A/35/PV.4 General Assembly

' Mr. President, may I offer you the tirst compliments in this general debate. I do so with sincere satisfaction .1I1d in the certainty that my words will be a part of a general expression of recognition of the qualifications which so well entitle you to provide the leadership in the work that we are about to begin. With you in the Chair, we have every certainty that the debates on the items to be dealt with at this session willbe conducted in an efficient and equitable fashion. l Before going any further, I should like to express my thanks to the President of the thirty-fourth session, Mr. Salim A. Salim, who was repeatedly called upon during the past year to give us the benefit of hisguidance indiverseand complex situations. It is fitting here to recall once more his impressive performance at the head of the SpecialCommit- tee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colo- nial Countries and Peoples, a task that he performed with wisdom and prudence. 4. I take this opportunity of welcorningtwo newMembers of our community of nations, the Republic of Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and I congratulate • I Mr. Saraiva Guerreiro spoke in Portuguese. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation. NEW YORK you and the Assembly on this occasion. Both countries have our best wishes for a future of progress and neace. 5: It ~s ~articularly auspicious to seeamong us the delega- non of ZI~'babwe, as that means the culmination ofa long pr~:>c~ss of struggle. When I recently visited that country, briel as my stay was, I could appreciate the spirit with which its Government and people face the task of building a society both just and efficient. ~ 6. We again welcome the delegation ofSaint Vincent and the Grcnadines, whose presence in this Organization is an effective contribution to the consolidation of the principles of self-determination and independence among the Carib- bean nations. Its admission will enrich the group of l.atin American States, where it will be fraternally received. 7. In opening this general debate, I reaffirm my country's commitment to the general principles of international con- duct which are prescribed in the Charter of the United Nations and which are the heart and soul of this Assembly. Brazil will dedicate its best efforts to the preservation of international peace andsecurity, to co-operation for devel- opmc.it and to the promotion of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, without any distinction as to race, language or religion,just as the Charter ofourOrgani- zation provides. 8. It isdifficult, unfortunately, to find causes for optimism in the present world situation.. Since last year, tensions that have already caused mankind so much anxiety have grown still stronger; risks of upsetting world peace have become far more grave; the world economic crisis has become more severe; and famine and poverty persist, with their accom- paniment of deep imbalances among nations. There is little reason for us to be proud of or even to accept the present state of things in the community of nations. 9. The process of international decision-making has itself too often proved short-sighted. That process, shaped in an era prior to decolonization and to the global spread of economic and political problems, and unchanged in its essence, has shown itself to be painfully defective. At the political level, it reflectsand reinforces the imbalances which so much affect the lives ofour peoples. It fails to include the participation of new political forces. Its centralizing charac- ter does not reflect the philosophy of our Charter, and as a result has become unworkable. On the one hand, an impor- tant and essentially positive development has taken place in recent history: no single country, no condominium of Pow- ers, has the ability effectively to control events in the differ- ent regions of the world. On the other-hand, the use that the main Powers make oftheir strength, which isstill tolerated by the international order, is inadequate to the new realities and needsof the world. Those Powerscontinue to think and 10. Neither the ideal of justice nor the recent course of events allows us to suppose that the maintenance of the present international order may lead to peace and prosper- ity. We have become used to references to interdependence in the world of today. At times, however, wehave the feeling that no attention is paid to the fact that that word obviously conveys the idea of reciprocity. Interdependence is a two- way road. Its political dimension is mutual respect among nations. Its institutional foundations lie in universal obe- dience to the principles of the Charter, such as equal sover- eignty among States, self-determination, non-intervention and the peaceful settlement of disputes. There is no need here for further definition and qualification. Equality means equality, sovereignty means sovereignty and non-inter- vention means non-intervention. H is necessary for those basic principles to be observed in their entirety by all Members of our community, for quibbling about their implementation means adding new and serious threats to already tense international relations. I I. That means that no country, however strong, can presume to legislate to the world, as if it were a kind of overlord. That means that matters which affect everyone must be decided by all, and those which relate to the lifeof only one country must be decided by that country alone. That means that the international system must not be verti- cal and centralizing, that the international decision-making process regarding issues of global interest needs to be opened to the wide and representative participation of the community of nations. 12. There is no better channel for dealing with world problems than dialogue and the effort to defuse tensions as they arise. A mature attitude is needed. The so often illusory prospects and temptations of immediate gains which char- acterize confrontation strategies should be resisted. Beyond immediate concerns, self-discipline and courage are required if we are to talk and negotiate rationally and objec- tively. A mistake frequently made is to believe that public opinion in each country and at the international level is incapable of perceiving the long-term common interests. There is no serious reason to prevent the more powerful States from adhering to truly common goals, While they use their imagination and wisdom to move beyond routine approaches. 13. In the context of the recent increase in tension, it is encouraging to note the political ability demonstrated by Western Europe and by the third world. The developing countries with their voice and their vote in the General Assembly have clearly shown the importance they attach to respect for the basic principles of international law and their determination not to be used as pawns on the chess-board of crisis. They have reaffirmed their faith in non-intervention in dialogue and in the relaxation of tension. They hav. demonstrated, and surely will continue to demonstrate, a will to play a constructive role, each acting in accordance with its particular situation. 15. The wide-ranging work of our Organization requires the adoption of an equitable scale of priorities in the consid- eration of the problems we must face. But peace and devel- opment are inseparable goals. No distinction should be made between them. Peace-not a stall: of precarious bal- ance among heavily armed nations, hut indeed a just and reliable international order-will never be attained without development. Development-not just economic growth in some areas, but indeed the redressing of the grave imbalan- ces among nations-can be a realistic undertaking only if peace prevails. 16. The quantitative and qualitative increase in the nuclear arsenals of the great Powers continues to pose a paradoxical contrast with the unmistakable desire of the immense major- ity of nations to live in peace. It is embarrassing to see that the concentration of scientific and technological knowledge of those Powers is heing wasted on research in and develop- ment ofconstantly improving deadly devices. Newstrategies are planned with a sinister logic, as if it were possible to survive a nuclear war. 17. The new momentum in multilateral discussions on disarmament arising from the commitments entered into at the tenth special session of the General Assembly has met with reluctance on the part of countries with intercontinen- tal offensive power. Nevertheless, the Committee on Dis- armament, a body which has our fully participation and support, has kept on trying, only to be blocked by an inversion of priorities which postpones the consideration of nuclear disarmament in all its forms. 18. The ninth session of the Third United Nations Confer- ence on the Law of the Sea has adjourned at Geneva on 29 August last with significant results to its credit. However, there are still gaps in the informal text' of the draft articles which are to become the future convention, and additional efforts will be required in order to improve upon it. If the constructive spirit, serenity, and sense of collective responsi- bility which we have advocated throughout the Conference are allowed to prevail, we trust they will result in the adop- tion by consensus of a well-balanced charter of the seas that will guarantee the interests of coastal States and give sub: stance to the principle of the common heritage of mankind in the international seabed area. 20. In our own region of Latin America this isa period of disturbance, but the prevailing trends are essentially posi- tive. Relations among Latin American nations are deepen- ing and there is more room for them to co-operate with each other as equals on the basis of balanced and mutual advantage. 21. Thanks fundamentally to the operation of endogenous factors, a new and dynamic Latin American reality is being created. Political and economic stagnation is being replaced by a more complex situation, one richer inopportunities for change. Diplomacy is increasinglyactiveand thestrengthen- ing of a network of bilateral dialogues certainly facilitates the launching of new Latin American regional efforts and the building of a more homogeneous, more creative stand for the region in itscomprehensive debate with the rest ofthe world. 22. Brazil's stance is that regional unity should be based on the purposeful exploitation of the countless affinities among our countries. It also depends on the mature and balanced recognition of the political. economic and cultural diversities existing among us. Latin American unity is a project for democratic, egalitarian and mutually trusting coexistence among our countries, Such unity rejects hegem- onies, interventions, axes or blocs. 23. President J030 Figueircdo has pledged himself to pro- vide additional impetus for these positive trends and to increase his contacts with other heads of State in Latin America. During the last 12 months the President of Brazil has paid official visits to Caracas, Asuncion and Buenos Aires and in turn has been the host in Brazil of President Morales Bermudez of Peru, President Lopez Portillo of Mexico and President Gorge Videla of Argentina. Brazil thus participates with its sister nations in the common effort for the construction ofa truly operative and dynamic under- standing among the Latin American nations. 24. In the course of the present session we will becelebrat- ing the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo- ples [resolution 15/4 (XV)], a basic instrument for the affir- mation of the right to self-determination. sovereignty and independence. 25. We must now concentrate on the questions of Namibia and of the elimination of apartheid in South Africa. lest weface the continuing frustration of those peoples there and of all of us at the United Nations. Every effort must be made to ensure that prompt and fruitful results are gained from the work accumulated throughout these years at the United Nations towards a solution for the problem of Namibia, those people are represented by the South West Africa People's Organization. The risk we have been run- 26. The persistence of military aggressions conducted by the Government of South Africa against Angola and Zam- bia is unacceptable. Political contrivances such as the instal- lation of the so-called national assembly of Windhoek are also unacceptable. The very latest exchange of messages with the Secretary-General betrays the evasive and delaying attitude of South Africa. In this, as in other problems pend- ing on our agenda, the position of the Organization of African Unity [OA U] and, in particular, that of the front- line States, is fundamental inasmuch as, on 2 June last, they have reaffirmed at Lusaka the priority they accord to the question of Namibia on the basis of documents already adopted by the United Nations. 