new prob- lems. We wish therefore, in addition to restating the princi- ples of our foreign policy, to give an assessment of the international situation and to consider how best our United Nations can overcome the problems confronting it and find lasting peaceful solutions to them. Ill. In pursuing these goals we regard our membership in the United Nations as a.corner-stone of Bahamian foreign policy, and we see the world Organization as a unique vehicle for bringing us closer to the ultimate goal-that is, a world at peace based on greater respect for the individual and his fundamental needs. 112. International society is extremely heterogeneous. It consists of a wide range of cultures, traditions, races, reli- gions and ideologies. In view of this diversity it is evident that only global co-operation can create the conditions of stability and peace that are necessary for ensuring economic and social progress for all mankind. 113. In this connection, the Bahamas continues to regard the United Nations as an indispensable instrument for co- operation at the international level. However, in reflecting on the course of developments in recent years we must conclude that progress and a constructive approach to glo- bal problems are possible only ifMember States move from confrontation to meaningful dialogue and from dialogue to consensus and implementation. For too long fundamental political and economic issues have remained unresolved, shifting about in a sea ofrhetoric. Much has been said about strengthening the role Cl ,'le United Nations. Yet we fail to accept the reality that such strengthening can come about only through the exercise of sincere political will by the Member States. It depends on their wiliingnessto subordi- nate certain national ambitions and short-term interests to selfless interests and the common yearnings for peace. 114. Representing the Government of a developing nation, I am concerned over the state ofthe world and ofthe Organization. Indeed, the positive facts and developments are overshadowed by negative events and situations. The emergence of newly independent States contrasts starkly with aggression, war and occupation ofStates' territories by foreign Powers. Progress in the fight against inflation, and the prosperity in some parts ofthe world, are overshadowed by unemployment, inflation, persistent mass poverty and lack ofadvancement in achievingstructural change in world economic relations. The relative stability in Europe and the absence of war in other regions have to be balanced against the uneasy stalemate and dangerous clashes in the Middle East, the senseless violence in southern Africa and the increased threat of nuclear proliferation. 116. The Bahamas remains firmly opposed to all forms of racial discrimination, wherever it exists. We condemn the apartheid policy of the Government of South Africa, for it not only violates all our principles and ideals but poses a dangerous threat to international peace. Events over the last few years have demonstrated the growing frustration of the black population and the intransigence ofthe South African Government. In our view, for example, the bantustan pol- icy, far from solving the problems posed by apartheid, is in fact a means of perpetuating it. In November 1977, by its resolution 418 (1977), the Security Council imposed a man- datory arms embargo on South Africa. The Bahamas not only welcomed that move but supported it whole-heartedly. Further, we support the call to States to cut their economic relations with the racist regime of South Africa. Members may rest assured that the Bahamas willdo everything in its power to help to bring about a non-racial democratic government in South Africa. 117. The Government ofthe Bahamas firmlysupports the right of the people of Namibia to self-determination, independence and enjoyment ofthe fundamental rightsstip- ulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 118. It is also our view that the people ofNamibia should be able to exercise their inalienable rights in a democratic fashion under the supervision of the United Nations, and that all political groups, including SWAPO, should be able to participate. 119. Further, the Bahamas wishes to pay the highest trib- ute to the front-line States for the sacrifices in both human and economic terms which they have made and are still making concerning the deplorable situation inSouth Africa. While the Bahamas commends the efforts expended by the five Western Powers and the United Nations in bringing the issue to a point where optimism was warranted, we deplore the present foot-dragging ofSouth Africa in this matter and warn that it would be irresponsible and dangerous for South Africa to continue to do nothing or to promote arrange- ments which would be internationally unacceptable. 120. For a number of years now the United Nations has been seized of the question of independence for Belize. The Government ofthe Bahamas affirms its support for the just aspirations of the people of Belize to self-determination, independence and territorial integrity, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. The Bahamas also sup- ports Belizein its rejection ofthe suggestion that it cede part of its territory to Guatemala as the price of gaining its independence. We regard any such move ascreating a dan- gerous precedent for States in the region. The Bahamas therefore callson all parties, in keeping with General Assem- bly resolutions, to accelerate their negotiations with a view to achieving a just and workable settlement of the dispute and thereby allowing the people of Belizeto exercise their inalienable rights. 