A/35/PV.39 General Assembly

My delegation associates itself fully with the statement which the Permanent Representative of Luxembourg delivered on behalf of the nine member States of the European Communities[37th meeting]. I have asked to be allowed to speak to underline points to which my Government attaches particular importance. 2. First and foremost is the need for a comprehensive political solution. That is essential, both to restore to the people of Cambodia the right to live in peace and prosperity under a Government of their own choosing and to remove a major threat to the stability and prosperity or South-East Asia as a whole. As the Ambassador of Luxembourg made clear, such a solution should be based on an independent and neutral Cambodiawitha genuinely representative Government free from any foreignmilitarypresence and maintaining friendly relations with all the countries of the region. 3. Mydelegation cannot see how such a Government could emerge from the kind ofelection the Vietnamese- installed regime in Phnom Penh claims to be con- templating. In that election, it appears, there would be no choice, no possibility of impartial monitoring, and no conceivable doubt as to the pre-ordained outcome. That would be a travesty of the free and fair elections which ought, in my Government's view, to follow a cease-fire and an interval during which all Cambodian groups would be able to present their policies to the people without outside pressures. 4. Wehave no views on who should emerge from free elections as the new Government of Cambodia. That is, or should be, a matter for the people of Cambodia themselves. But I should make it clear that the United Kingdom holds no brief whatever for the regime of Pol Pot. My Government consistently condemned the human rights violations of the Democratic Kampu- , ,, , < ' chean regimefrom 1975 to 1978. The British Govern- ment of the day was the first to direct the attention of the Human Rights Commission.to those violations, in March 1978. It is ironic that our efforts to persuade the international community to investigate the atroc- itiesof thePol Pot regime were strenuously opposed by the Soviet and other pro-Vietnamese delegates at the autumn 1978 meeting of the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. Those are the very Governments that are now, somewhat belatedly, .eloquent in condemning the appallingcrimes perpetrated by that odious regime. It is curious, to say the least, that the scales fell from their eyes only after the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in December 1978. 5. We do not now support or approve of the policies ofthe Pol Pot regime, we never have done so and never will do so. We do not doubt that, given the chance, the Cambodian people will reject them decisively. Their history and record is, however, no justification for a foreign invasion"and occupation. -_ .. _.._.._------- -_._._-_. ~ -.-.._----- ._-_. - - 6. Let Viet Nam do something towards restoring its positioninthe international community by withdrawing its troops and allowing Cambodians the freedom to control their own destiny without foreign intervention. It was to give them that option and to deny the Vietnamese the fruits of their aggression that we voted earlier this week, at the 35th meeting, against the amendment introduced by the Lao People's Demo- cratic Republic [A/35/L.5 and Add./] to the draft resolution recommended by the Credentials Com- mittee. We did so with the greatest reluctance. We should have been far happier had there been another way of opposing the aggression in the debate in ques- tion; for, in the face of a choice between Pol Pot and the Vietnamese invader, our natural reaction is to say, "A plague on both your houses." _. ------ .. 7. Untortunately, we could not afford that luxury. Not only is an empty-seat solution unacceptable on grounds of principle and precedent but, as the repre- sentative of Singapore has pointed out [34th meeting, para. 75] nature abhors a vacuum in politics as well as in physics. The 73other countries that voted against the amendment, most of which share our loathing for the Pol Pot regime, evidently took the same view. . 8. In recent months there has been some improve- ment in the living conditions and level of health and nutrition of those Cambodians whose well-beingcan be observed, namely those' living in the main populated areas and those who have taken refuge along the border with Thailand. Some $500 million will have been spent by the joint programme led by the Interna- tional Committee of the Red Cross and UNICEF in the 15months up to the end oftbis year-a remarkable sum, given that the surviving population of Cambodia is perhaps no more than 5 million. Other countries would like to take this opportunity 'to express to him once again our deep appreciation .of, the constructive initiative he has taken, which has contributed in no small measure to the reduction of tension in the area and has made it possible for the cross-border feeding operations for the suffering Kampucheans to be resumed. 24. Another result which emerged from the Secre- tary-General's 'trip and his offer of his good offices was the meeting between my Foreign Minister and the Foreign Minister of Viet nam, which took place on 1 October 1980 at United Nations Headquarters. 'At that meeting the Thai :Foreign Minister on behalf of all the countries of ASEAN, conveyed to his Viet- namese counterpart ASEAN's proposal for peace in Kampuchea. The two Foreign ~inisters had a frank but friendly exchange of views on the Kampuchean problem, but their positions were found, regrettably, to be divergent on a number of important issues. Nevertheless, my Foreign Minister reaffirmed the desire of all the ASEAN countries for durable peace and stability in South-East Asia and to continue to work towards that goal with all concerned. Although the meeting did not achieve any concrete result, both sides agreed in principle to meet again at a time and place to be mutually determined. 