27. The responsi'<iry of this Organization for the preser- vation of internationai peace and security does not allow us to ignore the present escalation of intransigence, arbitrari- ness and violence which render the prospects for peace in the Middle East increasingly remote. 28. Particularly serious are the implications of certain measures-recently adopted or announced-of consolida- tion of illegal occupation and of formal annexation of terri- tories taken by force. The Security Council has already firmly expressed in its resolution 478 (1980), its universal rejection of the measures which purport unilaterally to mod- ify the status of the City of Jerusalem. 29. In connexion with the establishment of the basis for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, Brazil reaffirms that it is indispensable for the consensus to prevail so as to ensure the following: the complete withdrawal of occupying forces from all Arab territories; the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland, to self-determination, to independence and to sovereignty in Palestine in accordance with the Charter and the relevant United Nations resolutions: the participation of the Pales- tine Liberation Organization [PLO] in peace negotiations; and the recognition of the right of all States in the region to exist within recognized boundaries. 30. We can also expect the Council to provide a more complete and appropriate framework for the consideration of the question, in which the rights of the Palestinian people are duly recognized. 31. I also wish to make a particular reference to the tragic situation in Lebanon, the country of origin of so many Brazilians who have urcatlvcontributcd to ;Hlr nationallil~. Lebanon deserves oti"r fullsolidarity, and its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity must be preserved. 32. When I addressedthe General Ass~"l11bl~ last yvur. I noted that the world economy entered till' lkl.'adl l)1' the 19S0s in a state of zencrulizcd uncertaintv.' The aggra\ ation ..... . ... ~~ of the global economic situation, throughout the last 12 months, only strengthens the evidence that we arc ull facing an entirely new situation in qualitutivc terms. with the developing world .. .14. The so-called "energy crisis". as central as it may be today in our concerns and as dramatic as may be its l'CO- nomic impact. should be recognized for what it reall~ is: not as something accidental or exogenous. but as a component part of an underlying structural crisis ora broader and more lasting nature. The energy problem is felt csscntiallv in the North-South dimension. Therefore. in order to be effective. its solution can be sought only within the context of efforts aimed at a global revision of the relations betweenhighly- developed countries and the developing world as a whole. 35. This finds eloquent proof in the fact-which no one would dare deny-that developing countries have recently assumed an increasing and even decisive role in the fabric of the international economy. either as providers of 1'.1\\ mate- rials. as markets, as increasingly competitive industrial suppliers. as areas for new investments or as users of capital often lacking alternatives for application in developed ccon- omies which arc either in a state of stagnation or reduced growth. 36. This role of the third world has been attained not because the world markets have become more responsive to the aspirations and needs of the developing countries. but in fact it was achieved despite persistent and. in many cases. increasing obstacles such as the new and more effective forms of protectionism, the transferral of inflationary ten- sions and the generalized increase of interest rates in capital markets. 37. In the last fewyears. the third world h,i:i h((ii a weight~ factor in sustaining the level of economic activity of the developed world. Nevertheless. p<hsibly under the pressure of its own difficulties. seen from the narrow \i~\\ point of the present state of affairs. the developed world has. in practice. adopted an increasingly distant attitude towards the prob- lems of undcr-dcvclopmcnt. It is obvious in the sum mit meetings of the so-called "Seven" and inseveral multilateral forums that less attention has been given to the structural problems of the North-South rclutionship. and an auitud« has become prevalent which practically limits itself to con- sidering marginal measures and to assigning the responsibil- ity for the evils that now afflict the world economy to increases in the price of oil. 3X. Another and more subtle expression of the aloofness of the North towards the South is the attempt to'introduce restrictive categories for developing countries. grouping them according to level of income or industrialization or classifying them either as importers or exporters of oil. An entire conceptual arsenal is being put together tobolster this effort to produce divisive and diversionary effects. In fact. this catcuorization is justone more prool'ofthe protectionist attitude :)1' the developed world and of its lack of interest in grasping the problem of under-development in. its entirety. with all its economic. technological and social aspects. ing them adequate access to decision-making processes for thr'problems affecting the international economic situation. It is an illusion to presume that in the n.ew international seem.' which we lace it is possible to maintain privileged structures and, at the same time, solve global problems. The attempt to preserve obsolete structures of domination over international flows in matters of trade, finance and technol- ogy can only prolong and even aggravate the present diffi- culties. In the world today, the exercise of power is contradictory with the objectives of prosperity. The time has come for us to interpret anew the ties between nations ofthe North and the South and to replace the rhetorical affirma- tion of interdependence with the practical construction of mutuality. 40. In order to do so, the developed countries must recog- nize that solutions will not spring spontaneously from piece- meal deliberations in different multilateral agencies and forums if the present elitist decision-making structures are maintained and operational criteria remain unaltered. These might have been adequate in the past, but they no longer serve their purpose. The essential meaning of the so-called "global negotiations" is precisely that of offering to all of us what may be one last chance to seek an integrated and harmonious set of measures to reformulate the North- South relationship. This opportunity can materialize only if we are able to undertake the urgent task of devising a political thrust which can generate from the universal forum-that of the General Assembly of the United Nations-significant modifications in multilateral eco- nomic institutions, so as to make them more open to the participation of the developing countries and more receptive to their specific needs. 41. Therefore. the Brazilian Government cannot conceal its grave concern regarding the stalemate which occurred a few days ago during the eleventh special session of the General Assembly. In our opinion, the failure to launch global negotiations is not in any way compensated for by the existence of a consensus reached on the text of a new Inter- national Development Strategy." Such a text, as my Govern- ment secs it, is not satisfactory. for it does not even take into account substantive progress related to previous agreements reached in other bodies. and it will still be subject to reserva- tions and declarations of a restrictive or interpretative nature from the developed countries. 42. A 1110st meaningful fact isthat the third world hasbeen able to preserve its fundamental sense of unity, despite the legitimate differences in interest which might occasionally arise and regardless of external pressure, as I have mentioned. 43. The present cnsis necessarily Ic<l(h to an increasing unity among thc nations of Latin America, Africa and Asia in a common effort to revise the patterns of their relation- ship with the North. However, the crisis does not cease to 4 A/S-II/AC.I/L.2 and Cord, and Add. 1-3. Subsequently circu- latcd as document A/35/464. 45. The industrial. technological and financial potential which now exists in the third world-added, of course, to its immense natural and human resources-opens to the nations of the three developing continents broad prospects of a fruitful direct relationship, avoiding the often politically or economically onerous procedure of going through the main centres. The challenge before us is, in short, to create for the third world a profile of its own, based on its internal reality and dynamism, and not merely on the expression of the differences between us and the developed nations. 46. Success in this truly pioneer effort of establishing ties of effective partnership among developing countries rests on a clear political commitment. Only the common willto draw closer will allow us to reach concrete results. Such a decision must be as firm as the difficulties are great in establishing tics among nations like ours, which for a long time have remained far apart and which, even today, are predomi- nantly oriented-in the economic and financial fields- towards the great industrial centres, 47. Brazil. for its part. fully trusts that the nations of the South will be able to take advantage' of the present difficul- ties in order to reaffirm their own personality. strengthen and enrich their unity and solidarity-an element indispen- sable for the success of their struggle to overcome under- dcvcloprncnt-c-and revise the terms of their relationship with the industrialized North. 4X. These arc. in the main. the remarks that I want to make on behalf of the delegation of Brazil as the debate at the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly opens. 49. If throughout all these years we have reiterated our concerns, it is because the march of international events proceeds at an inexorableand even accelerated pace. while solutions lag. behind. Therefore. our work cannot but reflect the ever-growing problems and the shortcomings of the international decision-making process. It is fitting that my delegation stress that it awaits the day when contentious subjects in our annual agenda arc replaced by matters of common co-operation and understanding. 50. Throughout the three months of work before us the delegation of Brazil will spare no effort to help create better conditions for participation and international dialogue. in the certainty that the United Nations is still the most ade- quate instrument at the disposal of the international corn- munity for the achievement of the objectives of 11l"H.:e and development. 52. On behalf of the United States delegation to this Assembly, I come here today to express anew the United States commitment to the United Nations. I come also to express our hopes for its future at a moment when the world is deeply troubled by tension and uncertainty. Peace is threatened by smouldering regional conflicts and by assaults of the strong upon the weak. Nations large and small are buffered by steeply rising oil prices and serious economic strains. Within many countries poverty and oppression form an explosive combination. 53. A few weeks ago I spoke to this Assembly about the international economy. 5 I stressed the obligation of nations to co-operate in facing world economic problems: payments imbalances, energy inflation, slowed growth in many devel- oping countries, the spectres of environmental decay and even famine. 54. Our inability to reach a consensus on procedures for global negotiations is a pause in the process, not a failure in our objectives. I do not mean to say that the differences that have kept us from finding a formula for global negotiations can b ..' glossed over. They are real. They arc substantive. But we are prepared to use the span ofthis General Assemblyto continue discussions that can lead to procedures, to an agenda and toa negotiating structure that will foster broad agreement among all the nations here represented. 55. Today I want to look beyond economic problems to the oIll' condition that is a prerequisite for all material progress: peace. If we truly care about building a world in which peace and justice prevail, the world's nations, and this Organization. cannot ignore certain political and legal obli- gations also-obligations every bit as compelling as the economic obligations I spoke of earlier. 