122. With regard to the Middle East it is disheartening to note that, after numerous hopeful starts, very little progress is being made towards an ultimately acceptable solution. The Bahamas has seldom expressed its opinion on the con- ditions it views as necessary for peace in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Today we are convinced, however, as a matter of principle, that any solution must be based on Security Coun- cil resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973)and on the follow- ing fundamental principles: first, the acquisition ofterritory by force is unacceptable; secondly, Israel must end its occu- pation of territories it has held since the J967 war; thirdly, the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of each State in the region must be respected as wellas the right of the citizens of each State in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries; and fourthly, the establishment ofa just and durable peace must take account of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians. 123. With regard to developments since the Camp David accords," the Bahamas is concerned over certain measures taken by the Government of Israel in the occupied territo- ries. Those measures are contrary to the basic principles stated earlierand they constitute additionaldifficulties in the negotiations. The Bahamas Government therefore calls upon the parties to refrain from making any declarations or adopting legal, military, administrative or other measures which would constitute an obstacle to peace. 124. Similarly, the situations in Kampuchea and Afghani- stan are ofconcern to the Bahamas in that the crisesdemon- strate an imposition ofwillson small, independent States by foreign Powers through the use of2•.;}.(/j, in blatant violation ofinternationallaw, thereby threatening international peace and security. The Government of the Bahamas strongly condemns armed intervention against those two countries by foreign Powers, in violation ofprinciples enshrined in the Charter. The Bahamas consequently calls once again upon Member States, in particular those directly concerned, to adhere to the United Nations resolutions that seek to resolve those two situations. 125. I now turn to a consideration of the economic and social issues which are so vital to the welfare ofour peoples. It should be recognized that the attainment of peace and security will continue to remain a distant goal unless the basic economic and social needs ofmankind are fulfilled, at least to a reasonable degree. 126. As a developing State, we are becoming increasingly aware of the wide-ranging effects that the actions of other IJ A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 127. The continuing world-wide economic stagnation may have made progress towards a newjnternaticnal eco- nomic order more difficult, but no lessurgent. The develop- ing countries have been affected even more severelythan the industrialized countries. My delegation must again appeal for commitments which would extend beyond words and conferences towards the effective Implementation of what has previously been agreed upon. Of essential importance here is the mobilization of political will by all parties. The developed countries should find ways of convincing their nationals of the moral imperative of assisting developing nations and also of the good economic sense of so doing. Developing countries, on the other hand, must renew their commitment to self-reliance and third world economic co- operation, correcting deficiencies and gaps in their national economies which only they can reasonably be expected to correct. 128. The Government of the Bahamas recognizes the incalculable benefits which have accrued to the people ofthe world as a result of the presence of the United Nations over the last 35 years. No otherorganization, State or grouping of States has been able to assist the economic well-being ofso many for so long. Yet, despite those achievements, the United Nations and the specialized and intergovernmental agencies could improve on their performance. My delega- tion holds this opinion especially regarding the approach to the allocation ofdevelopment and technical assistance taken by the various agencies. 129. The Bahamas wishes to reiterate what other small island developing countries have drawn attention to in this chamber; that is,·that the quantum of assistance which is allocated to a country is largely determined by its gross national product per capita. That gives a completely unreal- istic and inaccurate evaluation of a country's wealth and leads to the classification of a resource-poor country as wealthy and a resource-rich country as poor. Indeed, the net effect ofthe application ofthis criterion isthe penalization of a given country with an artificially high gross national pro- duct per capita because ofthe existence of some anomaly in its economic structu; e, which, in the case of recently independent States, may be the result of bygone colonial economic policy. 