25. Yesterday the Vietnamese representative alluded in his statement to a so-called new initiative [ibid., para. 136] on the part of the Vietnamese Foreign Minister at the said meeting. That so-called new proposal turns out to be old wine in a new bottle, except that it has turned vinegary by this time. The same formula was offered at Kuala Lumpur in May last year but was withdrawn during the Vietnamese Foreign Minister's visit to Thailand a week later even before my Government had the opportunity to consider it. 26. The present state of affairs is as, follows. While the Vietnamese Foreign Minister categorically rejected the ASEAN peace proposal, the Thai Foreign Minister assured him that the ASEAN countries would recon- sider his latest proposal. We have, however, found it to be based on a falsification of facts and on ground- less accusations against the Thai Government. As such, the so-called new initiative reveals unyielding intransigence on the part of Viet Nam and is a trans- parent attempt to appear conciliatory in the eyes of countries situated far away from the scene of conflict. That is like adding insult to injury and we do' not believe that the world will ever' be misled by such a manoeuvre. 27. Similarly, Viet Nam also, made an offer for the partial withdrawal of its occupyi~g forces in Kampu- chea once certain pre-conditions had been met. I should like to ask my Vietnamese colleague whether his Government would accept United Nations super- vision and verification of such a withdrawal and why there are pre-conditions, when the presence of the Vietnamese Juggernaut in Kampuchea is the root cause of all the undesirable tension that he wants so much to eliminate. J 28. The representative of Viet Nam levelled many irrational accusations against Thailand yesterday. His ';Thaii~nd.d~s" n6t-;iri-si~tth~t'·"ih~·-p;~bi~;s of the convening of an international conference early in Kampuchea..:'besettled'onthebaS~ ofthe view of 1981, with the partiCipation of all conflicting parties in ...y one nation. it can accommodate the legitimate Kampuchea and others concerned, with the'aim of interests of others~ It believes that true and lasting finding a comprehensive political settlement to the 'solutionsto probleirls()tsllciiimportcan be.achieved Kampuchean problem. .o~ly wb.en~upporte~ by:t~e, worldco~mllnitya~ting 32. That proposal may well otTer the,best prospect ilt keeping with"the principles .of. the Charter of for .durable.peace and stability in South-East Asia. -the United N.tions. A solutionbased on the dictated Since draft resolution A/35/L.2/Rev.1 has already tetrnsof oilecountry by virtue ~f its iUegal~9upa- beenJnlroduced to the Assembly at the 36thmeeting, ti()iI of another is no solution,'because it woul4carry in 'a most articulate and eloquent manner by His forward the seeds of tension and ruturecol1t1ict." Excellency, General Carlos P. Romulo, Minister for [17th meeting, para. JJJ.] " , Foreign AtTairs.of the Philippines and current Chair- 29. In response, this> Assembly has been permitted man of the ASEAN Standing Committee, I wish only L.__ V· N " . f h t th fut to emphasize,my delegation's earnest desire to see tos,uue ..let .am s perception 0, ,w a. e .' ure may peace and stability prevail in the region, without hold for us, Yesterday the representative of Viet Nam ,ou,tUned.the sO-called four possi~ilities by means of .wishing to impose any solution. on any party or \\'bichJ1~ presented his, Governm~pt's vie,. on the prejudging the outcome of the conference. Above alternatiVes.be'(ore the General ,A.ss~mbly [36th meet- all, we must not lose sight of the legitimate rights ing, paras~ 144-147); first, ~ontiDII.e with the tension arid aspirations of the Kampuchean people. p,r:evailing~(.t presentand ~hin_ would ben;efit the 33. However, the draft resolution proposes, pending most; se,condly, let _thelJPlted States contanue to the settlementof the conflictin Kampuchea,the imple- playtbeChina card arid China would give V'iet Nam mentationof the following interim measuresby appro- a se~ond"esson, whichwouldresult in war on a narrow priate United Nations organs in order to reduce the scale as weUas an explosive situation along the Thai- tension, along the Thai-Kampuchean border resulting KarnplIcbean bbr~er; thirdly, I~t the ASE~N c911ntries from the presence of a large number of Vietnamese and thelndo-Chanese States step forw~rd and. eo- troops nemo ,the border and from the massive il1t1ux of qpetate and the situation in South-East Asia would be Kameuchean refugees into Thai territory. __ ; '~ss tense but China would do all in 'its power to :Jotase that initiative; fourthly, let all the, causes of 34. First, a United Nations observer team should be \,~e !'rObledis in South-East Asia be eliminated and stationed on the Thai side of the border in order to ~j would be well again. . ' monito..'the situation along the border and to verify --- -----.---.