56. These responsibilities arc not new. They arc pro- claimed in the Charter of the United Nations. But dangerous new circumstances require that we stress them anew, lest we betray thL' very purpose the United Nations is designed to serve. 57. Our first obligation is to refrain from aggression and to deal with it vigorously. Article I ofthe Charter ofthe United Nations provides for "the suppression of acts ofaggression or other breaches of the peace", Article 2 prohibits "the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State". 5g. Accordingly. the United Nations must confront the continuing assault upon Afghanistan. I raise this issue not to set off a rhetorical exchange. not in the interest of polemics. but in the interest of peace. 60. Last January, at an emergency special session, this Assembly condemned by a large majority the assault upon Afghanistan [resolution ES-6/2]. We strongly believe that at the thirty-fifth session also the General Assembly must work under the Charter to reinforce the principles of the United Nations. We must work for a total withdrawal of Soviet troops and a political settlement. We must support the principles of non-intervention, self-determination and non- alignment for Afghanistan. 61. In Karnpuchea as well, armed aggression continues. We welcome reports of some progress made under th ' leadership of the United Nations Secretary-General and international organizations in relieving the conditions of deprivation and disease so prevalent a year ago. The threat of renewed starvation requires significant further contribu- tion from the international community. 62. Despite some improvement in Kampuchea's desperate human situation, no progress whatsoever has been made towards securing the withdrawal of occupying Vietnamese forces and the restoration of self-determination to the Kam- puchean people, as called for in last year's resolution on Kampuchea [resolution 34/22], sponsored by the non- aligned nations. We strongly support the basis for a settle- ment, including the concept of an international conference, contained in that resolution, which was passed by a large majority. 63. Above all, let us keep in mind two basic purposes for which this body exists: to oppose armed aggression and to assuage its consequences. No achievement could be more important to the future influence and effectiveness of the United Nations. No failure could be more damaging than a failure to deal firmly with these issues. 64. Our second obligation, proclaimed by our Charter, is to settle international disputes by peaceful means. Achiev- ing this goal remains urgently important in two key regions: the Middle East and southern Africa. 65. In the Middle East, the United States is committed to a comprehensive peace-an enduring peace based on the principles of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). We are determined to pursue to a successful conclusion the peace process begun at Camp David two years ago this month." Already that process has achieved something once thought impossible: peace between Egypt and Israel. Now the negotiations are focused upon.a second goal: taking a significant first step towards resolving the Palestinian problem. The current autonomy talks have as their goal arriving at interim arrangements to establish full ~ ~ ~ autonomy for thepeople of the West Bank and Gaza. After that. the process will proceed to negotiations which will determine the final status of those areas. ~ ,\ Framework for Peace in the Middie East. Agreed at Camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt auJ Israel. signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 67. So today I call on all members ofthis Assembly to lend their support to these negotiations. Camp David has proved so far, and remains for the future, the most hopeful and productive avenue to peace in the Middle East. There is no alternative to negotiations except further conflict. Let us remember that differences are rivers to be crossed, not reasons to turn back. 6~. That persistence can bear fruit-that negotiations can yield peace-has been reaffirmed in recent months insouth- ern Africa. Through arduous negotiations, the new nation of Zimbabwe has been born in peace. Today we have reason to celebrate not only this accomplishment, but also the way in which nations worked together to achieve it. And for the future, the Zimbabwe settlement offers hope-and a model-for peaceful settlements in southern Africa and elsewhere. 69. The United States will continue its strong efforts to advance the United Nations plan for Namibia. There are no major substantive issues left to be resolved. I am convinced that the United Nations plan would be implemented fairly. All that remains is for South Africa to act in itsown interest, in the interest of peace in the region, and in the interest ofthe Namibian people: to accept implementation of the United Nations settlement. If that does not happen soon, this chance for peace could be lost, and we would face a bitter future of protracted conflict and tragic human suffering, 70. The settlement in Zimbabwe can also provide a prece- dent for peaceful changein South Africa. We will continue to urge the Government of South Africa to abandon the repugnant policy oiapartheid. We consider it urgent that talks among representative leaders begin on the issue of peaceful, orderly change in South Africa-s-whilethere isstill time. 7J. We must continue our search for peace and restoration of respect for international law in other parts of the world as well. In Lebanon, in Cyprus and elsewhere, we will lend our full support to the peace-making and peace-keeping efforts of the United Nations. 72. And although the holding of American hostages in Iran is not all item on the agenda of this Assembly. it remains a nratter of extreme urgency that this tragic impasse be resolved-resolved in a way that strengthens peace and restores respect for international law. The continuing situa- tion in Iran contributes to uncertainty about security and stability in South-West Asia. The security of Iran itselfand the stability of the area depend on a united. strong and independent Iran living at peace with its neighbours. 73. With the end of the former regime and the death of the late Shah, a chapter in Iran's history ha" closed. As a-new chapter opens, we emphasize that we recognize the rcalir, of the Iranian revolution, and we respect the right of the Iran- ian people to choose their own form olgoverumcnt without 74. An indispensable step will be the safe return to their families of the American hostages in Iran. Throughout the 324 days of their captivity, the Member States and institu- tions of the United Nations have expressed their concern for the hostages in numberless ways and channels. With their safe release, repeatedly called for by the Security Council and the International Court of Justice. Iran could end its isolation from those nations that live in accordance with international law, and sanctions would be terminated. 75. Today I urge the nation of Iran. its Parliament. and its people also, to consider the human face ofthe hostage prob- lem. These innocent people and their families have expe- ricnced acute suffering. I ask this community of nations to join us in urging that their ordeal be brought to a safe. honourable and prompt end. We also know that in Iran. as in the United States, there are deep feelings as a result of grievances and suffering perceived in the past. We are pre- pared to do our part in resolving fairly the issues between us. The Iranian Parliament has announced that it will name a commission to deal with the hostage question. We hope that this positive step will bring the Government of Iran closer to a decision on release of the hostages. 76. The United States shares many common values with the people of Iran. When the safe return of all the hostages to their families isassured. we are prepared to deal on a basis of mutual respect and equality with all the outstanding issues and misunderstandings between Iran and the United States and to reach understandings on the principles which will govern our relationship. 77. As we look to the future. I urge the United Nations. as soon as possible, to take firm and effective measures to counter the global menace of attacks upon diplomats and others-. The danger it poses to civilized international life is growing; no institution of peace can afford to ignore it. For our part, the United States seeks peace with all nations. Whether it be with Iran or with the Soviet Union. we arc eager to reduce tensions and to restore productive relat ions as SO(Hl as their actions allow. 78. In all cases our policies will reflect our commiuncnt to non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations. As the President of the United States. Mr. Carter. has affirmed, we shall not interfere in Poland's affairs and we expect that others will also respect the right of the Polish nation to resolve its own problems in its own way. 79. Another obligation of nations is the control and limita- tion of arms. A period of heightened tension in the world makes this obligation more difficult to fulfil. hut also more urgently important. XO. For that reason. let me underscore anew today the commitment of my Government to arms control. to practi- cal measures that contribute to world peacc and enhance 82. First, it is President Carter's intention to move forward as speedily as possible towards ratification of the SALT 11 Treaty.' Accordingly, the President intends to consult with the leadership of the United States Senate soon after the election with a view to resuming the ratification process as soon as is feasible. We consider it ofcardinal importance to ratify SALT 11 and to move forward with the SALT process. The Soviet Union, however, must recognize that for many Americans recent Soviet actions have called into question the Soviet Union's commitment to international peace and co-operation. Accordingly, wecall upon the Soviet Union to act in ways that will enhance, not damage, the prospects for SALT II and for other arms-control efforts. 83. Secondly, we are committed to the pursuit ofmeaning- ful and equal limitations on theatre nuclear forces in the framework of the SALT III negotiations. We are ready to begin talks with the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union this week to discuss this subject and to seek agreement on the arrangements for beginning these talks promptly. H4. Thirdly, we are committed to seeking an effective and verifiable comprehensive test-ban treaty. Substantial pro- gress has been made towards this goal and we are deter- mined to continue pursuing these efforts vigorously. 85. Fourthly, the United States is committed ion the Vienna talks to achieving mutual and balanced force reductions and limitations to diminish the risks inherent in the massive presence of military forces in central Europe. 86. Fifthly, we are prepared to develop further the secu- rity aspects of the Conference on Securityand Co-operation in Europe. If the international situation permits and if there is balanced progress in all areas, mcluding the human rights area, at the second review session of the Conference, to be held at Madrid in November. we are prepared to consider a post-Madrid European conference of the signatory States to the Final Act of the Conferences on developing militarily significant confidence-building measures. 87. Sixthly, we support the effort of the newly expanded Committee on Disarmament to develop the provisions ofan international convention on radiological weapons [see A135127, para. 61]. We also support its work towards a comprehensive ban on chemical weapons [ibid., para. 56] and we continue to pursue our bilateral negotiations with 7 Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the limitation of Strategic Offensive rity. Wc firmly support efforts, therefore, to reduce the risk of nuclear proliferation. The Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] is a corner-stone of those efforts; we strongly urge non-parties to embrace the Treaty, for it enhances the secu- rity of all nations, nuclear-weapon and non-nuclear-weapon States alike. At the second ReviewConference ofthe Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons'! there was unanimous agreement-en the fundamental sound- ness of the Treaty and the desirability ofuniversal adherence to it.. For those non-nuclear-weapon States that have not joined the Treaty, we attach particular' importance to the goal of achieving comprehensive, full-scope international safeguards coverage. Wc believe that acceptance of such coverage should become a condition of new nuclear supply commitments to such States. Wc shall continue to work for a world in which all nations can share in the peaceful use' " of nuclear energy without the danger of spreading nuclear weapons. 