130. The Bahamas contends that when the same approach is adopted in bilateral andother non-United Nations multi- lateral groups or agencies, it makes 'it very difficultfor the lower or middle income State to receive help for itsdevelop- ment projects. We do not mean in any sense that the major 131. We are pleased to note that the United Nations Con- ference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, which the General Assembly called for at its thirty-third session [resolution 33/148], will convene in August next year. In our opinion the energy issue isoneofthe most urgent among our global problems. The rich countries consume a dispropor- tionate amount ofthe world's energy supply. Accordingly, it is primarily their responsibility to conserve energy, to pro- mote intensified exploration and exploitation of conven- tional energy sources and to develop alternativesources, In those efforts the Government of the Bahamas will lend all the support it can possibly give. 132. Having touched upon only some of the issues con- fronting this body, I cannot help but think ofthe many other problems which likewise demand our attention. It is expected that at the outset we may have different proposals, different priorities and different approaches to problems, but it must be recognized that, to achieve progress, conver- gence and consensus must occur. We have to be realistic. We cannot continue to use inflated rhetoric. Action is badly needed if we are to keep public support for the United Nations. 133. Today more than ever the United Nations is neces- sary, even indispensable. It represents hope for many nations, especially for the small and the militarily weak. It is the supreme resort, the guardian of international law and a source of comfort and assistance. 134. We offer our undivided support to the General Assembly and to the Security Council, as well as toall other organs of the United Nations system. We support, too, measures which promote unified action and increase the effectiveness of the United Nations. To achieve these goals, the Bahamas urges Member States and the Secretariat to seek daily to define priorities better, to plan integrated programmes and to follow policies ofreducing expenses and of conservative budgeting which should allow a greater proportion of the'available resources to become available for projects that will be of particular benefit to developing nations. 135. For almost a decade now, the world community, through the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea has been trying to devise a new legal regime for the oceans that will be fair to all countries. We are pleased to note the success achieved at the last part of the ninth session by the Conference in this endeavour which brings the work of the Conference nearer to the achievement of a universal and comprehensive treaty acceptable to ail nations by consensus. 136. There can be no doubt as to the positive achievements of the Conference. Achievements such as the freedom of 137. We look forward to the tenth session of the Confer- ence, which, it is hoped, will be the final,substantive session. We realize that there still remain some issues to be finalized, among them the delimitation of maritime boundaries. We hope that this issue will be resolved in a manner that is fair and just to all concerned. 138. In conclusion, let me state that we must never forget our goals and objectives. Despite the myriad problems and the weaknesses inherent in our Organization, the Charter binds us to certain basic principles which are as valid now as they were in 1945. Let us therefore pledge ourselves to assist in promoting the principle that conflicts, disputes and eco- nomic and social problems must be solved through con- structive dialogue and peaceful negotiations and, most importantly, through the enforcement of realistic ways to eliminate injustice and reduce inequalities among the peo- ples of the world.
Mr. President, it is for me a pleasurable task to congratulate you warmly on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your election to this responsible post is proof of the general esteem and respect that this Assembly has for you and also of our belief in your ability as an experienced diplomat to carry out this work and preside over our debates, It is also a tribute which the international community isvaying to your country, the Federal Republic of Germany, with which many of us have excellent relations. 140. We would also extend our congratulations to your predecessor, our brother Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, for the firmness and wisdom with which he presided over the var- ious sessions that have been held during this past year. His successful discharge of his functions did credit not only to his country, the United Republic of Tanzania, but also to Afria as a whole. 141. We would also express our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose tireless work for peace and justice earns him our greatest respect. 142. We welcome to this great family of the United Nations Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and we assure it of our fraternal solidarity. 143. We also congratulate the Republic of Zimbabwe on its admission to this Organization and we hail its gallant people for their brilliantvictory over colonialism and racial segregation-in a word, over injustice. 14See document A/CONF.621WP.IO/Rev.3 and Corr.I and 3. part IV. 145. Once more history has demonstrated that our Organ- ization can help to re-establish peace in the world, provided that we are truly inspired by goodwill and courage. 151. Friendly countries, on a bilateral or regional basis or even multilateral, have agreed to provide us with assistance, and my Government is indeed appreciative of those offers. However, the fact remains that an even greater collective effort is required from the international community to sup- port our development efforts. To that end, we believe, regional organizations must become increasingly active in this common endeavour. 