-... that only civilian Kampucheans obtain international 30.. ·However,befo.re,the advent of the millennium -relief aid. This measure has long been requested by envisiQned in the fourth alternative, one can inferfrom the Thai Government as a means of attesting to ,the statement of the.representative ofViet Nam that Thailand's non-involvement in the armed contlict in the third altemative-rnamely, let the ASEAN coun- Kampuchea.and of ensuring that humanitarian assis- .tries and the Indo-Chinese States step forward and, tance reaches only civilianKampucheans for whom it eo-operate-would beilis preference. Indee~, before is intended. At the same time, such a United Nations theKatnpllchea~ conflict occurred, all ASEAN coun- presence would help to deter violations of Thailand's tries had·',succeede4.in .fostering closer ties with the sovereignty arid reduce border tension. otber countries 'of"South:oEast Asia on the basis of, "acefprboexist~~ce. The rep,e$enta~iveof Viet Nam 35. Secondly, safe areas should be established for is nOW,'aware. I'feel sure, or the present tension and uprooted Kampucheans in western Kampuchea. The mistrUst, wllicJi constitute alJ obstacle to the realiza- safetyofsuch areas shouldbeguaranteedbyallwarring tionof' the >third alternative. Indeed" the cause of parties. Furthermore, all Kampucheans wishing to :preyaiUng tension and mistrust lies inside the regionof exercise their inalienable right to return to their .'S()udi-East Asia itsetf, namely in Viet Nam's aggres- homeland should, after due processing by the repre- sion against Kampuchea, a sovereignand independent sentative of the United Nations High Commissioner State 'within the region. Unless and until Viet Nam for Refugees, be allowed to'enter those safe areas. 53. In fact, what was the situation in Kampuchea two years ago? 54. In implementing the Maoist theories of the "cultural revolution", the Pol Pot clique brought Kampuchea tocomplet'e paralysis; society was completely overthrown, the people deeply shocked. It became acountry with deserted cities, schools and cultural institutes reduced to pig pens, religious temples desecrated and used as warehouses or as 55., ,That was the situation in Kampuchea two years 'ag6~'VVhatisittoday? i ;r 56." To judge from a number of sources, including the eyewitness accounts of some officials from the United Nations and its specialized agencies and journalists who have been in Kampuchea, the general impression can be summed up in a few words: life has returned to this country. 57. Once liberated, the people of Kampuchea got down to the business of rebuilding their country from scratch. The darkness of genocide gave way to the light ofchildren's smiles. Measures have been taken to overcome famine, to increase agricultural yield, to bring families back together, to provide medical care and so on. A wide~ranging national discussion of the draft constitution has been started. Preparations have begun for the holding of free and democratic elections at the beginning of next year. 58. The action taken by the People's Revolutionary Council to bring life back to normal in the country have shown the real way to national reconstruction after the tragic suffering caused by the Pol Pot clique. 59. How strange it is that some delegations do not wish to admit that all these facts are true, but forget or disregurt1 them. This is so of those who say they are so very concerned with the right of the people of Kampuchea to determine its own destiny. . 60. The explanation goes without saying. In fact, great efforts are being made to divert the people of Kampuchea from their chosen path towards renais- sance and national reconstruction, namely, the way of brotherly co-operation with the peoples of Laos and Viet Nam, the way of socialist construction of the country, the way of friendship and co-operation with all countries in the region. 61. I should like briefly to dwell on the position of those who, in words, try to make a distinction between themselves and the Pol Pot clique, while in point of fact, hiding behind a biased interpretation of some principles ofinternational law, they actually lend their moral and political support to the vestiges of that clique. Simple human logic cannot accept the strange co-existence of two theories that are mutualJy exclusive: condemnation ofthe practices ofthat clique, and support for its representatives, as in this case. It is clear that the contradiction in question is being exploited by the forces of hegemonism and impe- rialism, in order to use a discussion on the so-called question of"The situation in Kampuchea" as a smoke- screen to mask their policy ofaggression in that region, and their efforts to maintain sources of tension in the world. It is all being done for the purpose of imposing yet again on the people of Kampuchea a regime submissive and obedient to those same reactionary forces. "The presence in Kampuchea of Vietnamese troops, who have come In accordance with the terms ofthe Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Co-operation between Kampuchea and Viet Nam, is for the time being essential for our security and does not con- stitute a threat to anyone. Once the danger has passed, the Vietnamese troops will immediately withdraw.,. Thus, the presence of Vietnamese troops in Kampu- chea is an internal matter and does not fall within the competence of the United Nations. 67. We are deeply convinced that it is necessary to put an end to all these speculations designed to legalize attempts to interfere in the internal affairs of Kampu- chea. The polemical rhetoric oJ the protectors acting in the, open or behind the scenes cannot save the remains of the Pol Pot clique from total defeat or hide the truth about the present situation in the country, for the changes which have come about are irreversible. 68. However, we consider that the sooner the true state of affairs is seen through the prism of the real interests ofthe peoples ofSouth-East Asia, the quicker and the more easily will the relevant agreements be reached making it possible to undertake concrete steps to normalize and stabilize the situation in that region. 69. What is necessary now is lO deal with the conten tious issues from the point of view of political realism, the interests of peace, stability and co-operation in ~evelop our region politically, economically and ; socially into a region where peace and prosperity will one day prevail." 