89. Before I leave this subject, let me emphasize our deep concern over another arms-control matter. Ifarms control is to be successful, agreements must be fully honoured. Ques- tions such as those raised by persistent reports that chemical weapons nave been used in Afghanistan, Laos and Kampu- chea cannot be ignored by the international community. To do so would undermine both arms control and international law. The United States, therefore, welcomes the emphasis placed by the Committee on Disarmament at its. most recent session on the need for international efforts to determine the facts behind those reports. Wc believe that an impartial investigation into those reports could most appropriately be launched under the auspices of the United Nations. 90. Important as .they are, the obligations I have men- tioned by no means exhaust the responsibilities which rest upon us as nations, and asacommunity ofnations, ifweare to secure peace. By peace, Ido not mean the fragile,artificial stability that comes with repression of a people by its Government; Imean the true stability ofsocieties that arc at peace with themselves because the rights of their citizens arc protected and nurtured. 91. So let me close by underscoring another obligation of nations: our obligation to uphold human rights and to concern ourselves compassionately with fundamental human needs. 92. In the Universal Declaration ofHuman Rights [resolu- tion217 A (/Il)] the community ofnations has nobly defined the concepts of human rights and human dignity, just as i'n the Charter of the United Nations we have outlined the precepts of peaceful co-operation. 93. The failure of nations to live up to those human rights obligations is a continuing tragedy, made painfully manifest in the waves of refugees now sweeping across the world. 95. In recognition of the human need implicit in this world-wide wave of refugees, President Carter has made known the intention of the United States to accept an addi- tional 217,000 refugees over the next. year. 96. Our country, of course. is only one of the many which have welcomed and helped refugees. More than I million Afghan refugees have fled to Pakistan: 400,000 Indo- Chinese are in Thailand. More than .3 million arc homeless in sub-Saharan Africa. Clearly this is a global problem: it requires a global response. 97. The refugee resettlement efforts agreed upon at Ge- neva last year [see A135112, para. 6]demand our energy and our ucncrositv. Wc must strengthen the Office of the United Nattons Higl;. Commissioner j'or Refugees. ... 9R. The humanitarian programmes of the United Nations and of the other agencies require a renewed commitment from all of us to their support and to their strengthening. But ultimately this human tragedy can be dealt with only by removing its root causes: by overcoming poverty, by ending the abuse of human rights within nations and by establish- ing peace among nations so that no person need be forced to flee from home and country. 99. This is why my nation ""')I'ts the growth oldcrnoc- racy and personal freedom in ~, , Americas, in Africa and in every region of the world. Achieving these ultimate purposes remains a supreme challenge for the United Nations. Mak- ing progress towards them must be the work of this thirty- fifth session of the General Assembly. 100: Let us not ignore the facts. Ours is a moment of world-wide economic difficulty and a time of tension between great Powers. At such moments, peaceful co- operation becomes even more difficult than usual. At such moments, our obligations as members of this Assembly of nations take on new importance. At such times, when a cloud of troubling events darkens our aspirations to ulti- mate peace, we can light our path by adhering faithfully to our Charter, to the international law that binds us, to the standards of international conduct that protect us. 101. Let us hope that the light wegenerate by doing so will dispel the clouds of tension and discord that darken the world today. 102. The United States will do its part. We will live up to our obligations to oppose aggression, to build peace, to limit arms. to support human rights and to foster economic justice. 1"01' us and for other nations, these endeavours can immeasurably improve Iilc on earth and build the just and lasting peace for which all our peoples yearn. 104. I should like to convey to our Secretary-General my thanks for his dedication and skill incarrying out hisimpor- tant and delicate tasks, guided as he always is by what will best serve the Organization and enhance understanding among nations. 105. I am pleased to welcome the representatives of Zim- babwe, whose people recentlyachieved their independence, which Spain defended unreservedly and constantly. Zim- babwe's presence as an independent and sovereign State in the United Nations isan example of how pending problems of decolonization can be resolved: withan up-to-date under- standing of history, with decisiveness and without prema- ture slackening in the negotiations. 106. Saint Vincent and the Grcnadincs, a country whose deepest roots unite it with the great family of Ibero- American peoples, is the most recent Member of the United Nations, and I welcome it to this Assembly and transmit to its Government and people Spain's wish to strengthen the relations of friendship and co-operation between our countries. 107. It is clear that we are going through a time of pro- found crisis.The "DevelopmentDecades"-now several in number-s-the successive "International Strategies" adopted thus far in that connection, the "Charter of Economic Rights and Duties ofStates" [resolution 3281(XXI..\)]and the special sessions of the General Assembly have not been able to bal- ance an economic order which is in increasing disequilib- rium. World tensions and confrontation between opposing global strategies have multiplied the points of conflict. The technological revolution runs the risk of creating disturbing burdens, ignoring, in its inexorableadvance, the verypreser- vation of the ecosystem. Never in recentyears have wefound ourselves in sucl1 serious situations inallareas. It isclear that we must correct our bearings. We must change the codes of international conduct, balance dissuasion with detente, fos- ter effective arms control, seek a real renewal of structures and achieve new frontiers in the protection of human rights. 108. The magnitude of the disorder, however, must not paralyse us or cause a petrified pessimism. Indolence and insensibility, according to a Spanish classic, can never be regarded as politicalsubtlety, but rather as "detestable negli- gcncc" to which must be opposed, in the words of that classic, the intention to "remedy injustices". At this time the only sensiblecourse is that of international solidarity, which would mobilize endeavours and adjust corrective mecha- rusms. 109. Spain, which because of itsgeography, itshistory and its culture belongs to the Western world, maintains close 110. It is up to Spain and only Spain, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and its own constitutional rules, to decide on the future course of that solidarity. Among other things it will also include the search for detente, which we regard as essential to overcome the present difficulties in international rela- tions. In this connexion the second review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation inEurope, whose preparations have just begun at Madrid, offers an opportu- nity that cannot be overlooked to crcateconditions making it possible to re-establish confidence and make progress towards dialogue, co-operation and better understanding between East and West. ! 11. We are establishing a policy of co-operation with Europe and of participation in its institutions because wc believe in the values, the democratic political systems and the historical role of Europe, of which we have always been and continue to be irrevocably a part. No one claims that our particular historical traits have set us apart from the great European current. On the contrary, as a liberal histo- rian said: "Our history is not 'uncommon' or 'particular'; the historical tragedies of Spain are an integral part of the historical tragedy of Europe". Hence we are ready to.make an enthusiastic effort in the collective task of building the unity of Europe through full partnership in the Communities. 112. As has recently been said in Luxembourg by His Majesty King Juan Carlos I: "A new impetus must be given to the Communities in order to broaden their geographical area, enriching them with some of the most fruitful and original contributions of European culture and making possible the building of a stronger and more balanced Europe, which would be in a position to make an effective contribution to the well- bcing of all its peoples, the consolidation of all its demo- cratic systems and the cause of peace." 113. Finally, looking to the future we have to meet the political challenge of broadening the Communities. Only thus can Europe's ideals prevail against selfish interests. 114. This European and Western aspect of our foreign policy is enriched by and finds its full expression in our relations with the peoples of lbcro-Amcrica, to which so many deep links unite us. his precisely in the dialogue between Europe and Ibero-Arnerica that Spain can carry out an important task: that of contributing to make Europe more and more responsive to lbcro-America as it is. its problems, its concerns, its expectations. 115. We are witnessing a process of the affirmation and awakening of the lbero-American world whosevoice.above tension and undeniable divisions, is being heard with grow- ing authority and firmness in international bodies, and which is aware of its increasingly relevant role in the events of our time. And that is not only because of its strategically 116. Spain, a full member of ECLA and taking an active part in the work of the Andean Group," in which it has observer status, is in full solidarity with the currents of integration that arc gaining strength in lbero-America, All rhetoric apart, my country is seeking in this connexion the development of specifickinds of co-operation so as to serve the interests of our peoples. 117. It is from that position of solidarity, to which i have referred, that we must with an open mind tackle the prob- lems affecting peace and security, by renewing political approaches and restoring negotiating machinery capable of Iacilitating the solution of conflictsfor which,as with regard to the problem of the Middle East and the many tensions affecting the Mediterranean, satisfactory solutions arc far from having been conceived or worked out. I1 R. The Middle East, the tense and vital nerve-centre of ever-impending catastrophe, is the inevitable and natural concern of Cl country such as Spain, which is so closely linked to the Arab peoples and situated at the westernmost point of the Mediterranean. 119. The continuing policy of illegal settlements,the adop- tion of the "Basic Law" on Jerusalem, the repetition of acts of aggression against the sovereigntyand territorial integrity of Lebanon and otherevents increasingtension in that area gin: riseto concern and require that the vicious circleof lack of understanding and intolerance be broken, if we wish to avoid new confrontations of unforeseeable consequences. The time for action has come. 120. The Spanish Government considers it necessaryfor a further attempt to be made to open the door to a solution. Spain will spare no effort to that end. 121. The ultimate goal we must espousecan be none other than peace in the region. It must be a just peace;a cornpre- hcnsive peace taking account of the interests of all con- cerncd and bringing a definitive solution of the historical tragedy of the Palestinian people by recognizing and imple- mcnting its national legitimaterights,includingthe right to a homeland: not an imposed peace. which would simply be war postponed; finally, a peace without winners or losers. making co-operation between Israel and its Arab neigh- bours possible. since their peaceful coexistence is the keyto development in an area that has traditionally been the prey of foreign appetites and the play of foreign interests. 122. To attain that peace, the Spanish Government believes that it is necessary to arrive at a new political formula whose centre-piece must be mutual recognition by Israel and the PLO. as the parties directly concerned in the conflict. and the need for both to give up their extremist goals and agree to negotiate. One cannot try to wipe Israel and its people from the map ofthe Middle East, for no one :. Signatory countries to the Cartagena Agreement for Subregional Integration. done at Bogota on 26 May 1969. 