146. We have gathered here m New York once again to consider the progress made by mankind in working towards the objectives set by our Organization when it was estab- lished. Alas, we have to confess that the fruits ofour efforts have not yet materialized. Of course, it is true that today Zimbabwe has regained its freedom and independence, but there are so many other crises throughout the world that are still without solution! There is the crisis of the world econ- omy, there are crises in Africa, South-East Asia and the Middle East; there are many very distressing problems that require in-depth action on our part if we are to avoid another world catastrophe. 1.52. The Organization of African Unity [OAU], for its part, has now decided to contribute to that effort. It has set up structures for economic co-operation and integration. The most recent initiatives in this area were the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation ofthe Monrovia Strategy, decided upon by the heads of African States in the course of the second .extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Lagos last April." In our opinion, such concrete measures constitute a major contribution to the establishment of the new interna- tional economic order and as such, we feel, should be sup- ported by the entire international community. 147. For many years now, the establishment of the new international economic order has been on our agenda. There is certainly no doubt but that this question does deserve our full attention, if we wish to break, once and for all, the vicious circle of underdevelopment and abject poverty. 148. The third world has fought for its independence and does not intend to lose it again in the face of the new challenges to it. Economic progress can no longer continue to be the preserveofa minority. We must takecare and work to establish a world ofequal partners based on the right ofall nations .and individuals to a life of dignity and decency. Attempts made to that end so far, in particular within UNCTAD and UNIDO, have suffered resounding defeats, for most of the developed countries have not yet agreed to revise their economic policy in respect of the third world. But it is in the interests of one and all of us to remedy this situation, for if recession and inflation persist, the growth rate of all countries, including the most developed, will continue to fall over the next decade. 153. Turning now to the international political situation, I must unfortunately state that it has evolved in a direction that I can hardly describe as positive. 1.54. My country is seriously concerned over the policy of apartheid that is practised in southern Africa by the Pretoria regime. We whole-heartedly condemn that policy, for it is based on institutionalized racism. A minority can no longer continue to flout the decisions ofour Organization and deny the majority the fundamental right to a life of dignity and freedom. The example of Zimbabwe has proved, if any further proof were needed, that it is in no way Utopian to think of a multiracial State based on the equality of all citizens. 149. Nevertheless, my delegation welcomes the special ses- sion that has just been held on problems ofdevelopment by our General Assembly. Even though the eleventh special session did not live up to all our hopes, it nevertheless provided the basis for preparing the next round of global negotiations. It also enabled us to restate the urgent need for increasing aid to the least developed countries. However modest the consensus was, it should nevertheless be empha- sized, because it is 'a point of departure for the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries to be held in 1981. We must make active preparations now for that Conference. 155. As far as Namibia is concerned, my delegation con- tinues to consider Security Council resolution 435 (1978) to be a basis for an acceptable settlement. However, South Africa, wishing at all costs to impose an internal solution in Namibia, is responsible for the delay encountered in the implementation of the settlement plan advocated by the United Nations to lead the country to independence. Such delaying tactics and also Pretoria's barbarous repression carried out against SWAPO, the sole and legitimate repre- sentative of the Namibian people, can no longer delay the advent of a solution to that tragic problem. We believe that the European group must now adopt a more dynamic atti- tude in order to encourage the implementation ofthe United Nations plan. It is the duty of. those countries to exert pressure, by appropriate specific measures, on South Africa, 150. My delegation is glad to see the international commu- nity devoting more and more attention to the very acute specific problems of that category of countries, which includes the Comoros. The least developed countries, in addition to having the lowest gross national product per 157. As far as Western Sahara is concerned, my country, the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros, has con- stantly supported the initiatives of OAU and the interna- tional community to find an equitable solution in keeping with law and justice. The "Committee of Wise Men" of OAU, to which Africa decided to entrust this matter, seems to be moving towards a compromise that would be accept- able to all the parties involved in the conflict. We continue to believe that it is our duty to make sure that this constructive dialogue continues, in order to safeguard peace in that region and indeed in the world. 