2 79;:,.It is clear, of course, that foreign interference or in.:, vention can either be imposed from abroad or invited per se from abroad by a country in the region, btit{naturally, both are just as bad and evil. 80~ r.• In the light of the very strong feeling on the issue of foreign subversion or intervention, my delegation sincerely believes that the Government of Kampuchea which would come :..ito being as a result of this draft resolution would be genuinely independent, able to live in harmony with the other Governments and peoples in the region and prepared to preserve its' independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. It is also our sincere belief that such a Government would never be the orie to destabilize, or be used by others to destabilize, the countries in the region. 81. While the conflict in Kampuchea remains un- resolved, the fate of the refugees in Thailand and along the border areas remains bleak indeed. Thev will have to continue depending on the charity of the interna- tional community. And, indeed, many countries have extended precious assistance and help to the refugees, as witnessed, for example, during the Meeting on Humanitarian Assistance and Relief to the Kampu- chean People, held at Geneva in May this year. A number of governmental and non-governmental organizations are actively helping to alleviate their suffering. Thousands of individuals from many parts of the world have been working in the camps helping to heal the physical and psychological wounds suffered by the refugees. Indonesia and the other countries of South-East Asia are grateful to all those States, organizations, agencies and individuals for their generous help which has effectively contributed to the survival of the refugees now awaiting the day they can return home to their own country, to the place where their ancestors have lived and died. 82. It is obvious that the Kampuchean refugees cannot forever be the burden of the international com- munity. Considering the huge sums of money needed for the more than 1 million people requiring assis- tance, sources ofhelp and assistance remain relatively limited. Furtherrnore, there are many other refugees in the world, for example in West Asia and the Horn of Africa, whose need for urgent assistance is no less then the need of those from Kampuchea, It is the-rfore uecessary to solve their plight as quickly as possilae. 83. The Geneva meeting to which I referred earlier has also by consensus decided on a set of recom- mendations, contained in United Nations document SO S70 KAMP, of 6 June 1980 [see also A/35/303], with a view to making more effective and efficient use of humanitarian assistance rendered to the Kampu- cheans within the country itself as well as those in Thailand and along the border, My delegation hopes that these proposals will be found helpful and useful 96. Apart from the initial assistance given to Kampu- chea by the Soviet Union last year free of charge, which amounted to a total of more than $85 million, this year, within the framework of a programme of similarly free assistance, the People's Republic I of Kampuchea has been sent various goods for civilian purposes, valued at of $134 million. Furthermore, the programme of economic co-operation of the USSR with Kampuchea provides for the allotting of the sum of $70 million. 97. Of great importance for the Kampuchean people is assistance through international organizations which , provide Kampuchea with supplies of food and medi- cine. The continuation ofsuch humanitarian assistance can only be welcomed. However, we cannot overlook the attempts of certain circles to exploit the question , of assistance for purposes directly contrary to the interests of the Kampuchean people' in order, among other things, to support the remnants of the Pol Pot 'gangs. That kind of action can only be viewed as . direct infringement ofthe sovereignty of the People's 'Republic of Kampuchea. ,98. Using the territory of Thailand, and receiving military and material assistance from China, the rem- nants of the PolPot faction are carrying out incessant 'acts of armed .provocation. against Kampuchea. However, the Pol Pot faction and other counter- revolutionary gangs based in Thailand are unable to weaken the position of the People's Revolutionary Council in spite of all the assistance they get from outside. 99. The foreign policy of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is in sharp contrast to the policy pursued nei~~uring States also-Laos and Thailand. .So- ca~~d "Democratic Kampuchea" was a hotbed of dapger of war for the whole of South-East Asia. It ac~e~as a conduit for the interests of Peking and its cla~~s and ambition to convert that part of the world int~. Jheir own sphere of influence. Pol Pot's anti- Viet-Nam adventure also played into the hands of those who for so long waged a "dirty war" against Viet Nam, and also against Laos and Kampuchea. Now, it would appear, they are attempting to take revenge for their defeat in that unjust war and are encouraging anti-Viet Nam, anti-Kampuchean and anti-Laos actions. And there is nothing surprising in the fact that China, and along with it the United States, should find the foreign policy of the People's Republic of Kampuchea so vexatious. 