123. Beyond that area, Spain wishes to increase co- operation with the other countries of Asia and to make clear. in speaking of this vast geographical region, that it is concerned at the serious situation in the heart of that.conti- nent. Indeed, the situation in Afghanistan isa source of deep preoccupation for the Spanish Government because the fundamental rights ofthat Islamicand non-aligned country have been seriously violated. It has been said many times from this rostrum that detente isglobal and indivisible and, hence, I believe it necessary once again to recall our unequi- vocal position on this matter. 124. Just as detente is indivisible. so respect for the basic rulesof international lawisthe minimum prerequisiteofany peace strategy. Hence, in mentioning this area, it also appears necessary to recall the attitude of the Spanish Government with regard to the taking of hostagesingeneral and in embassies in particular, specifically in Iran. 125. Detente and the basic principles ofinternationallaw arc also being trampled underfoot in the present situation in Kampuchea. 126. Spain cannot view with indifference the fact that the Mediterranean, which has traditionally been a vehicle of culture and prosperity and the cradle of civilizations, has today become a centre of rivalry and the scene of conflict and tension threatening the security and affecting the well- being of its coastal States. 127. In this regard we view with hope the discreet and constant efforts of the Secretary-General to have the inter- communal talks resumed in Cyprus. We hope that through those talks, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, a negotiated solution can be achieved ensuring the territorial integrity and political independence of Cyprus and the peaceful coexistence of its two communities. 128. But throughout the Mediterranean area there isstilla long way to go, not only to deepen and broaden co- operation among the coastal States but also to give a new dimension to our approach to the problem of security which,as stated in the Helsinki Final Act, isclosely linkedto the security of Europe. 129. Co-operation, concerted action for development and securityare the ingredients of a global framework,'which wc have to put together and implement. 131. Spain's interest in Africa is nothing new. The line of Afro-Mediterranean countries to which we have always been linked by close neighbourhood and common history makes this clear. To strengthen Spanish co-operation with Africa south of the Sahara is one objective of my country's present foreign policy. We have to find new formulas for such co-operation and give special attention to those States where our industry, technoogy and trade can best link up with the aims of those coumries, with scrupulous respect for their sovereignty and their own identity. The most impor- tant symbol of that interest is to be found in recent visits by Their Majesties, the King and Queen of Spain, to several friendly African countries south of the Sahara. 132. In the history of Spain there is one particular African country in which our language has put down roots and grown. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea is an African nation which speaks Spanish. Thus it is not strange that our collaboration is a close one and that, after the years of turbulence-today forgotten-our reconciliation has been rapid and intense. Spain will continue to help the people and Government of Equatorial Guinea as it has been doing-as long as the people and Government of that nation so desire. On the other hand, I must place special emphasis on the fact that the Spanish Government will maintain this cordial relationship without interfering in any way and with the strictest respect for the independence and sovereignty ofthat country. 137. When the Charter of the United Nations was signed at San Francisco 35 years ago, no provision was made for the prompt liquidation ofcolonial empires. On the contrary, machinery for international trusteeship was established through the trusteeship administration system provided for in the Charter, bearing in mind that there were still territo- ries which were not independent. But new nations devel- oped, going beyond the political and legal system which, after the adoption of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV)-the twentieth anniversary ofwhich we shall celebrate this year-had become completely invalidated. The result has been the gigantic work of decolonization, which is one ofthe most notable achievements ofthe United Nations. But that work is not yet completed, because there are still colo- nial situations, such as that of Gibraltar. 133. Spain also follows with interest and concern existing tensions in southern Africa. The continued occupation by South Africa of the Territory of Namibia, contrary to the resolutions of the United Nations, is a persistent element of conflict in the entire region. We consider that that illegal occupation must be brought to an end as quickly as possible, and therefore we have supported the most recent resolutions reaffirming the right of the Namibian people to self- determination, freedom and independence, and the territo- rial integrity of a united Namibia. We are also concerned at the continuance of the policy of apartheid and territorial segregation by South Africa, which gravely affects the human rights situation and is a challenge to the intema- tional community. 138. The British and Spanish Governments made a prelim- inary step towards a settlement of that dispute when they adopted at Lisbon, last April, a joint declaration in which both parties undertook, in a spirit of friendship and in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, to begin negotiations to solve the problem of Gibraltar. 12 139. This will not be an easy task. What is important is the convergence of the. political will to embark upon a course which has only one goal: the settlement of the dispute, so that Gibraltar, once again part of the Spanish fatherland, will never .again be an obstacle between Spain and the United Kingdom. 134. The Spanish Government isalso following closely the development of the situation in the Maghreb, with whose peoples Europe is closely linked because of geographical proximity and strong historical. cultural and human ties. We wish to maintain and develop those close relationships offriendship with all the Maghreb peoples, based on princi- ples of balance, co-operation and good neighbourliness, and wecontinue to be ready to collaborate actively and disinter- estedly in any endeavours to secure detente and peace in the region. 140. The balance of terror is a negative concept which destroys real peace and coexistence among peoples and which has not been able to achieve the absence of war. Therefore, disarmament is still for us an unalterable objec- tive. We must check the race to stockpile and develop nuclear weapons, which consumes incalculable skills and 135. The Spanish Government wants to see an end to violence and suffering in the Western Sahara and hopes that that problem will find ajust solution based on respect for the principles and resolutions of this Organization and of the 12Sec document AIAC.109/603 and Corr.I. paras. 12-13. 142. A few days ago there ended the eleventh special ses- sion of the General Assembly, devoted to the new Inter- national Development Strategy and to global negotiations. Thus it would be premature to make any evaluation of the results achieved. None the less. we should like to state our satisfaction at the consensus attained on the far-reaching subject of the new International Development Strategy. although we deeply regret that it was not possible to take account of the concerns of the industrialized developing countries which import energy, among which Spain figures. 143. As to the balance of what was achieved in the prepa- rations for the global negotiations of 1981, I cannot but express our disappointment. When the Group of 77 put forward its proposal on global negotiations," Spain was the first Western country favourably to welcome that initiative. as it publicly proclaimed in this hall," reaffirming the tradi- tional position of our country in favour of a North-South dialogue, which would be institutionalized and ongoing. and .the agenda for which would include the crucial subject of energy. However, despite the long and intense efforts made, we were unable to reach unanimous agreement on the way in which the negotiations would be conducted; nor did we deal with the way in which the agenda would be drawn up. 144. There was not the political will to break the vicious circle of rhetoric and demagoguery and to implement an effective plan which would make it possible to carry through the necessary changes in international economic and finan- cial structures and make it possible to establish a new. more just and humane order which would ensure greater and more balanced economic and social development for all peoples. In a word. what was lacking was true solidarity in the planning and winning of the war against disease, ignor- ance and poverty. 145. The Spanish Government believes that the final basis of true peace can be found only in respect for and protection of the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual. We have legal instruments which define those rights on the world and regional levels. But we need effective machinery for safeguard and protection because totalitarian regimes continue to exist. and new ones arise, under which men are persecuted or discriminated against because of their race, ideas or beliefs and because human rights include not only civil and political rights but also. as a harmonious and inseparable whole. economic. social and cultural rights. 146. This Organization must bring to bear its ideas and initiatives so that those rights can be guaranteed and effec- tively protected. 14 Ibid.. Thirty-fourth Session, Plenary Meetings. 5th meeting. paras. 168-171. 148. With regard to progressively better trammg of women and their necessary legal equality with men, the Spanish Government took an active part in the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace, held at Copenhagen from 14 to 30 July this year, in the course ofwhich we signed the Convention on the Elimination ofAll Forms ofDiscrim- ination against Women [resolution 34/180, annex]. 149. All of us in this Organization must pursue in solidar- ity energetic action in the struggle against terrorism, which has declared an implacable war against freedom, democ- racy, the servants oflaw and order, and innocent, weak and defenceless people. No one can support terrorism. No one can support it because terrorism constitutes the ultimate form of totalitarian barbarity, which must be eradicated by us. 150. The rights of others are inseparable from our own rights. Terrorism therefore affects everyone because it attacks'our own human status. Only with that understanding can we join hands in solidarity to do battle against terrorism and win. 151. Epilogues are often favoured occasions for plati- tudes, but 1 shall confine myself to reaffirming the confi- dence of Spain in the capacity of the United Nations to mobilize and unite and in its lofty potential for encouraging and alerting mankind. The United Nations carries out a function which is fundamental to survival. Spain intends to strengthen the Organization as far as it is able to do so, and to be attentive to its call. 152. This Organization came into being so that peoples of succeeding generations might be saved from war, domina- tion, injustice and oppression. That calls for true solidarity, wisdom in action and tenacity in endeavour. it requires that we give up, in the words of one of the great contemporary Spanish poets, "that second innocence which leads to not believing in anything". 153. It is not opportunism on my part if today I mark the commitment of the renewed Spanish democracy-evoking the memory of one ofits oldest inspirations, the knight of La Mancha-to righting wrongs; or, in the language of our times and our circumstances, to lending a hand in reducing intolerance, lessening tragedy. alleviating catastrophe and «upportmg the aspirations embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. 154. Mr. MacGUIGAN (Canada): Mr. President, my first words must be ones ofcongratulation to you on the assump- tion of the highest office in the Assembly. Your election represents not only a recognition of your own outstanding personal qualities but also an indication of the respect in which your country is held by the community of nations. 156. Meanwhile, Governments need to look hard at their own efforts to contribute to economic redressment. As announced at the closing meeting of the special session, Canada will for the rest of the decade be increasing its aid contribution. IS We are also studying other areas where our contribution to development can be improved. 