158. In the Middle East the situation is more than ever before a serious threat to international peace and security. We are indeed disgusted at the attacks and the perpetual aggression carried out against Lebanon by Israeli troops. Tension in the region is aggravated still further by the establishment of more Jewish settlements in the occupied Arab territories. We condemn such actions, which are con- trary to international law. Such.a negative attitude can only crush the hopes that had been aroused by certain initiatives taken in the region for peace. Israel can no longer continue to ignore the fact of Palestine, the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and its absolute right to found an independent State on its own land. At its seventhemer- gency special session, held in July last and devoted to this important issue, the General Assembly reaffirmed that the participation of the Palestinian people is indispensable to all efforts to find a just and equitable solution. I would take this opportunity to reaffirm here my Government's constant support for the just cause of the Palestinian people and the PLO, its sole .representative. 159. My country considers that the annexation ofJerusa- lem by Israel to make it its capital is a serious infringement of international law. Jerusalem must be preserved as a universal holy city. Accordingly we support all the decisions taken on this question by the Islamic Conference and by its AI Quds Committee. More than ever before, our Organiza- tion must do all it can to ensure that Israel at last withdraws from the Arab territories ithas occupied by force since 1967 including Jerusalem, and to ensure that the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people be respected. 160. Turning to Asia, my delegation would like to express its deep concern over the conflicts which continue to occur there. Afghanistan, a fraternal Moslem country and a member of the non-aligned movement, continues to sutfer under a regime that has been imposed by force. Last Janu- ary our General Assembly adopted by an overwhelming majority resolution ES-6/2, demanding the ending of the occupation of that country by Soviet troops. It is for our Organization to take the necessary steps to enable the 162. In the name of the sacred principle of non- interference in the internal affairs of other countries, we strongly oppose the presence of Vietnamese troops in Kam- puchea. We support the efforts of our Secretary-General and indeed of all peace-loving and justice-loving peoples to help that people regain its dignity and exercise its right to self-determination. 163. With regard to the armed confrontation between Iraq and Iran, we would appeal most urgently to those two fraternal countries to make use of the means of negotiation rather than weapons. If the conflict continues much longer, it will not only run the risk of dangerously aggravating tension .in the region but also help to relegate to second place another problem that is still unresolved, that of the holding of the American hostages in Iran. 164. We do not want to interfere at all in the complaints that Iran and the United StatesofAmerica may have against each other. But diplomatic immunity is one ofthe very basic principles prevailing in inter-State relations, and in our opin- ion it would be dangerous to acquiesce in the transgression of'that principle by a State Member of our Organization. 165. There is another matter of concern to my country, namely, the explosive situation in the subregion of the Indian Ocean. Like the other States bordering on that ocean, the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros is deeply concerned at the increasingly active militarization of the area by the major nuclear Powers. Such a situation isa serious threat to international security and, indeed, to the very survival of our States most of which have acceded to independence quite recently. 166. That is why the Government of the Comoros has always declared that it is willing to support any initiative, regional or international, to encourage the implementation of General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI) which con- tained the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. 167. Accordingly, we support the idea of convening at Colombo in 1981 a United Nations Conference on the Indian Ocean which would, interalia, be entrusted with the task of studying ways and means of implementing that resolution. 168. Before concluding my statement I should like to refer to one mat!er which is of paramount concern to my country. and to Africa, namely, the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte. 169. At a meeting ofthe General Committee" my delega- tion insisted that that item be retained on the agenda of this .6 See OfficialRecords 0/ the General Assemb~v. Thirty-.fifth Session, General Committee. 1st meeting. para. 61. 170. The Government of the Comoros is convinced that the negotiations that have been begun must be continued. We shall do our best to that end. We shall try to avoid any polemical spirit that could damage the negotiations that have been'begun with a view to finding a just solution. in keeping with the decisions of our Organization. as soon as possible. The meeting rose at /2.55 p.m.