A/35/PV.58 General Assembly

— Session 35, Meeting 58 — New York — UN Document ↗

THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION

OffICial Records

Page

28. Policies ofApartheid of the GovernmentofSouth Africa: lie (a) Report of the SpecialCommittee againstApartheid; (b) Report of the Ad Hoc Committ~ on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid llil sports; (c) Reports of the Secretary-General I. The PRESIDENT: I should like to remind repre- sentatives that the General Assembly decided at its 3rd plenary meeting, held on 19September 1980, that organizations having a special interest in the question of apartheid should be permitted to be heard by the Special Political Committee. In this connexion, I have to inform the Assembly that the following organiza- tions have requested to be heard in connexion with agenda item 28: the American Committee on Africa, the Commission of the Churches on International Affairs of the World Council of Churches, the Inter- national Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the International Defence and 'Aid Fund, the Intcrfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, the World Peace Council, the Lutheran World Ministries and the Na- tional Black United Front. 2. I suggest that the General Assembly invite the Special Political Committee to meet on Thursday, 13 November, for the purpose of hearing those orga- nizations. May I consider that the Assembly agrees to that suggestion? It was so decided. 3. Mr. KOH (Singapore): One of the fundamental tenets of the Organization is racial equality. The * Resumed from the 56th meeting. NEW YORK apartheid policy of the Government of South Africa is, without doubt, a systematic and blatant assault on that principle. It is for that reason that the whole world supports the struggle of the black and Coloured peoples ofSouth Africaagainstapartheid and for racial equality. 4. I should like to review briefly the progress in the past year in our struggle against apartheid, I turn first to the domestic front. Duringthe past year the struggle against apartheid has intensified inside South Africa. The level of national resistance has increased. as evidenced by the following facts. 5. First, there was a nation-wide uprising by black students against racial discrimination in education. Secondly, there was an unprecedented wave of strikes by black workers. Thirdly, there were bus boycotts and rent strikes. Fourthly, there was resis- tance against the forcible removal of African com- munities. Fifthly, there was a nation-wide campaign for the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners. Sixthly, the national liberation movements intensified their underground and armed struggle against such targets as police stations and a major industrial installation for converting coal to oil. 6. During the past year the Government of South Africa has attempted to eliminate some of the super-: ficial features of the apartheid system. It has loudly. proclaimed its intention to undertake reforms. One South African Minister, speaking during an overseas tour, went so far as to say: "We will not rest until racial discrimination has disappeared from our statute books and everyday life in South Africa. These are beliefs shared by my Government." The world should 110t, however, be deceived by the rhetoric of reform. The truth of the matter is that on such fundamental pillars of the apartheid system as residential segregation, educational segregation and autonomous governing bodies for the different racial groups the attitude of the Government of South Africa is that these are non-negotiable matters. 7. Dur;ug the past year the Government of South Africa has announced plans to establish constitutional frameworks within which the Coloured people and Indians would be granted a semblance of power- sharing, with the African majority deprived of all rights. Fortunately, those plans have been rejected by the Coloured and Indian communities, which have espoused and continue to espouse racial equality. 8. Turning to the struggle on the international plane, I shall begin by recalling the historic decision of the Security Council, in its resolution 418(1977), imposing an arms embargo against South Africa. In my state- ~II, perhaps within the next five years" [56th meeting, para 5]. . 12. Although the time is late, it may not be too late to avert a bloody catastrophe in South Africa. There- fore, while the international community must continue to intensify its pressure on the Government of South Africa, we must continue to hope that the white.leaders 17. According to the statistical data, for each white civilian in South Africa there are more than two fire- arms, and it is not difficult to guess against whom those weapons are aimed. Furthermore, the regime has created the strongest army of mercenaries on the continent, trained against its own citizens who do not wish to reconcile themselves to oppression and exploi- tation, against the people of occupied Namibia and against its peaceful neighbours who have concentrated their efforts on creating for their peoples a life worthy of human beings. 