157. The world which this Assembly reflects is one buf:' feted by change. Both Cl dynamic of development and an irresistible force, change is in many respects a mixed bless- ing. It can be volatile, destabilizing. Northern and southern methods and cultures meet and sometimes clash. Acceler- ated aspirations are often frustrated. People fear change: they may reject it, often after breakdowns occur, or suppress its social and political expression, which can be an invitation to revolution. 158. But change will go on and must go on. We must, whenever possible, make both technological change and socialchange acts of progress. The task ofour world Organi- zation is to prompt and channel change into positive and predictable directions. The end lesson, as far as the work of the General Assembly is concerned, is that economic devel- opment and orderly adaptation to Itsdynamic ofchange are basic ingredients of peace and security. 159. For example, I say again that there cannot beauthen- tic or enduring security in the world as long as there is widespread global poverty and economic injustice. Increas- ingly, we recognize the economic interdependence of the nations of the world. This reflectsboth an economic fact and a method of approaching issues. Our interdependence is a sign of changing world relationships and is also a response to the dynamics of rapid change itself. 160. The North-South dialogue has its political dimen- sion, as can beseen in most world crises. And just as we must accept change in our economic relationships and reject inter- vention and the economic subordination of one country by another, so we must reject the political and military equival- ents. Just as we are strengthening our international instru- ments for promoting and channelling economic change, so we must continue to strengthen our methods and means for promoting international peace and social and political justice. IS Ibid..• Eleventh Special Session. Plenary Meetings. 21st meeting. para. 14. 163. We again welcome Zimbabwe to this body. We applaud the changes which its presence here represents. 164. Similarly. we look forward to the day when we can welcome the representatives of Namibia to the General Assembly as representatives of a rv~: p,-:l,cr State. After more than three years of intensive Unitv« Nations effort, the settlement expected in Security C(JmJ"i1 resolution 435 (197X) is within our grasp. Technical arrangements are in hand. Only the commitment on the part of South Africa is missing. Right now the circumstances for reaching a final and peaceful settlement an: promising. Ifleft untended, they will only deteriorate. A team of the Secretary-General's representatives is to meet shortly with representatives of South Africa in an effort to clear the way for reaching that final settlement. The consequences of continued resistance to change will be severe. 165. it is with the deepest and most troubled apprehension that we contemplate Soviet action in Afghanistan. What is the occupation of that non-aligned country if not old-time great Power behaviour of the kind which the United Nations was formed to eliminate? What has this invasion meant to us all? The process of East-West detente, ofvital importance to the world community, is now undermined; world peace itselfis now more fragile;confidence about intentions is now shaken; non-alignment is certainly now in jeopardy: and, lastly, the flouting by the Soviet Union of the solution proposed last January by the huge majority of States in this Assembly, and particularly of the call for the early and unconditional withdrawal of all Soviet troops, inevitably colours our reaction to positions the Soviet Union takes on other issues before this Assembly. Weagain call on the Soviet Union to restore to Afghanistan the sovereign rights which its people are entitled to expect and deserve. 166. I turn now to the situation in Kampuchca, There again we haw witnessed the invasion of a small nation by a powerful neighbour wishing to impose itssolution. its views, its regime. There again we have an outpouring of refugees looking to the world for survival. Is this what some leaders consider to be realpolitlk: a policy ofstrike when you can, take what you can? What cynicism. Kampuchca, racked for decades by other peoples' wars and then by a regime of undiluted destruction, is a global concern. Many of us have joined Karnpuchea's neighbours in keeping the survivors alive and in settling the refugees. But the real problems of that area require a political solution and we emphaticaily reject the occupation of Kampuchca and the attempt III control change by force ofarms which Viet Narn's invasion by definition represents. 16~. Let me turn now to the Middle East. Is that situation to exasperate this Assembly for the next 30 years? Has the past not taught us how dangerous a state of continual unresolved tension can be for the people of the area itself as well as for the world as a whole" Respect for the sovereignty. territorial integrity and independence of every State in the area and for the right of all States. including Israel. to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries must remain the corner-stone in efforts to reach a comprehensive solu- tion to the Middle East dispute. There must also be recogni- tion of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Like other peoples they are entitled to political expression within a defined territory and to participation in the negotiating process to find a just and comprehensive peace settlement. 169.' The current negotiations have led to a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt. There has been progress in deal- ing with serious problems, but difficulties remain. Further decisions must soon be made or else achievements to date will be jeopardized with all the consequences that this would entail. Whatever the method or forum, I urge all parties to recognize the force of change and to move away from confrontation and violence to moderation and compromise. IThe speaker continued in French (interpretation from l·h'Ild,).] 170. The aforementioned situations are some, but by no means all. of those where there is a threat to world peace through resistance to change or through the recourse to arms to impose change. In different ways. they serve to illustrate the need to abandon prevailing methods of resolv- ing conflicts in exchange for collectively developed machin- ery. and not to revert to the rule of force. The world will not become more stable in the next decade. The rate of change will accelerate. There is a real probability that certain States may try to exploit the vulnerability of others to their own advantage. A determination to channel and to control the volatile impact of change into constructive. peaccfuldirec- lions is necessary. First, however, we need to break away from old patterns of approach and attitude. 171. The North-South dialogue is an obvious example in this respect. We must recognize our global responsibilities. but resist the notion that every problem must have a global. generalized solution. I also think that there arc issues and stages of discussion where bloc-to-bloc negotiation will be less useful. Byway ofillustration, I think ofthe Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. There a compli- cated array of different groupings of countries arranged to correspond with differing economic. political and even geo- graphical interests. has wrestled with long-standing ques- tions of principle and tradition. This method has enabled the countries involved to draft. in effect. a new constitution for two thirds of the world's surface in the more pragmatic. realistic and. I believe. productive way which a pluralistic approach can afford. Change demands such departures from accepted dogma and I believe that. our approach to 172. Another area of potential institutional improvement is the United Nations Secretariat itself. The office of the Secretary-General has unique value as an instrument for attenuating conflict. The Government of Iran still keeps United States diplomatic personnel hostages almost a year after their forceful seizure. Although the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General to arrange a solution have not yet achieved their objective, they illustrate the potential of his office for promoting solutions, at least in other less un- reasonable and chaotic circumstances. In the past 35years his predecessors have in fact often led the Organization into significant developments, such as peace-keeping operations. which improved our collective ability to manage conflict. Yet there is a potential for further improvement to increase the Organization's capability for mediation in conflict. 173. Cyprus is a case in point. There, we need a two- pronged effort to heal the divisions which have plagued its two communities since shortly after independence. First, peace-keeping efforts should continue. Canadian armed for- ces have served with UNFICYP for 16 years, and Canada intends to maintain its contribution as long as active efforts to achieve a settlement appear to have promise. Secondly, direct mediation efforts by the Secretary-General and his representatives should be encouraged, to promote substan-' tive negotiations with representatives ofthe two communities in order to resolve their differences peaceably. In this case, peace-keeping and mediation go hand in hand, both depen- dent upon the skill and dedication of the United Nations to furthering our common aim of ensuring peaceful change. 174. By a similar token, I believe that greater use should be made of the Secretary-General's responsibilities under the Charter to act with the authority of his office in situations arising from violations of human rights. For many years Canada has introduced and supported proposals in the General Assembly to reinforce the Organization's abilities to promote and protect human rights. 175. I continue to support the concept ofa United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the strengthen- ing of the role of review and inquiry of the Commission on Human Rights. Although the attainment of these objectives may take some time, interim solutions are avaiiable. I urge the Secretary-General to use his good offices where the evidence of human rights violation issufficiently serious. All States should extend their co-operation to him in order to alleviate difficulties and avoid confrontations and to further the interests of international co-operation. 176. Neither the political nor the humanitarian roles which I have suggested demand changes in the Charter of the United Nations or fundamentally different mandates from the General Assembly. Rather, these roles rest 011 a willingness of Member States to respect the Charter, to recognize the desirability ofchannelling the winds ofchange into constructive directionsand to abandon old behavioural patterns, 183. I have spoken about change in the international sys- tem. and I have tried to underline our collective responsibil- ity to ensure that the forces of change lead in positive directions. This Assembly is itselfa symbol of change in the 178. Canada iscommitted to breaking the pattern ofmad- ness which spiralling rearmament represents. Our recently appointed special Ambassador for disarmament will be working at this session towards the goals set out by Prime Minister Trudeau of Canada two years ago at the special session on disarmament, III especiallythose that restrain and cut back 'the competition in strategic nuclear weapons. Without restraint in this area we can have little reason for optimism that the proliferation of nuclear weapons around the world can be stopped. As a first step we will pursue vigorously the cessation of the production of fissionable materia: for nuclear weapons. world. Three times as large as it was 30 years ago. with quite different emphases in its work, it needs now to set its impera- tives against the ideals identified in the Charter. Although the Charter was drawn up in the absence of most countries represented here, I am sure that those ideals still represent a valid framework for our endeavour. Indeed. they arc con- stants in a sea of change. I urge our rcdedication to th-m. 184. Mr. ZAMBRANO VELASCO (Venezuela)iinterpre- tationfrom Spanish): First of all, Sir,l should liketo fulfil the pleasant duty of extending to you, on behalf of the delega- tion of Venezuela and on my own behalf. our sincere COI1- gratulations on your well-deserved election as President of this session of the General Assembly. Your outstanding performance as Permanent Representative of the Federal Republic of Germany, a country with which Venezuela has close links, your thorough knowledge ofthe United Nations and your great personal qualities are the best guarantee that this General Assembly will have wiseand effectiveguidance. 