100. Along with the other countries of Indo-China, Kampuchea has demonstrated a constructive approach to the search for a solution to regional problems that would be acceptable to all interested parties. Over the last year alone, Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea have repeatedly proposed important initiatives dictated by their concern for peace in South-East Asia. We have, for example, the documents of the Phnom Penh and Vientiane Conferences of January and July respectively of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam, Laos and the People's Republic of Kampu- chea, at which it was proposed that talks be held on turning South-East Asia into a zone ofpeace, on the conclusion of. bilateral agreements guaranteeing no invasions between the countries of Indo-China and of ASEAN, on the creation of a demilitarized zone on both sides of the Thai-Kampuchean border, and on solving the refugee problem. Nor do the States of Indo-China object to the convening ofan international conference that would have the authority to consolidate any agreements that might bereached between Kampu- chea and Thailand and guarantee their being put into effect. 101. We should also recall a new proposal of Viet Nam and Kampuchea. It is aimed essentially at seeing that the People's Kampuchea and socialist Viet Nam take a firm stand on the question of the legitimacy of the presence of Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea and at the same time express their readiness, given certain conditions and particularly if peace, stability and security are restored on the Kampuchean-Thaifrontier, to discuss the question of the withdrawal of some of those troops even before the creation ofa demilitarized zone along the frontier between the People's Republic of Kampuchea and Thailand. 102. The countries of Indo-China have repeatedly taken initiatives on the question of carrying out a dialogue with the member States of ASEAN, which would make it possible to discuss, among other things, questions affecting Kampuchea. We welcome the establishment of those contacts. 103. The Soviet Union has been following closely the development of the situation in that part of the world, and it supports all initiatives of that kind that are put forward with the sincere and peace-loving 107. At the present time, a number of countries have submitted a draft resolution [A/35/L.2/Rev./] and the recommendation has been made that it be adopted by the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session. The tenor of this draft resolution is the same as that of last year's resolution. The sponsors once again, and even more obstinately than before, have submitted the standard set of measures for intervention in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea on the pretext of some so-called "political settlement", of a non-existent "Kampuchean ques- tion". The People's Republic of Kampuchea, which is master of its own destiny, has unequivocally stated its negative position towards this draft resolution. 109. The General Assembly, entirely in keeping with its lofty and responsible role, would be doing its duty if it were to take decisions which genuinely promoted an improvement of the situation in South-East Asia. Such decisions would be in keeping with the interests of all States of the area and would help to ensure that that part of our planet can cease to be the source of events which arise to threaten international peace and security.

A year ago this Assembly adopted a resolution setting out the basic principles for a political settlement of the conflict in Indo-China. That resolution has been ignored. Foreign forces are still in Kampuchea. They are involved in fighting along the Thai-Kampuchean border. This conflict threatens to undermine stability and prosperity throughout South-East Asia. 111. The whole world has been shocked by the suffering of the Kampuchean people. They are the victims of events which they cannot control. Other people too, and particularly those living along the Thai-Kampuchean border, have been caught up in this senseless war. 112. A simple human wish to see an end to that suffering makes us all, surely, want to see a settlement brought about. Beyond that, we all know that the longer the fighting lasts the greater the threat. to the security of Thailand and the greater the risk there is of great-Power involvement. 113. Almost every government leacer who took part in the general debate, including my own Prime Minister, said that it was essential to end the conflict, andto end it quickly. The dangers of drifting into a wider conflagration are all too obvious. But if we are to stop the suffering, if we are to restore stability and economic progress, then we have got to work honestly and persistently until we get a comprehensive political settlement. 114. Like most countries, New Zealand believes that the basis of any political settlement must be the recognition of the right of the Kampuchean people to choose their own government free from outside pressure or interference. We believe that the way to achieve this is through elections held under some form of international supervision. 115. That, however, is only the first step. A compre- hensive peace in, Indo-China can be assured only when all countries of the area show that 'theY are willing to negotiate on the basis of their commitment to uphold one of the fundamental principles .of the Charter-respect for the independence and territorial integrity of each and every State. And that means gu~ding us all towards a settlement. 