A/35/PV.37 General Assembly

Speaking on behalf of the nine States mem- bers ofthe European Community, I cannot but express our deep concern at the continuing serious situation in Cambodia. Hardly a year has passed since we drew the attention of the Assembly to the immense suffering of the Khmer people which, after having suffered the atrocities of the barbarous Pol Pot regime, was de- prived of its independence by the invasion of its terri- tory by Viet Nam. At that time the General Assembly made an urgent appeal to all States to refrain from any interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea and to contribute to the search for a political solution to the problem. Now what do we see today? 2. In substance nothing has changed in Cambodia, In spite of General Assembly resolution 34/22, Viet Nam continues its military occupation of the country and the Khmer population, which wishes only to live in peace, continues to be deprived of its inalienable right to self-determination and of the exercise of the other rights recognized by the Charter and by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Because of the continuing conflict, the suffering of the civilian population has hardly diminished. Furthermore, as has recently been noted, there is a risk that the conflict may at any moment spill over the borders of Cambodia. / 3. At the ministerial meeting held on 7 and 8 March 1980at Kuala Lumpur, the countries of the European Community and ofthe Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] stated, in theirjoint declaration, the concerns aroused by the situation in Cambodia [see A/35/129, annex Il]. The proposals made at that time are ·still valid. This is why the nine members of the European Community support the initiative of the ASEAN countries reflected in draft resolution A/35/ .L.2/Rev.1. 4. I do not wish to dwell at length on the human- itarian aspects of the problem in Cambodia. I should NEW YORK like, however, to say that our Governments, as well as the European Community as such, consider the fate of the civilian population of Kampuchea and of the South-East Asian refugees to be one of our major concerns. We have again demonstrated this by our concrete support, at the Meeting on Humanitarian Assistance and Relief to the Kampuchean People, held at Geneva on 26 and 27 May 1980, for the inter- national programme of humanitarian assistance. 5. The nine countries members of the European Community would like also to take advantage of this opportunity to declare from this rostrum how much they appreciate the attitude of the Government of Thailand faced with a human tragedy such as this. ASEAN and especially Thailand, deserve the full sup- port of the world community: they can count on that of the European Community. 6. If we wish to reduce international tensions and relieve human suffering in the South-East Asian region, if we wish to lay the basis of real eo..operation in the region, let us seek a solution in conformity with the Charter ofthe United Nations, a solution which should of necessity include the following elements: thewith- drawal of Vietnamese troops; the sovereignty, terri- torial integrity and independence of Kampuchea; and the recognition of the right of the Kampuchean people to live in peace and freely to determine its own future without any outside interference. -. . . - ...- .. 7. In the opinion of the nine Community countries, a solution including these principles would guarantee the existence of an independent and neutral Kampu- chea, led by a representative Government and main- taining friendly relations with all neighbouring countries. 8. Mr. ABDEL MlEGUID (Egypt) (interpretation from Arabic): Sir, since this is the fars~ time I have taken the floor at this session, I am happy to con- gratulateyou on your assumption of the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We consider your election as an expression of our appreciation for you personally and for yourdiplomatic experience. We are sure that under your leadership the General Assembly will successfully conclude its work and achieve fruitful results. 9. The question under consideration concerns a humanitarian and political problem of extreme im- portance. The victim of this situation is a people which saw its country invaded on 25 Decmeber 1978 and its capital, Phnom Penh, occupied on 7 January 1979, a people which has seen imposed upon it a regime which depends for its maintenance in power on foreign military presence. 10. The problem of Kampuchea was not born solely of an internal conflict between certain forces, factions or parties, as some have tried to have us believe. In ~2. Indeed, wewouldhavea situationofinternational to deal with the Kampuchean problem. chaos if some States' were to continue to base their 18. My delegation wishes to make it clear that relations with other States on the use of force without although it spoke out energetically in condemning the regard for their responsibilities towards the interna- Pol Pot regime's violation of human rights in Kampu- tional community and without respecting the princi- chea, we accept no excuses or pretexts to justify pies governing security and international relations military intervention in order to overthrow one regime -principles enshrined in the Charter, and in the rules and replace it by another. Our position with regard of international law which we have attempted to to this problem is as follows: we do not defend establish over successive sessions of the General