179. Breaking the patterns ofthe past, adapting to change, improving our collective machinery-these are the emphases we should give to this Assembly's work. When countries revert to outdated type by hanging on to privi- leges, using force, keeping self-serving methods ofapproach to issues, our collective achievement is diminished. 180. As an example. may I return briefly to the recent results of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The emerging law of the sea treaty would be robbed of much of its meaning without universality and durability. Those conditions will be fulfilled only ifall inter- ested parties commit themselves to a consensus which isfair to all. We have not seen such a consensus in at leastone vital area, that of sea-bed mining. If. for example, the interests of the land-based mineral producers, including Canada and many developing countries, are ignored or overridden because of the desire of some States to secure unrestricted access to the mineral riches of the sea-bed, then the future of the treaty of the law of the sea may be badly compromised. The problem can only be compounded by States stepping outside the internationally agreed framework to play the game by their own set of rules. 181. In order to bridge the gap between producing and consuming countries and find a common basis of agreement on this issue, we have joined a number of countries from the developing world in initiating an indepcndentUnited Nations study to determine the impact of the sea-bed pro- duction formula proposed by the major mineral-consuming States. I hope that the results of this study willencourage a fresh look at the whole question. That fresh look could be crucial to the future of the newconvention, which, inturn, is crucial to the future of us all. I. Ibid. 1enth Special Session, Plenary Meetings. 6th meeting. paras. 2-50. 185. I also wish to congratulate and express our gratitude to Mr. Salim, who presided over the thirty-fourth session of the Assembly, the two special emergency sessions, on Afghanistan and Palestine, and the eleventh special session of the Assembly, with the deftness and skill which have characterized his outstanding career as Permanent Repre- sentative of the United Republic of Tanzania. 186. The United Nations has played a decisive role in decolonization, a field in which, precisely, Mr. Salim has distinguished himself. The entry of two new States as Members of this world Organization once again highlights the role ofthe United Nations in this field. In this connexion. I am pleased to welcome the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and to reiterate our greetings to the delega- tion of Zimbabwe, which are joining us in the work of the General Assernblv, 187. The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time of acute international confrontations. of anguish and threats of war, together ~ith major chal- lenges and unswerving aspirations to peace. 188. At the outset of the Third United Nations Develop- ment Decade, not only economic problems arc besetting relations between nations but also, with increasing priority. political-military problems have arisen in various parts of the world. Thus, since the last regular session, an atmos- phere has been created such that often, and with a certain undertone of inevitability, one hears talk of the world wit- 189. Our Organizationwas born of the concerted political will which, after the Second World War.decided to embody in a supreme international forum the shared aspirations for peace. freedom and justice. 190. The international community has found in rhc United Nations, despite the shortcomings of the Organiza- tion itselfand of Member States. an instrument well suited to the continuous striving towards the high goals that Wl'I\~ and continue to be the common aspiration of mankind. 191. It would therefore be irrational to disregard till' mer- its of the United Nations. We praise them and. in a positive spirit. maintain that what is needed today is that the collec- tive political will that brought about the birth of the United Nations be attuned to the specific requirements of the hour. 19~. It is obvious that responsibility for present intcrna- tional tensions lies with the great Powers. which look upon the United Nations and the international scene with a self- centred attitude, Thus, for the great hegemonic Powers, peace becomes a mere balance of power. 19.~. The traditional international order is one that has as its weak underpinnings thecommon fear of thegreat Powers of the consequences of a nuclear war and the added fear of the other countries, which, whilenot being or aspiring to be front-rank Powers. know that the tragic and incalculable results of a third world war would not onlyaffect the nations that started it. but would be devastatingly reflected inall the countries in the world. 194. The most negativeforcesofconservatism in theeffort to preserve the present international statusquoarc the great Powers.This conservativeattitude, whichisprojected inany review of the international situation in terms of their selfish hcgcmonic interests. is the back-up position for the irra- tional wave of warring that is shaking the world. 195. The United Nations must have the capacity for self- transformation so as to deprive the great Powers of their archaic privileges. whicharc a threat to thecommon good of mankind. We are convinced that for this Organization and for the world the hour of truth has come. 196. The crisis is structural and deep-rooted; it is felt world-wide. Wc have beenbrought to this byan intrinsically unjust international system: artificially induced consump- tion: waste of natural resources: irreversibleenvironmental damage: monetary and financial chaos: economics in bon- dage; uncontrolled inflation: manipulation of human beings. not just in body but. what is worse. also in spirit: stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction that could in a flash transform this beautiful planet we were given as our dwelling-place into cosmic dust; and while.on the one hand. needles... luxuriesand weapons arc amassed at astronomicnl eo...1. on the other. two thirds of mankind suffer chronic hunger and ...ubsist in subhuman condition.... 198. But unfortunately, we must point (lout that these have often been ignored by the great Powers with deliberate selfishness. and no way has been found to control this attitude. Some attempts have even been made to justify it by invoking the principle of the reserved dominion of the State. a principlethat wasbrought forth in history to protect the weak and afflicted, not to provide an aggressor's action with a cloak of honesty. 199. This hour of truth implies an appeal to rcllcxion: we arc still able to sit down and discuss. rationally and without passion. the events that arc Incxorubly bringing us to a collapse; we are in a position to measure the depth of the crisis and, through deliberate decisions, to correct the course of history. Crises arc. in the last analysis. the conse- quence of human action. and human will can therefore bring about their positive solution. 200. In order toachieve such Il:,ulb.•111 essentialcondition must be met. a condition that the Government of Venezuela has madea permanent norm of itspolicy-a ferventbelief III justice and in solidarity. Any principle is but an empty shell unless it is permanently powered by this vital concept, 201. Our peoples believe in justice; they are aware that it can be achieved in this world: they know that a better mankind is possible if one fights for it. This vital aspiration will brook no opposition from principles interpreted at whim. or from deadly weapons. whichcan do no more than contain the first onslaught by. an endless multitude. Let us hope that this distressing reality of our era will be under- stood before it is too late. 202. Therefore. as has been repeatedlystated by President Luis Hcrrera Campins, Venezuela's foreign policy is based on international socialjustice and on solidarity. That is why he has affirmed his belief in a more just and more humane international law based on the development of the human person and of all men. and rooted in peace. justice and integral and harmonious devclopment-a peace which is not only absence of war. ajustice imbued with socialfeelings between the peoples of the earth, and an integral harmo- nious development which makes man the centre and ai,n of its concern. At the same time. that International law would have solidarity as part of its substance. which implies the conviction that relations must have their foundations in the law and in the obligation of those who have the most towards those who have thcIeast -not as a gift or as a gracious concession. but as a rule of international legal norms inspired by social justice. 203. Those are the terms ofthe hour of truth. This is the moment when one dearly perceives that the new interna- tional order is notgoing to beachievedbyshort-term adjust- ments. which would only prolong and intensifytheagony of the present order, but by a change inthe vital conception of the world in which we live. 205. Our peoples arc the major creditors of history. And since we have had a wretched experience with imperialism, colonialism and nco-colonialism, we are bound to act together so that we may achieve effective changes that "ill enable us to throw oil the shackles or dependence \\hiL'h have often made our peoples mere pawns in the games played by the super-Powers. 206. In their already lengthy struggle. the third world countries have had positive experience in concerting their efforts in their own internal processes. as well as in their bilateral and multilateral relations. 207. The achievements of the Group of 77and the unity they have maintained in the North-South dialogue, as well as the improvements they have gained in the specific terms of South-South co-operation, constitute an encouraging example of what can be done in the immediate future. 208. Given the dangers and risks of the present interna- tional situation, we the developing countries cannot main- tain a mere attitude of complaint or accusation. The certain possibility of democratic management of the intcrnut ional community compels us to be constantly united ill our efforts. ~J9. In this context, the struggle dgdillst the international status quo. will require of medium-sized and small States clear objectives. creative capacity. political imagination. negotiating flexibility, realistic positions. bold constancy and a steadfastness of purpose. 210. Democratic management of theinternational com- munity. based on the principle ofthe legal equality oI'SWlL's. as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. must he a main goal in the struggle of our countries to ensure predomi- nance of this principle. It is a goal to be achieved through a succession of partial gains. 211. The strategy of the major centres of hegemony will be directed at sowing the seeds of dejection, by presenting as illusory or as doomed to failure an effort which only an immature point of view.could present as being susceptible of immediate achievement. 212. Democratic management of the international. com- munity can and should be of concern to all countries thut cannot agree to important decisions relating to their own destiny being taken without their participation. In this con- nexion, recent events in Poland provide significant evidence which should give much food for thought in view of the factors thcv have brought to light. 213. The pre-war climate of uncertainty is rooted in the great-Power rivalry for mastery of geopolitically import.uu areas and for access to and control over strategic resources. The pre-war risk exists because of the senselessbehaviour or the great blocs, which devise and carry out covert or overt 215. Attempts are being made to divide and weaken the Group of 77. But the political maturity and serious- mindedncss of the Group must lead it to seek tenaciously a meaningful dialogue aimed at practical agreement and effec- tive action. The strengthening of such a dialogue would bring us closer to our goals. 216. The Government of Venezuela is convinced of the need further to secure our horizontal relationships of eco- nomic and political solidarity among small and medium- sized countries. Often, the policies and strategies followed by the developing countries were a reaction to the devel- oped countries' attitudes and policies or, at least, the results of structurally asymmetrical relations between the centre and the periphery. 