118. If there is to be real progress, all parties must show flexibility and a genuine willingness to enter into real negotiations. The time for empty propaganda has long since passed. Obviously, there are conflicting interests which have, somehow, to be reconciled. One way' to do this is through an international conference. New Zealand has, rightfrom the beginning, advocated that approach. It is the only sensible way to tackle the problem. The fact that this approach is recom- mended in the draft resolution before us is a further reason why we give our full support to it. , 119. The goal of an international conference must be the establishment ofa genuinely representative govern- ment in Kampuchea. If there is to be lasting peace, any government must be acceptable, first' and fore- most, to the people of Kampuchea. In our view, an independent and non-aligned Kampuchea, having friendly relations with its neighbours and having no special ties with any of the major Powers, should be a highly acceptable neighbour both to Viet~am and to the ASBAN countries.It would certainly be a welcome partner for' other countries of the Asian and Pacific region such as my own. 120; No one,surely~ would deny that the Kampu- chean people are entitled to the, rights, and protection accorded to all States under tbe . Charter of this Organization. It is, above all, their right to decide their own future. The aim of any political settlementmust, therefore, be to 'allow" the people of Kampuchea to 'decide theirfuture peacefully and withoutoutside inter- ference: The draft resolution we are considering asks the Assembly to affirm that the Kampuchean people ere entitled to those fundamental rights. That draft resQlution,·, moreover, provides a framework within which the Kampuchean people will be able to exercise 'those rights. Simple justice calls for the adoption of thatdrattresolution, It is a prescription for peace in South-East Asia. 121. Mr. KRAVETS(Ukrainian SC"viet Socialist Republic (interpretation from R,uss;an' 'An objective and irrefutable fact of, the situation ,kod ,Kampuchea is that for 22 months, or almost two full years, there has been a Government in, power in the, territory of Kampuchea, the People's Revolutionary Council of the Pe~ole's Republic of Kampuchea, a Government which controls the situation throughout the country 124. The overthrow in Kampuchea ofthe anti-people bloody regime created the necessary conditions for moving the country towards democratic reforms and social development. The time that has elapsed has been an important period for the formation of the young Republic. The authority of the People's Revolutionary Council has grown and become consolidated. In spite of the difficulties caused by the grievous consequences of the many years of foreign aggression by the United States and the reign of the pro-Maoist clique of Pol Pot, the long-suffering people of Kampuchea has striven unswervingly for success in restoring its utterly ruined economy and the social structure ofthe country and has also embarked on the organization of life in conditions of peace. 125. We have witnessed the revival of business and industry. More than 80 per cent of the factories have resumed work. The threat of hunger has been elim- inated. Approximately 5,000 schools are open and provide places for 1 million students. Hospitals have been reopened and new medical centres have been set up. Markets are in operation and temples have been opened. 'Separated families have been reunited and have returned to their homes. Respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms has been ensured. The country is preparing to adopt a new constitution. Evidence of the creative and productive life of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has been reflected in the press of many countries. 126. Of course, many problems still await solution. In particular, the country still suffers severely from a shortage of specialists and qualified and skilled officials. But the Kampuchean people has already felt the advantages of the new life and is bending every effort. to build and strengthen the peoples' power in order to combat the inimical and hostile activities of the reactionary forces. 127. Together with the process of stabilization of the internal ~ife of the country there is a process of consolidation of the international authority of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. The People's 129. With respect to China, in the years of the Pol Pot dictatorship it actively used the Kampuchea "spring-board" for the preparation of aggression against Viet Nam, which was an obstacle to Chinese expansion to the south. With the loss of that "spring- board", China is now trying its utmost and counting on exacerbating the relations between Viet Nam and Thailand and, on a wider scale, between the countries ofIndo-Chinaand the membersofASEAN. In carrying out these co-ordinated plans they are banking prin- cipally on the revival of the Pol Pot faction and the creation of a coalition of forces hostile to the People's Republic of Kampuchea. 130. It is no secret that the bandits still prowling the territory of Kampuchea owe their survival to the generous militaryand other support which they recei~e from Peking and Washington. The forces engaged In provocation against Kampuchea care not at allfor that country or for the interests of the peoples of neighbouring States. 131. In order to undermine the stability and security of Kampuchea, use is being made of the so-called voluntary repatriation of Kampuchean refugees. The fact that the territory of Thailand is serving as a base for the military training of Pol Pot gangs and their dispatch into Kampuchea is convincingevidence of the true nature of the neutrality of Bangkok in the matter of Kampuchea. 132. I shouldalso liketo say somethingabout another aspect of this problem. There is no doubt that the humanitarian assistance which' is being provided to Kampuchea both bilaterally and through various international programmes is of critical importance 'for the revival of Kampuchea. A wide range of oppor- tunities is availableto all those who are truly interested in providing assistance 'to the people of Kampuchea. At the same time we cannot fail to be alarmed by the attempts to distort the humanitarian objective of the international assistance and to exploit it for pur- poses totally contrary to the interests of the Kampu- chean people. Certain "champions" of the salvation of Kampuchea are doing their best to redirect th~t assistance to so-called refugees from Kampuchea In neighbouring countries or, to put it more precisely, to the Pol Pot gang. The Ukrainian SSR vigorously 134. The realistic and flexible initiatives of the Peo- pie's Revolutionary Council of Ka~pu~hea, design~d to turn the Thai-Kampuchean frontier Into a frontier of peace, merit the most serious attention. Those initiativesdemonstrate the sincere wishof the People's Republic of Kampuchea to solve existing problems by peacefulmeansand to takeinto account the interests of all parties. 