regimes; rather, we defend the principles which must Assembly, and those, indeed, which the non-aligned govern international relations. movement itself has established. With particular 19~ The Vietnamese military intervention constitutes regard to the non-use of force in international rela- interference in,the internal affairs of another country tions, respect for the independence and sovereignty and implementation of the policyof hegemonism. It is of all States, the' right to self-determination, non- also a violation of principles of the Charter of the interference in the internal affairs of other States, the United' Nations and of the non-aligned movement. inadmissibility of the acquisitionof territory by armed We refuse to recognize a situation created by the force or by occupation,and the peaceful settlement of resort to force; we refuse to legitimize the results of disputes, all these principlesmust be respected by the military intervention, irrespective of the control great Powers, by local authorities and, indeed, by exercised by a regime whose very existence depends countries belonging to the non-aligned movement. upon aforeign military presence. 13. The position taken by the m~ority of States 20. We call for a halt to all foreign intervention in at the thirty-fourthsessionconfirmsthat of the interna- Kampucheaand for the restoration of normalityin that tional community, which repudiates the method used country by the withdrawal of all Vietnamese troops by Viet Nam in violation of principlesgoverning inter- and the holdingof free elections under United Nations national relations. By the same token, this position control so that the Kampuchean people may choose was ~i'. warning and an invitation to Viet Nam to its own representatives and the regime it wishes. respect those principles. 21. We support the holding of an international con- 14. General Assembly resolution 34/22 calls for the ference as soon as possible in order to.attain those immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from objectiVes. The parties to that conference will have Kampuchea and calls upon all States to refrain from to pledge to implement whatever resolutions it may all forms of interference in the internal affairs of adopt and to assist the United Nations in fulfilling its States in South-East Asia. Moreover, it resolves that responsibilities. the people of Kampuchea should be enabled to choose 22. In conclusion, I wish to state that Egypt, which democraticallytheir ownGovernment, withoutoutside joyfullywelcomedViet Nam's admissionto the United interference. That same resolution also requests the Secretary-Generalto explore the possibility of holding Nations and its membership in the non-aligned movement, hopes that the Government of Viet Nam an international conference on Kampuchea. will- reconsider its policy, because the only way in !S. ;1)espite the adoption of that resolution, and in whichVietNamcan redeemits internationalreputation spite of the praiseworthy efforts of ASEAN to contain is by immediately and unconditionally withdrawing the problem and prevent it from spreading, the situa- its troops from Kampuchea and by respecting the tion has continued to deteriorate, both in Kampuchea Kampuchean people's sovereign right to self-deter- and throughout the region. mination and to decide its own future. 24. As is known to all, Democratic Kampuchea is an independent and non-aligned sovereign State. Between the end of 1978 and the beginning of 1979, trampling upon the Charter of the United Nations and accepted norms of international relations, and with the backing ofone super-Power, Viet Nam used more than 10divi- sions of its regular troops to unleash a naked war of aggression against Democratic Kampuchea, occupying large tracts of Kampuchean territory and seriously encroaching upon the sovereignty, inde- pendence and territorial integrity of Democratic Kampuchea. In order to realize their ambition of putting Kampuchea under their complete control, ·the Vietnamese aggressor troops during two dry seasons launched several offensives against the resisting army and civilians led by the Government of Democratic Kampuchea, but these offensives have failed one after the other. Subsequently, Viet Nam has sent a steady flow of reinforcements to Kampuchea to intensify its war of aggression there. On 23 June this year it even had the audacity to launch an armed incursion into Thailand. The facts prove that Viet Nam's invasion of Kampuchea is by no means an isolated and local event but an important step in Viet Nam's cuest for regional hegemonism and in the Soviet strategy of a southward drive and, therefore, a major problem affecting the peace and security of South-East Asia and the world as a whole. It is Viet Nam's established policy to control Laos, invade Kampuchea, establish an "Indo-China Federation" and then further expand into other countries of South- East Asia. By means of supporting Viet Nam's inva- sion of Kampuchea, the Soviet Union has tightened its grip over Viet Nam and moved into Cam Ranh Bay, thereby advancing its military base in the Far East southwards by more than 4,000 kilometres and pressing towards the Malacca Strait. This action, in concert with its activities in invading Afghanistan and driving south towards the Indian Ocean, has become an important component of its global strategic plan in its quest for world hegemony. Therefore, Viet Nam's invasion of Kampuchea is a result of the collusion between Soviet global hegemonism and Vietnamese regional hegemonism within the above framework. 