217. We do not deny the usefulness and value of such positions or the imperative need for them to be upheld and strengthened in the future, At [he same time, far more meaningful effortsshould be made to expand the South- South links. I would go further and even venture to say that if we have not made more progress in the North-South dial .iguc. itis because practical solidarity among developing countries has not been sufficiently strong 218. This is an underlying challenge which. so far, we have met with only piecemeal responses; yet. its vast possibilities are within our reach: all we need is the will and the determi- nation to arrive at an understanding among ourselves. 219. In the context of the international political situation. we must sadly recognize that there are examples of those who expect to be able to ensure the. albeit uncertain. survi- val of their regimes through docility to the dictates of the great hegernonic centres. 220. They are the ones who fall prey to the historical cynism of applauding the whittling down of the sovereignty of peoples. whenever it iscarried out by the Power to which they have given a lien on their destiny. all the while pretend- ing to be the prophets of a just and dignified future, whereas their own indignity and injustice. in a less hypocriucal world. would strike them dumb with shame. 221. The great capitalist and socialist Powers should know that the developing countries are not prepared to acquiesce in mute resignation to a so-called realpolitik by which they seck onlv the international hardening of their attitudes. 222. We developing peoples are the great creditors of history and the best reserves for peace. Our effective respon- sibility and our serious international dynamism arc more than ever needed today to lessen tensions. to ward off the risks ofwar and to instil new lifeinto international organiza- tions. The democratic management of the international 224. The second review session of that Conference is to take place at Madrid in November. If Governments con- tinue to view summits like these as opportunities to assess their strength and to win Py-rhic diplomatic victories with no positive impact on the life of peoples, we fear that, even though the signatories of the Act to be adopted at the Madrid session be equal to or greater in number than those of the Helsinki Final Act, there islittle for Europe in particu- lar and the world in general to expect from the Conference. 225. The international community wishes that Conference to meet without this balance of dread. a false balance of fear. as a backdrop for the talks. The international community knows that, since the Helsinki Act was signed, there has not been one moment without specific reports from all sidesofa lack of compliance with what was agreed to there. 226. Furthermore, in the time between the Helsinki and Madrid Conferences, deplorable events have occurred as evidence of the intention of the great Powers to resist any significant change in the international order in which they enjoy a privileged status. 227. We, the genuinely peace-loving peoples, understand that part of the approach of the super-Powers is their inten- tion of creating docile sub-Powers. which will acquire and maintain this essential trait because of their systems of political and military co-operation. 228. The developing world is familiar with that kind of procedure. It knows full well that anyone who becomes a party to warlike adventure and irresponsible violence is ..etting out on a fratricidal road and ends up with his own sovereignty and that of others tarnished. 229. Since Helsinki such sorrowful and reprehensible events have occurred as the emergence of the tragic situation in Kampuchea and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Venezuela stated here, at the United Nations. on the occa- sion of the sixth emergency special session, its rejection of such aggression." Today we ratify our condemnation. Afghanistan is still an occupied country and the repression unleashed by the invading army against the Afghan patriots, the type of weapons used and the inadmissible reasoning put forward to defend what is indefensible call for a consistent and unswerving denunciation by the entire third world. Our repudiation of such procedures. which are drawn from the most conventional imperialist geopolitics. is clear and trenchant. 230. As a result of events in Afghanistan there is a not insignificant crisis within the non-aligned movement. We shall support every effort to achie ve adherence by the move- ment to the principles which brought it into the world. 17 Ibid... Sixth Emergency Special Session. Plenary Meetings. and Annexes, 3rL meeting, paras. 81-94. 232. Bloc politics-as we see-leads only to a balance of terror and to limited conflicts and hotbeds of local wars, which ultimately causes direct harm to developing countries. 233. Venezuela pin-points the position adopted by Zimba- bwe as hopeful and positive in the context of the present African and international situation. The statement made by Prime Minister Mugabe when his country joined the United Nations" offers a clear definition of constructive and authentic non-alignment. The people of Zimbabwe proved that independence can be achieved and maintained without any alignment at all with the great hegernonic centres of world power; that internal and international leadership is enhanced when respect for one's own patriotic dignity is set as an effective containment wall against the interests of the super-Powers, whose only wish is to acquire docile instru- ments; and that independence can be achieved and main- tained without the doubtful help of foreign armies on one's own soil. 234. In Zimbabwe the people were able to choose their own destiny by the civicand peaceful meansof the vote. The leadership of Prime Minister Mugabe is strengthened by popular opinion, as expressed in free elections, which showed the world which choices the people of Zimbabwe really wanted, and which were simply the effect of orches- trated propaganda. 235. On greeting the presenceofZimbabwe once again, we affirm in solidarity that African problems can be solved only by Africans. We say this because we want the problems of Latin America to be solved only by Latin Americans. 236. We have not allowed, nor are we prepared to allow, any attempts to be made to play irresponsibly with the future of the peoples of Latin America by the use of what- ever influence anyone may have over them to increase the impact of ominous bloc policiesthrough organized violence. 237. We support all genuinely Latin American proposals which, in this hour, which iscrucial for our hemisphere, and especially for Central America and the Caribbean-seek to overcome problems by civic and peaceful means. 238. This is an appropriate opportunity to reiterate most energetically our condemnation of terrorism as a form of struggle, whatever the political beliefs of those who engage in it and regardless of where it takes place. Criminal acts cannot be justified by any flag. 18 Ibid., Eleventh Special Session, Plenary Meetings, 4th meeting. 240. The recent Venezuelan-Mexican programme for co-operation in energy and finance, signed by President Herrera Campins and President L6pez Portillo at San Jose, Costa Rica as part of the programme for the region imple- mented by Venezuela during the past five years-a pro- gramme which earned the praise of the international community-proves that effective terms for co-operation are to be found in genuine forms of civilized lifeand not in fostering organized violence. It isthrough them that weshall make true headway in building the Latin American future of our peoples. 241. Venezuela believes that the Caribbean should be a zone of peace. The establishment of the Caribbean as a zone of peace would require the dismantling of the military opera- tions bases and installations of those that are rivalsfor world supremacy, and would call for a stop to all interventionism, whether intra-regional, extra-regional, continental or insu- lar. The establishment of the Caribbean as a zone of peace would also call for an immediate demonstration of co- operation aimed towards the solution of the grave eco- nomic. social and other problems of the area. 242. Speaking of the Caribbean, we wish to reaffirm here that, for historical, geographic, social, cultural and scnti- mental reasons, we consider Puerto Rico to be an integral part of the Latin American community and not otherwise. Our support for the right of Puerto Ricans to self- determination is the result of a deep democratic conviction and an expression of Latin American solidarity which has stood the test of years in a variety of circumstances. 243. Atthe recent Caracas meeting on the new interna- tional information order, a strategy harmful to the develop- ;!ig. countries was in evidence. What is at stake is nothing other than the right to inform and to be informed. The two facets of this right to information have been manipulated, and attempts arc still made to manipulate them. 244. Venezuela advocated at the Paris and Caracas meet- ings, and will advocate at the General Conference of UNESCO, now opening its twenty-first session at Belgrade, the concept of a new independent information order, one that is sovereign and that will serve as a guarantee of effec- tive defence by developing peoples against sophisticated forms of domination. 245. Venezuela supports all actions designed to eradicate from the face of the earth racism in all its forms, especially the form which claims to set itself up as a system, as is the case in South Africa with apartheid. 246. Our support for the independence of Namibia, in accordance with United Nations decisions, is clear and unequivocal. 247. We view with concern the existing situation in the Middle East. Peace in that region of the world will not be 248. Venezuela has supported United Nations resolutions which recognize both those rights and the right of the State of Israel to existence and security, resolutions which advo- cate comprehensive, peaceful.just and equitable solutions with the participation of all the parties to the conflict. 249. We fervently hope that peace will return to Lebanon, the tormented nation with which We are united by many tics of friendship and affection. 250. At the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, concluded in August this year, considerable progress was made. Basic questions were resolved through compromise formulas which had the sup- port of the vast majority of the participants in the Confer- . ence. It is our hope that at the tenth session, to be held in April 1981, pending matters willbe settled to the satisfaction of all States concerned. We are pleased that the lengthy process of laborious and complex negotiations may soon come to an end with the adoption ofan international instru- ment to be called the Caracas Convention on the Law ofthe Sea. 251. At the present time, the global negotiations on eco- nomic co-operation are a matter of importance. The fact that three countries-the United States, the United King- dom and the Federal Republic ofGermany-did not join in the general consensus arrived at after long and arduous discussions prevented the eleventh special session of the General Assembly from setting the opening date of the global negotiations for next year as had been anticipated. Like all the other Members of the United Nations, Vene- zuela hopes that those three countries will reconsider their position and willjoin in the consensus as quickly as possible. 252. The General Assembly must complete, during the current session, the work which was not achieved with regard to procedures and the agenda. Venezuela and the other countries members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries affirmed, at their recent triministerial meeting, 19their full support for the global negotiations. The international community must resolveto do everything in its power to achieve results that will be of benefit to all, and especially to the developing countries. 253. In many areas, and following various initiatives, the United Nations is working ceaselessly towards a new inter- national order. There are many obstacles. Great difficulties will arise. The guarantee of progressive achievement for the benefit of mankind must be found in the clear political will of the majority of Member States, . 254. Today, more than ever, peace is.needed. The yearning for peace is sincerely shared by all peoples of the world. In this connexion, the President of Venezuela, Mr. Luis Herrera Campins,has stated that "the desire for an interna- tional life free from armed conflicts is a meeting ground for all-people of goodwill", IQ Held at Vienna from 15 to 17 September 1980.