18. The very existence of free Angola is seen by Pretoria as a threat to its regime. Therefore, the racists have made several attempts to orient the development of that former Portuguese colony to their own liking by force. They have not succeeded, however, and now they are arming for further aggressions. That is the reason why the United Nations has had to state time and again that the apartheid regime in South Africa is a threat to peace and international security: 19. It is our duty, a task of the General Assembly and other forums of the United Nations, to put an end to that threat. Acting in accordance with Hungary's consistent policy of principle, my delegation is doing all it can to promote the fulfilment of this task. The Hungarian People's Republic has manifested its con- tribution to the international fight against apartheid and its support of the oppressed South African people Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATOl-which are giving assistance to the colonial racist regime of South Africa. 22. Without financial, economic, military, nuclear and other kinds of collaboration, the racist regime would not be able to survive. Consequently, the General Assembly should, by resolution, request the Security Council to give effect to its resolution 418 (1977) on the arms embargo against South Africa and to impose effective and comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions against the racist regime, as pro- vided for in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. 23. Mr. YUSUF (Bangladesh): My delegation would like at the outset to extend its profound appreciation to the members of the Special Committee against Apartheid for their comprehensive reports [A/35/22 and Add.I-3]. 24. Year after year, the Special Committee against Apartheid has catalogued the extent and escalation of the policy.of discrimination practised by the Govern- ment of South Africa on the basis of racism and racial discrimination. The policy of apartheid has meant denial of representation to four fifths of that country's population, economic discrimination on an unprece- dented scale and the dispossession and forcible transfer of millions of Africans under increasingly restrictive laws curtailing their freedom of movement in their own country. Thousands of Africans have been incar- cerated, tortured and even murdered. Intimidation 26. While the humanitarian consideration alone demands the total eradication of apartheid, there can be no doubt that politically its continued existence constitutes a grave threat to international peace and security. South Africa's aggressive acts are not con- fined to its own territory; it has repeatedly transgressed across its international frontiers, posing a direct threat to peace and security in the entire region of southern Africa and beyond. 27. Apartheid remains a fundamental obstacle to international co-operation not only on the African continent but also in the world as a whole. Condona- tion of apartheid seriously jeopardizes the moral and intellectual fabric of our society. 28. It is regrettable to note that the apartheid regime of South Africa continues to receive financial Qlld material assistance from certain countries. The Secu- rity Council, by its resolutions 418 (1977) and 421 (1977), has imposed a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. In spite of those resolutions arms and arms-related material continue to find their way into South Africa on one pretext or another. 29. It may be recalled that the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] at its thirty-fifth ordinary session heldat Freetown from 18to 20 June of this year observed that foreign investments and bank loans help to bolster the apartheid regime and increase its intransigence and defiance of world opinion [seeA/35/463 and Corr.l , annex I]. Bangladesh believes that there exists a clear consensus among the great majority of nations that any form of relations whatsoever with South Africa directly encourage its apartheid policy. The time has now come for, taking action against South Africa in terms of Chapter VU of the Charter. 30.: Bangladesh is totally committed to the eradica- tion of apartheid, without compromise. Bangladesh fully reaffirms its recognition of the legitimacy of the liberation struggle and the total dismantling of the machinery of the, repression called apartheid. We believe that a concerted campaign must be. directed against the apartheid regime on all fronts-econorilic, political, social, cultural and diplomatic. The inter- national community must intensify its efforts to provide all forms of assistance, moral and material, to the national liberation movements.· 37. The Smith regime in Rhodesia has collapsed and Zimbabwe has triumphed. We have no doubt whatever that the racist regime of South Africa will collapse, regardless of its manifestations of power and its continued acts of aggression against the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and neighbouring countries, and its co-operation with the Zionist regimein Palestine .will be of no assistance to it. Both regimes will meet with failure and frustration. 38. We in the Arab Republic of Yemen declare our solidarity with the struggling peoples of Namibia and is"th~ massacre committed in cold blood by the South Afriea police 20 years ago, a massacre of unarmed demonstrators assembled before the Sharpeville com- missariat. That was not a simple episode devoid of im~rtance in a series of constant and growingtroubles doggingthe implementation ofapartheid. It was an act of terrorism, which has been repeated many times since then and aimed at sowing fear not only among the demonstrators but also .n the entire region and country. 