26. In order to extricate themselves from their dif- ficulties and to dodge the strong condemnation of the international community, the Vietnamese authorities, while intensifying their armed aggression against Kampuchea, have produced a so-called four-point proposal for easing the tension along the Thai-Kampu- chean border. The so-called "three-point proposal" referred to by Nguyen Co Thach on 25 September is in fact a reproduction of the "four-point proposal". A simple analysis of the facts will readily reveal what this proposal really is. First of all, the "three-point proposal" takes great pains to repeat the lie that Viet Nam's invasion of Kampuchea is "to counter the Chinese threat" and that Vietnamese armed forces are there "at the request ofthe People's Revolutionary Council" of Kampuchea, The so-called Chinese threat is sheer nonsense. China has not sent a single soldier abroad, while Viet Nam has dispatched more than 200,000 troops to invade and occupy Kampuchea and another 50,000 to 60,000 troops to control Laos. 27. Is this not the most convincing evidence as to who is posing the real threat to this region? According to Viet Nam's assertion, Vietnamese armed invasion and control of other States would not constitute "outside interference and threat" to the latter. What kind of 28. Next, everyone knows that the key to the settle- ment of the Kampuchean issue is the immediate with- drawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea, but the so-called "three-point proposal" has evaded this question and instead calls for the creation of a demilitarized zone along the Thai-Kampuchean border, advocates negotiations between Thailand and the Heng Samrin clique, and describes the question of Viet Nam's armed aggression against Kampuchea as merely a question of bilateral relations between Thailand and Kampuchea. This is in effect asking others to recognize the puppet regime which Viet Nam has installed and sustained at bayonet point, an attempt to divert people's attention on Kampuchea from the fundamental question of Viet Nam's armed aggres- sion and to legalize the illegal presence of Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea. This is, of course, absolutely impermissible. 29. Since Viet Nain's armed aggression is at the core of the Kampuchean issue, a basic solution to the Kampuchean question must call for the immediate cessation ofViet Nam's.aggression against Kampuchea and the withdrawal of 'its invading forces therefrom. In his statement during the ge'Deral debate at the current session, the Chairman of the Chinese delega- . tion, Mr. Huang Hua [9th meeting], set forth the following three basic principles which, in the view of the Chinese delegation, should be followed in a just and reasonable settlement of the Kampuchean question. 30. First, the foreign aggressors must withdraw all their troops immediately and unconditionally from Kampuchea in compliance with, the relevant United Nations resolution. This is a principle of key impor- tance and the prerequisite ofany settlement. Secondly, after the withdrawal of foreign troops; the Kampu- chean people should be free to decide their own destiny without any outside interference. Thirdly, Kampuchea should be restored to its status as an independent and non-aligned State. After the Kampuchean question is settled in accordance with the above three principles, China, in the interest of safeguarding the indepen- dence of Kampuchea and peace in Asia and the world, will be ready to join other countries concerned in an international guarantee that the territory of Kampu- chea shall not be occupied or used to encreach on the independence and sovereigilty of other countries in the region, nor shall there be any form of inter- ference in Kampuchea's internal affairs. 32. Almost two years have elapsed since Viet Nam's armed aggression against Kampuchea. The historical developments over the past two years show that the Kampuchean people are invincible. At present, the Government of 'Democratic Kampuchea is uniting all patriotic forces in a valiant struggle against Viet Nam's aggression and expansion and in defence of the national independence, state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea, as well as peace and stability in South-East Asia. Their cause is just. So long as it is united, and with the help of the people all over the world, a weak and small nation will certainly be able to defeat an apparently strong aggressor that is backed and armed by a super-Power and win genuine national liberation.

It has now been almost two years since Vietnamese troops invaded and occupied Kampuchea. All this time, despite the repeated injunctions ofworld public opinion, including General Assembly resolution 34/22, the occupation has continued and a puppet regime has been set up which is kept in place only through the support of foreign .troops. Thus the independence and sovereignty of a Member State has been abolished, and the Khmer people are forced to live under foreign rule. Alas, this is not the only such case in the post-war period, as we all very well know. 34. On the other hand, the situation that prevailed in Kampuchea in the years preceding the Vietnamese invasion was such that it rightly aroused the indigna- tion of those countries and organizations whose concern for human rights goes beyond mere lip service. The regime which came to power after the ravages ofa long and unjust war was brutally repressive, with