135. We are convinced that the only possible means of resolving the situation which has arisen in that part of the world is by way of negotiation. The fate of stability and co-operation and the security of the peoples of South-East Asia depends on !he p.olitical will and readiness to undertake constructive dialogue of the sovereign States of that region. We welcome the consultations and talks which are now being conducted between the countries ofIndo-Chinaand the ASEAN States and we wish them every success. 136. Draft resolution A/35/L.2/Rev.l before the Assembly is, in the view of our delegation, prejudiced and one-sided in its content. The draft resolution sets forth only the position of the States members of ASEAN and totally disregards the realistic and constructive approach of the countries of Indo-China, The draft resolution is essentially a naked attempt to intervene inthe internal aft'airs ofthe People's Republic of Kampuchea. Such actions, as representatives are aware are in contravention of the provisions of Arti- cle 2,'paragraph 7, of the Charter of the United Nations. In the light of these considerations, the Ukrainian SSR rejects the draft resolution and will vote against it. 137. Mr. AL-ELFI (Democratic Yemen)(interpreta- tion from Arabic): When the General Assembly dis- 138. Tod~)';~" when the people of Kampuchea are living peacefully and calmly under the leadership of the People's Revolutionary Council, we find the same delegations have nothing more to say than to counsel a reversionto a fait accompli which has already been rejected by-the people of Kampuchea.:Some , under the cover of humanitarian assistance, have even pro- vided support for the dictatorial regime,of PoI Pot, in an attempt to reimpose it on the people of Kampuchea. 139. Today, for the second year running, we are forced to discus] an item which is called by'the coun- tries that have put it forward "The situation in Kampu- chea", Itis none the, less deplorable to note that that item was not included On the agenda when the interna- tional community should have considered the problem of the massacres committed by the PolPot regime, which brought death to morethan 3 million people, with the'expulsion ofother millions ofpeople from the cities to do forced labour in the country. Furthermore, schools,hospitals, institutions and other public facil- ities were destroyed, agriculture and industry were ruined and, the entire population was subjected to starvation and genocide. 140. Today Kampuchea is living in peace, and the Pol Pot regime has become a thing of the past, something that cannot be resuscitated. Today the People's 'Revolutionary Council has undertaken the rebuilding of its country, which had been destroyed by the Pol Pot regime-a regime which impose,d a reign ofterror 'and dictatorship.and made mass murder the;main.feature of its government and its authority. 141. The results achieved by the People's Revo- lutionary Council in governing Kampuchea, in fighting sabotage and cOJlntering the forces of destruction still fostered by, the, vestiges 'of the Pol Pot reglme constitute i~fu~ble prO()f that the legitimate Govern- ment now in power eqjoys the full support of the people()f ',Kampuchea and that the situation is irre- versible. The People's Revolutionary Council is the only legitimate represelltative ofthe people ofKampu- chea, Ris that Cquncil which expresses the will ofthat peopl~'•. The,Government which has come to power is the legal Go"enunent of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, a country with which my country has very stable and friendly relations. 142., We feel that no one outside Kampuchea has any' right to seek to,impose'his Will,in the matter of the rights an4 principles of the policies ~estatllished by the people; of KaQipuchea.The establishment of a democratic politic;li system JOdaY is.one of the tasks faci,D& the.people o!Kampuchea. Nooae has the right to impose conditions on a legitimate Govemmentwith a popularplatf()rm and broad intemational recognition. 143. ,Imperialism and its allies are attempting to hinder the ta~~_o.f re~ons,truc~ion of the people' of Kampuchea, following' the liquidation of' the Pol Pot regime. These are the hostile covert manoeuvres of those who want to maintain a state of perpetual tension in that region of South-East Asia and wish ••Any international conference on Kampuchea convened without the agreement of the People's Revolutionary Council or any discussion on Kampu- chea at the United Nations or in any international forum without the participation of the representa- tives of the People's Revolutionary Council consti- tutes a gross :.«d inadmissible interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Kampu- chea and a violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter and of international law." 146. We agree with the representatives of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and we energetically condemn' any attempts by imperialism to interfere in Kampuchea's internal affairs and feel that the external threat of reactionary imperialism to the inde- pendence and security of Kampuchea is the real danger that should be confronted by the international community. 