40. Above and beyond the desire to suppress the protests of honest individuals quite rightly outraged by the pass system, that barbarous massacre was a response by the racist regime to the aspirations of the South African people as expressed in the Freedom Charter' adopted by the multiracial Congress of the People convened by the African National Congress of South Africa lANe] in 1955 and the twenty-fifth anniversary of which we are also observing this year. 41. In that Charter, need we recall, the leaders of ANC express, in terms that could not be clearer, their vision of the future of their country as well as the significance of the struggle they have been carrying on to transform that vision into reality. In the preamble to that document the ANC proclaims that South Africa belongs to all its inhabitants, black and white, and that no Government can assume power that does not represent the will of all the people; that the South African people has been deprived of its inalienable right to land, freedom and peace by a form of govern- ment based on injustice and inequality; that South Africa can never prosper, never be free, until all its inhabitants enjoy equal opportunities and rights in brotherhood; and, lastly, that only a democratic State based on the will of its entire people can guarantee the inalienable rights of each and every individual without distinction as to colour, race, sex or creed. 42. Those proclamations contrast singularly with the statement made this year by Mr. Botha before the white South African Parliament, according to which there never will be universal suffrage in South Africa. 43. In the face of that contrast, how can we avoid the bitter conclusion that the South African racists remained desperately locked in the false logic of white supremacy, that they have learned nothing from the downfall one after the other of colonial and racist regimes formerly in power in neighbouring countries? The rigidity of their position reveals their inability to' face reality. It is the sort of madness that might induce a feeling of pity if it were not so dangerous for inter- national peace and security. 44. The efforts to discredit and distort the libera- tion struggle of the South African people and the costly propaganda recently focused on Both'a desire for reform have deceived no one but those in the West 48. It is the South African people itself that has the primary responsibility for freeing its country of the spectre of apartheid, and we are pleased to see our brothers and sisters in South Africa shOUldering that responsibility with courage- and dignity. But it is also true that that people's struggle involves the entire international community, since the principles at stake are those of the Charter of the United Nations itself and since the ricks that the situation in South Africa represent for international peace and security fall within the purview of the Organization. 49. Since we are unanimous in condemning apar- heid, denouncing violations of human ri,hts, rejecting the exploitation of man by man and condemning non- representative government, it would seem that all the conditions exist to guarantee the authority of the Organization and the effectiveness of its resolutions. But that is not the case, since neither the racist Pre- progress towards Namibian independence and above all towards the establishment of a democratic society in South Africa. We must not allowthose opportunities to be lost. The international community must not take at its face value the propaganda of the racist regime aimed at misleading international public opinion and giving a posteriori justification to those who have cavalierly ignored the principles and decision of the United Nations. 53. While the racist regime is attempting by nu- merous maneeuvres to create the illusion of change, let us not forget that it is preparing militarilyto maintain its monopoly of political, economic and other types of power. It is in this context that we must pointout the responsibility ofthose countries, corporations and institutions that have helped that regime to obtain a nuclear capacity. In this respect the conclusions contaided in the report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of theDeclaration on the Denu- clearization·'of Africa are worthy of note: first, that nuclear weapons "in the hands of a regime desperate to preserve white supremacy" by strengthening by all means what it calls the southern African bastion would be especially disturbing; and, secondly, that "the acquisition of nuclear weapons by that country would have to be treated as a grave threat to the secu- 5 SeeA/32/267, annex. .~7. As a -body repRieRtin,"the conscience of man- kind, we shall steadfastly reaffirm our principles as well as our determination to defend them. We shall reiterate that; because we arc committed to peace and justice, we condemn the use offorce by the racist reaime boih to suppress the .OppOsing forces within Jhe country and to commit aaII'Cssion apinst the neiah~urin.AfriCan States and intimidate them. We shall reaffirm our opposition-to the policy of bantustanization, which implies the dismemberment ofSouth Africa's territory. We shall renew our support for the students, workeR, reliaious leaden and all those who arc perseverin. in their condemnation ofiqjustice and oppression, in spite of the brutality and the risks involved. Above all, we shall continue to express our solidarity with - the South African liberation move- ment by acIoptina the various measures proposed by the Special Committee &pinst Apartheid relating, in particular, to the oil emballo and to the strengthening of the arms embaqo. 58. In conclusion, I should like to express our thanks and conaratulations Je) the ·Cbairman of that Com- mittee .'and all its-other members. The efforts they have made wiUnOtbe lost for the cause ofthe struggle &pinst apartheid.

Mr. Legwaila BWA

Botswana #4641

Apartheid has been described 81 a crime apinst humanity, an insult to the dipity of tbc· black man in South Africa, a threat to international peace and security and the ultimate in man's iqjustice to man. It has also been likened to a pestilence, a &COUlle and a cancer which has been eatina up the body politic of South Africa since -the pfOlCniton of modem-day Afrikaancrdom "broke their voyapto the East back in 1652and decided to disperse into the interior ofSouth Africa. n.e black man in South Africa has since never known peace, freedom or justice. Thus South Africa to this day remains a veritable coDCCntration camp for more than· 20 million .,.k inmates, the innocent victims of an evil idcofoay which pactes human beings like commodities in the market-place. 60. Yes, South Africa is a world of its own-a world in which ·the colour of a human beina's skin can be an s~~ceeded in convincing an ideologically polarized world that it is truly the custodian of Western civiliza- tion in southern Afnca, surrounded, as our detractors may cynically suggest, by the fire-breathing agents of an anti-capitalist external Power with the gluttony of a hungry bear? --" - 61. Yes, South Africa is not short of friends and allies in a world in which the human ideals of freedom and liberty are often given lip-service in deference to economic interests. But what is often lost sight of is the fact that these economic interests can tind real protection only in a peaceful and stable environment and, in this case, in a South Africa free of a war psy- chosis and free of combustible material for a racial conflagration. 62. Apartheid-that damnosa hereditas from the darkest page of South Africa's tortured history- cannot by any stretch of the imagination lead South Africa and its friends to a prosperous future. It can only lead to disaster. There is no way the millions of disenfranchised South Africans are going to accept their present lot as a permanent condition as if decreed by divine providence. 63. No, apartheid is neither benevolent nor under- standable in the so-called circumstances of South Africa. It is evil. A policy that dehumanizes people because of their race and colour can never be ac- ceptable in any circumstances whatsoever. 64. White South Africans have nothing to fear but the consequences of their own folly, which they are determined to perpetuate with all the power and violence at their disposal. They are not, as some may suggest, a lost race which finds itself perched on a lonely island surrounded bya vast sea of black hu- manity. They are of Africa and Africa has been too good to them, thanks to their indomitable spirit of adventure. They have a special calling to fulfil in the deep south ofour continent, but not at the expense of the manifest destiny of their black brethren, who rightly consider Africa their ancestral home and have every right to follow their own calling in th' ;wn continent in freedom and peace. 65. No, apartheid has no justification whatsoever. South Africa is the home of all South Africans, black and white. The fact is that whites and blacks in South Africa belong to one human family. They have both made their homes in that country, and have nowhere else to go. Their roots in that country are more than 300 years old and deep. Together they have laboured hard to transform South Africa from the wilderness it was in the seventeenth century into one of the richest countries in Africa today. There is-more than enough to share in that country, and share the two races must, I 'I' lined up with opposition studentsand workers; today, 67. We in Botswana have long accepted the fact that churchmen, representatives of trade unions, teachers it is not our prerogative to impose a political solution and lawyers have joined the ranks of those who are on the people of South Africa, because we firmly willing to pay the price of fighting for freedom in the believe that it is not anybody's prerogative to lecture prisons of the apartheid regime. us on how we should organize our own society. All we have asked of the ruling white tribe in South Africa 73. No propaganda about economic stability and no is to abolish apartheid precisely because it denigrates attempts to make us believe that liberalization is the proposition that all men are born equal. around the corner can hide from us the true nature and expressions of the apartheid society. As Chair- 68. Finally, let me suggest to the Assembly that those man of the Committee of Trustees of the United who continue to argue that the perpetuation ofapart- Nations Trust Fund for South Africa, I am in a posi- heid in South Africa does not pose a threat to inter- tion to follow personally the contemptible and hor- national peace and security are dangerously ignoring rifying record of the apartheid system. There is no the lessons of history. We live in an interdependent lack of evidence of its suppression and mistreatment and inter-reacting world. What guarantee do we have, of those who stand up for the values of individual therefore, that a racial conflagration in South Africa liberty and human rights and of its relentless per- can be isolated and confined to that part of the world? secution of even families and dependents of those Are the beneficiaries of the apartheid system in South in opposition to tyranny. It must be evident to any Africa going to allow their investments to go up in objective observer that the opposition in South Africa smoke? What guarantee do we have that our continent will find it more and more difficult to see alternatives would not be turned into a cockpit of super-Power to armed struggle-to efforts to counter force by force. confrontation in the event of a racial war in South The armed struggle in various forms will obviously Africa? grow unless fundamental changes take place. 69. No, a racial war in South Atiica would rever- 74. The choice facing the leaders of the white mi- berate all over the world, with dire consequences for nority is thus either to accept radical changes in the us all. near future or short-sightedly to try to live with growing antagonism acd greatly increased violence. By trying to suppress all majority opposition and io deprive the majority of its leaders the Pretoria regime is now running the risk of eventually finding itself in a situa- tion where it will have no partners with whom to negotiate a peaceful solution ofan impossible situ~tion. 75. The ongoing campaign for the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners is a campaign for peaceful and political solutions, instead of armed and bloody conflict. Is such a conflict the kind of future that the white minority will let its own children inherit? The Government in Pretoria must start a dialogue with the real political leaders in the country before it is too late. The apartheid system has no future, but South Africa will have a future, if the degrading policy of apartheid is abolished and reason prevails. 76. I have just pointed out South Africa's increasing isolation, regionally and internationally.' There is not a single Government throughout the world that gives support to this system of flagrant contradiction of the Charter of the United Nations and to the ideals behind it, even if there are private interests that use the apart- heid system to make short-term profits.