147. In the circumstances, we welcome the proposals ofthe Government ofthe People's Republic ofKampu- chea of July 1980 [see A/35/347-S//407/and Corr.l , annex J] designed to reduce tension on its borders, something which has been welcomed by world public opinion and the international community. 148. It is the duty of the international community to give political and economic support to the Govern- ment of the People's Republic of Kampuchea which has with its neighbours, Viet Nam and Laos, ties of friendship and a common history of struggle against imperialism and foreign domination. This would be the right path to follow in order to help the Kampu- chean people to reconstruct its country. 149, Mr. SARRE (Senegal) (interpretation from French): The situation in Democratic Kampuchea is still a matter of concern and disquiet for the interna- tional community. If we are not careful it may assume such, proportions as to seriously affect international peace and security. 150. , Senegal, whose foreign policy is essentially directed towards the quest for peace based on dialogue, which makes it possible not only to prevent conflicts but also to promote a settlement when they arise, cannot but attach the highest importance to a nego- tiated solution to the problem of Democratic Kam- puchea. 151. That is why my,delegation associated itself with those who took the initiative to include the item on the situation in Kampuchea in the agenda for this 156. It was therefore in the nameofa principle of law 164. My country feels that the role of ourOrganiza- that my delegation supported the report of the Cre- tion.must consist, in the specific instance of Kampu- dentials Committee [A/35/484] concerning Democratic chea, in helpinga govemment to emerge which would Kampuchea. It is in the name of that same principle emanatefrom the verypeopleofthat country, agovern- that this Assembly has refused to sanction the conse- ment freely chosen, without outside interference. quences of the foreign armed intervention of which 165. That is why Senegal supports draft resolution Kampuchea has been a victim. Furthermore, in A/35/L.2/Rev.l which, if adopted and scrupulously accepting the credentials of the delegation of Demo- implemented,will reconcilethe peopleof Kampuchea, cratic Kampuchea our Assembly has also reaffirmed and on that basis will bring in an era of peace, justice, the importance it attaches to respect for the principle co-operation and solidarity to that region. of the non-use of force in international relations. 166. Mr; SAGAY (Nigeria): One of the enduring . 157. The question of Democratic Kampucheais also virtues of the United Nations is that it affordsall Mem- a political question. Ideological divergenceisoneof the bel'S of the Organization an opportunity to contribute causes of the conflictbetween DemocraticKampuchea towards finding solutions to the problems of our and its neighbour, whereas everything seemed to times, especiallythose that pose grave threats to world argue in favour of comprehension and fratemity peace and security. The present situation in South- between the two States-their'history and, above all, East Asia poses such.a potential threat and this obliges their culture are a basis for mutual understanding. all of us to help in finding ~ speedy solution to the It is in the name of that same understanding that we crisis created I;ly the situation in Kampuchea, must place the initiative of the countries of ASEAN 167. My delegation is pained by the continuing ;.hich have twice brought the matter to the Security suffering of the Kampuchean people, and very much Council in order to seek a just and lasting solution regrets that General Assemblyresolution 34/22 calling to the conflict. for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampu- 158. A solution to this conflict must be found as a chea has not, so far, been adhered to or implemented. matter of urgency because the tragedy of the people 168. As is very well known, Nigeria is firmly com- of Kampuchea deserves our full attention. It is a mitted to the principleof non-interferencein the inter- real human tragedy arising from the situation in the nal affairs of other States and of the inviolability country and whichhas meantthe lossof manyinnocent of their territorial integrity. This is why we firmly sup- lives, briging in its wake poverty, wretchedness and port the call already issued by this Organization for deprivation. the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops from 171. The United Nations has always defended the rights of the weak against the might of the strong, in a context ofjustice and faimess. Its efforts on behalf ofthe restoration ofthe sovereignty ofKampuchea are a sterling example of this noble exertion. There can be no debate about the need for peace and security in South-East Asia. But the first item on the agenda towards achieving this much desired goal is the with- drawal ofall foreign troops from Kampuchea, as urged by General Assembly resolution 34/22. We invite Viet Nam, who throughout its nearly 35 years' struggle against foreign invasion, enjoyed the nearly universal support and sympathy of peoples everywhere, to join the United Nations in taking this first giant step for peace in Karnpuchea, and in all of South-East Asia. 172. There are Members of this Organization for whom principle and humanitarian'considerations are more important than political expediency. Continued defiance of the wishes and pleas of the international community on behalfof Kampuchea on these grounds will not weaken our resolve. Ifanything, such intransi- gence will continue to be met by an equally resolute persistence by the United Nations, in order to ensure that the sanctity oflife, and Kampuchea's nationhood, are not reduced to mere legalistic quibbles, in the crucible and shifting sands of South-East Asian politics.