Mr. Thunborg SWE

Sweden #4642

It has recently been said that South Africa is a country no longer at peace but not yet at war. The South African Govern- ment's efforts to present that country as a haven of stability on an unstable continent are in vain. In reality, there is no stability in the South African society. On the contrary, there is an evident danger that the present state of twilight between peace and war might change into a state of open conflict with catastrophic con- sequences for South Africa and the world. Systematic repression by a racist minority, such as we have witnessed in South Africa, can only create such a situation, as has so many times been p ved by his- tory. South Africa is no exception. There can be no peace in the apartheid society. To ensure social and racial harmony in South Africa the apartheid society must be scrapped together with its foundations. 71. The independence of Zimbabwe is the latest of forceful reminders to all that southern Africa is moving irresistibly towards majority rule, even if that may still demand a long period of struggle. In northern Namibia the South African army is locked in an increasingly costly effort to suppress the Namibian people's struggle for freedom; but this, as well as the aggression South Africa commits against neigh- bouring States, especially against Angola and Zambia, is a vain attempt to stem the tide of history. However fearsome its military strength, if the foundation of a society is unsound, no physical or material resources can help. 77. The international community has shown by concrete action that it is able to exert pressure on South Africa. One important step has thus been taken in the form of a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, under Security Council resolution 418 (1977). Although not as comprehensive as many of 80. Sweden for its part has actively advocated that t;le Security Council consider.steps in order to achieve at an early date the cessation of foreign investments in and financial loans to South Africa. This proposal, adopted as a resolution at every session ofthe General Assembly since 1976, has met with an overwhelming response from the Members ofthe world Organization. We hope that the Security Council will find it possible to act without further ~elay on the relevant Assembly resolutions on this subject. 81. The aim .of limiting foreign investments in South Africa is one of the essential elements of the joint programme O,f action against apartheid adopted by the Nordic Governments. This year-we have noticed an increasing interest-in Western Europe in our Nordic action plan. Pending a decision on this matter by the Security Council, the Swedish Parliament last year passed a bill by which further Swedish investments in South Africa and Namibia were prohibited. We hope that this measure, which we regard as exceptional in an exceptional situation, will encourage other States to take similar action, ev~ntually leading'to a joint decision on effective measures by the Security Coun- cil. In response to a call by Parliament this year the 'Swedish Government is investigating possible sup- plementary measures, for mstanee in the field of technological transfers. . 82. Action against foreign investments in and fi- nancial loans to South Africa is only one of the mea- sures which we expect the Security Council to explore. Other possible measures include those concerning oil trade and air connexions with South Africa. The Nordic countries have made it clear that they support the adoption of an oil embargo against South Africa by.the Security Council and that our Governments are ready to work for a decision on that matter. i~ reality a protective shield either for South Africa's machinations in Namibia or for the continuation of its apartheid policies at home.. ' 84. The recently issued report of the Secretary' 6eneral on South Africa's plans and capabilities in the nuclear field concluded that "There is no doubt that South Africa has the technical capability to make nuclear weapons and the necessary means of de- livery." [See A/35/402 and Corr.l , annex, para. 87.] The prospect of South Africa developing its own capability to produce nuclear explosives lends a par- ticularly perilous dimension to the problem of apart- heid. As long as South Africa is not a party to the Non- Proliferation Treaty or full-scope safeguards are not applied to its nuclear programme, the prospects of preventing such a dangerous development are bleak. Adherence to the Treaty or, as a minimum, accep- tance of full-scope safeguards by South Africa should therefore be a basic requirement by all countries still cc-operating with South Africa in the nuclear field. In order to achieve maximum pressure against the apartheid regime it may be necessary to consider a mandatory and total cut-off of all nuclear'co-opera- tion with South Africa as part of a programme of economic sanctions decided on by the Security Coun- cil. Any such consideration must include a balanced judgement of, on the one hand, the persuasive value of sanctions in a sector particularly sensitive to South Africa's economy and, on the other, the risks to the region and to the world ofSouth Africa's acting without the ties of international safeguards and developing military nuclear capacity on its own. 85. As Chairman of the Trust Fund for South Africa, I should like to underline the importance of inter- national solidarity in alleviating the plight of the victims ofapartheid. As is demonstrated in the present report of the Special Committee against Apartheid to the General Assembly, a large number of States are contributing to various programmes established for such a purpose. In the draft resolution concerning the Trust Fund [A/35/L.33 and Add.Is; we shall appeal for increased generous contributions to the Fund and to the programmes of various voluntary agencies engaged in providing assistance to the victims of apartheid and racial discrimination in South Africa and Namibia. The Swedish contributions to the Trust Fund and to the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa amount this year to $750,000 altogether. In addition, Sweden is giving increasing support to the civilian activities of ANC, this year by a contribution of $4.5 million. We shall also continue to support those international non-governmental organizations which are working to relieve the plight of the victims ofapartheid. We shall do this in spite of infiltration and other attempts by the South African regime to put obstacles in the way of that work. 86. The neighbours of the well-equipped and well- organized apartheid society have found it increasingly necessary to strengthen their economic co-operation. It is the re:sponsibility of the international community to play its part in making that co-operation a success. 87. Let me end this statement on a positive note by praising the increasingly constructive co-opera- tion among the front-line States in the political and economic fields. In their common diplomatic efforts and mutual solidarity we see one of the most efficient forces for the achievement of majority rule and peace in southern Africa. But we kn. w at the same time that the brunt of the burdensome struggle is borne by and has to be borne by the people within the sup- pressed countries themselves. We are willing to play our role in this struggle to establish a stable and peace- ful southern Africa so that men and women of dif- ferent races can live and work together in that region without being haunted by the nightmares of apartheid.

Mr. Florin DDR

German Democratic Republic [Russian] #4643

Once again the policy of aggression and terror of the apartheid regime of South Africa appears on the agenda of the General Assembly. 89. The struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia to be able to exercise their inalienable rights is being reinforced. The independence of Zimbabwe, which was achieved as a result ofmany years ofarmed struggle, has even further reduced the radius of action of the racist regime. The opposition to apartheid in South Africa itself has become a broad-based mass movement, and this opposition reflects the growing desire of the people of South Africa to eliminate apartheid and build a democratic system based on the exercise of the right to self-determination. 90. The national liberation movement, which is daily showing itself to be a genuine defender of the interests of the people of South Africa, deserves full support. The efforts of social forces on all continents to oppose the co-operation between the imperialist States and monopolies and the apartheid racists, and effectively to isolate and finaUy eliminate this system of lawlessness, are gaining strength. This is a factor which should be taken into account as well by those who are trying to maintain South Africa as a bulwark against the ultimate liberation of the African con- tinent from all forms of colonialism and racism. The struggle of the patriots of South Africa, and inter- national solidarity with them on the part of all pro- gressive forces, makes us certain that South Africa willalso be freed from colonialistand racist oppression. 91. The Special Committee against Apartheid should continue to mobilize world public opinion and to provide further incentives for the struggle against apartheid. vestors, both South African and foreign."6 94. This regime should be opposed, not by sup- porting the so-called reforms with which it is trying to paint a deceptive picture of peaceful change, but by demanding the elimination of any form of racist oppression and exploitation. Measures must be taken to put an end to the threat to peace from South Africa, and we must ask ourselves: how long will Pretoria continue to allow itself to attack neighbouring States with impunity? In the first half of this year alone, the South African aggressors have carried out 530ground attacks and 27 air attacks on the provinces of southern Angola. Such acts of aggression against sovereign African States have no other goal than to destabilize the situation of those countries politically and eco- nomically, and to clear the way for the achievement of Pretoria's expansionist plans. The undeclared war against those States is a challenge to all States which recognize the goals and principles of the United Nations. This recognition requires appropriate action. 95. In Namibia the Pretoria regime is continuing its illegal occupation and is forcing a so-called internal settlement. The results of the two years of negotia- tions on the implementation of a United Nations plan for Namibia leave no doubt that no success of any kind has been achieved in the area of proraoting independence. Instead, new obstacles. have been created by the racist occupying forces. Now South Africa is demanding what it calls "impartiality" on the part of the United Nations. There can be no im- partiality which would be tantamount to placing the occupying forces and the representatives of the oppressed people on an equal level. 96. The States Members of the United Nations have set themselves the goal ofachieving and implementing the independence of Namibia. What we need is ~ot collusion with the designs of the racists, but support for the Namibian people and its legitimate repre- 105. Mr. ALLAGANY \.:JdL,di Arabia) (lnterpreta- tionfrom Arabic): I should like, on behalf of the dele- gation of my country, to pay a tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid for its efforts and to commend its Chairman, Mr. Clark, on the compre- hensive report submitted to the General Assembly, which covers an aspects of the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination perpetrated by the Govern- ment ofSouth Africa and reflects the awareness among the international community of the horrors of apartheid. 106. I should also like to pay a tribute to the Ad Hoc Committee. on the Drafting of an International Con- vention against Apartheid in Sports. 107. My country's interest in human rights causes it to be greatly concerned about their flagrant viola- tion in our world today. In spite of the prosperity and progress achieved by humanity in recent decades -including the exploration of outer space and of the oceans and seas-men still suffer the most atrocious forms of oppression and persecution at the hands of men. Apartheid and racial discrimination are still widespread in official and unofficial forms in certain parts of the world, mainly South Africa and Palestine. 108. The persecution of indigenous populations on the basis ofcolour, creed or race stillpersists and such 112. Despite our deep confidence i~ t~e missio~ of the United Nations and our firm conviction that since the establishment of this international Organization a better' future has been secured for the whole of humanity, we nevertheless find it ess~ntial to r~mind the international community that, whale never m the history of the Organization ~as an issue ~all~d forth such unanimous and continued denunciation and condemnation as the issue ofapartheid and racial dis- crimination we nevertheless find that this universal condemnation has not been followd by any action. The failure to take action and to follow up on this unanimity for more than 30 years is a clear indication that some countries which connive with the apartheid regime and support it financially, economically and militarily, as well as technica!ly, have.no re~1 inten.tion of putting an end to that Crime, which Will contmue 11). International measures aimed at the elimina- tion of the causes of such practices should include measures for the improvement of living conditions for all members 'of the community, regardless of their colour, creed or race. 116. The racist regime in South Africa continues illegally to occupy the Territory of Namibia, in flagrant defiance of all United Nations resolutions and all the appeals of the international community. It. seeks ruthlessly to strengthen the foundations of hideous apartheid and racial discrimination in orderto fragment the Territory and to sow the seeds ofdissension among the population by pursuing the policy of b~ntustaniza tion and by denying fundamental human nghts to the people of Namibia, including their inalienable right to genuine self-determinati~n and indel?endence. It resorts to violence, repression, oppression and per- secution in an attempt to stifle the true aspirations of the people. It continues to commit acts of aggres- sion against neighbouring African States and refuses to abide by the decisions and resolutions ofthe General Assembly and the Security Council. 117. The continued military occupation of the Ter- ritory of 1'1amibia and the presence of South Africa i~ Namibia is illegitimate and runs c~unter to th~ dec!- sions of the international community. The white mi- nority Government must withdraw its occupation forces from Namibia. The United Nations should also reject any step that undermines the unity and territorial integrity of that Territory ~r prevents the legitif!l~te and free expressionofthe Win ofthe people ofNamibia, led by SWAPO, its spokesman, and under the super- vision and control of the United Nations. 118. My country expresses its deep concern at the relationship between the racist regime in South Africa and the Zionist entity in Palestine which is growing, 123. In spite of the efforts of the Pretoria authorities to perpetuate the present order of things and their' intensification of repressive acts, opposition to the policy of apartheid has continued to increase. The majority African population has intensified its struggle to abolish the apartheid regime imposed by the racists and acts of protest among different sectors of the population have increased in number, as have the forms of organized struggle which the African population is using. Demonstrations against apartheid this summer spread throughout the country. In the face of the widening of the struggle for equal rights and social justice, and realizing its increasing vulnerability, the racist Government of South Africa has desperately stepped up its repressive acts against the opponents of apartheid and has become even more brutal and inhuman. . 124. The situation in southern Africa is further aggravated by the fact that the policy of apartheid is compounded by the attempts of the Pretoria.regime to maintain as long as possible its colonial domination of Namibia and to impose a so-called internal settle- ment in that Territory, contrary to the will of the Namibian people and the injunctions of the United Nations, in order to continue its exploitation of that people and its national wealth. In order to accomplish this, the South African authorities are increasing acts of violence and repression against the people of Namibia. 125. Abroad, the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination practised by South Africa is expressed in the acts of aggression frequently perpetrated against the front-line African States, with many victims and considerable material losses. 126. It is clear that in present conditions, when the world political climate is worsening and instability increasing, the maintenance by South Africa of the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination con- stitutes a hotbed of tension and conflict and a threat to international peace and security. 127. In its over-all efforts to put an end to this policy that propagates inequality, oppression and racial exploitation, a policy rightly described as a crime against mankind, the United Nations has year after year adopted measures aimed at supporting the ma- jority population of South Africa in its legitimate struggle against apartheid and for national emanci- pation. 128. The United Nations has repeatedly condemned the policy of segregation, the force displacement of millions of Africans, bantustanization and the dis- 133. Romania's sense of militant solidarity with the struggle wag~d by the oppressed people of South Africa against the regime of apartheid and racial dis- crimination have been forcefully expressed by the President of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu, during the many talks that he has had in Romania or on African soil with heads of State and leaders of African national liberation movements. 134. The joint communiques signed by the Romanian Head of State with the Presidents of Mozambique, 138. The Romanian people is convinced that no action to strengthen the obsolete institution of racial discrimination and apartheid, no act of terrorism or aggression can prolong the agony of colonial and racist domination. The time is approaching when the cause of the freedom of people and human dignity will triumph throughout southern Africa. 139. Mr. SINCLAIR (Guyana): The question of apartheid, the system which South Africa defaantly practises, has been a constant on the agenda of the General Assembly almost from the inception of the Organization. Over the years, our discussions and decisions on this abominable system have accordingly been enriched by the increased participation of newly independ.ent States and by the growing awareness of the entire membership of the Organization of the very serious threat that the continued· existence of this inhuman system poses for international peace and security. Nevertheless, the unanimity with which we 142. As representatives of the new era that replaced the old colonial one that existed at the end of the Second World War, those nations are keenly aware of the fact that the achievements of the great age of de- colonization will not assume their full significance until the dehumanizing system of apartheid is ended and the oppressed people ofSouth Africa are liberated. 143. While the role that the Organization can play in hastening that liberation is of course an important one, it is ultimately the efforts of the victims ofapart- heid that will be the decisive factor in b~':"~ing about the eradication of that abhorrent system. The struggle ofthose freedom fightersllgainst seemingly insuperable odds has been a long and impressive one. It is a struggle which recently has cut across all ethnic and class lines. It is a struggle which has reached out to embrace men, women and children alike. It is a struggle which over the last year has started to enter a decisive phase with the daring and heroic exploits of patriots, which have stunned the oppressors, shaken their smugness and confidence and caused to tremble the foundations upon which the foul system ofapartheid is built. We should be faiHng in our duty ifour efforts here did not measure up to those made by a people that must fight in an environment that presents the peculiar and unique difficulties of which we all know so well. Inspired by the courage and self-sacrifice of the oppressed ma- jority, let us adopt decisions that will correspond fittingly to and supplement their continuing efforts in the cause of freedom and justice.

The meeting rose at /./0 p.m.