A/35/PV.6 General Assembly

Since Luxembourg is President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community and the Political Co-operation Council for the second halfofthisyear, I have the honour of addressing this Assemblyon behalfof the nine countries of the European Community. 2. As we embark upon the work of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, I am particularly happy to convey to you, Mr. President, the verysincerecongratulations of the nine member countries of the European Community on your election to the presidency at this session. 3. I take a particular personal pleasure in seeinga person- ality of your stature enjoying the unanimous confidence of the international community. Having had the opportunity to work with you on numerous occasions and having on each occasion appreciated both your professional and per- sonal qualities, I am convinced that your commitment to serving the ideals which we all share isa good augury for the work of this thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I should like to extend to you, together with our wishes for your success, the assurances of our loyal and sustained co-operation. 4, I should also like to convey my warmest congratula- tions and express my utmost admiration to the outgoing President, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salirn, for the extraordinary expertise and mastery with which he conducted the proceed- ings not only of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, but also of the three special sessions that have been held this year. 5. Lastly, it would be remiss of me not to mention the merits and the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, whom we wish to encourage most warmlyto perseverein his noble task, which is that of reconciling, for the greatest Tuesday, 23 September 1980, at 10.40 a.m. NEW YORK benefit of us all, the often divergent interests within this Organization. 6. The admission of new Members to our Organization is always an occasion of rejoicing for us, because it brings us ever a little closer to our common goal, that of universality. Just a few weeks ago, during the eleventh specialsession of the General Assembly, Zimbabwejoined us here. Today we see withdeepsatisfaction Saint Vincent and the Grenadines taking its place among us. We are convinced that this new Member will make a notable contribution to the realization of our common ideals.On behalf of the nine member coun- tries of the European Community, I should like to extend the hand of brotherhood to Saint Vincent and the Grena- dines, and to assure them of our full and whole-hearted co-operation. 7. The general debate in this Assembly is an opportunity for all delegations to define their positions in the present situation of the world as compared withthepast, and alsoas it relates to what awaits us in the future. Sometimes, wemay have a tendency to prefer clear-cut change to vague, slow- moving evolution. 8. The year that has gone by since the autumn of 1979 has certainly not been lacking in important events, Yet interna- tional relations in the world were probably not marked in a decisive way by isolated events. The basic characteristic seems to us to be the need to provide appropriate responses to new problems that arise, both in the political field and in the economic and social field. That process, although not without its difficulties, is nevertheless an inevitable one. 9. There is an increasingly widespread perception of the interdependence of States in the world, and of their vital need to increase and improve their co-operation. 10. In the face of this interdependence, which must be taken into account in the everyday reality of international relations, wecan adopt one of two paths, The first, a brutal one unworthy of civilized man, consists in freeingourselves from our own independence by making others even more dependent upon ourselves, that is, upon our goodwill. The history of the world since the Second WorldWar has taught liS that this path isa dead end and that itshould no longer be seen as applicable to the future. 11. The other path is that of the search for negotiated solutions. with the aim of reconciling, in respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter, the essential and legitimate interests of all parties. Freely accepted by them, this is the path that we are attempting to follow within this Organization. 13. The fact that the ninecountriesaresoonto becometen at the beginningof nextyear,upon theadmission of Greece, and are also waiting to welcome Spainand Portugal,illus- trates our outward-looking policy, which isalso reflected in our co-operation withother Statesandgroupsof States, As an example, I would recall in this connection thesigningof the ACP-EEC Convention on 31 October 1979, at Lome, betweenthe Community and 59Statesof Africa, the Carib- bean and the Pacific, and the signing of a co-operation agreement with the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEANj in the course of the past year.' 14. . W~th regard to world economic problems, the Com- munity intends to make a contribution in keepingwith its potential and its ideals. It will striveto face itsownproblems in the interest of the international communityas a whole. 1.5. In the face oftheslowdownin thegrowthrate,which is likelyto be very marked in industrialized regions this year, th~ Community isdetermined to contributeto the strength- ening of an open and multilateral international commercial sy~te'!l' yve par~icularly hope that all theproblems that may arise m Its relations with its partners will findsolutionsthat arc in keepingwith the content and spiritofthe results of the recent multilateral commercial negotiations. 16. The European Community has embarked on a reso- lute course of action to reduce the dependence of its own economy with regard to oil consumption. Itsactionisbased primarilyon the searchfor economicgrowth that wouldbe accompan,ied by a considerably less rapidgrowth inenergy cons~mpllOn brought about by economizing on energy. Considerable progess in this direction isalready becoming apparent. 17.. Putting into effect its commitment strictlyto limit its reliance on.w?rld oi.1 res?urces, the European Community has set a limit for Its oil consumption at the end of this decade. Inorder to attain thisgoal,manyactivities arebeing ~ndertaken to replace oil by other resources. Thus, in the fIel~ of the production ofelectricity, no newoil-based power stations ,will be c.onstructed. Nuclear energy and coal are pr?g~esslv~Jy taking the place previously occupied by oil. Within this framework, the Community attaches great Importanceto the development of the bestsafetyconditions for all ~ur populations. This abandonment of oil in the product~on of electri~it~ is. beingaccompanied bythe grad- ual replacement of 011 111 Industry and in domestic use. 18. Fur,ther~ore, t~e conversion of coalinto syntheticoil and gas IS being actively encouraged. Investments for the development of renewable sources such as solar and geo- thermal energy, as well as longer-term research on thermo- nuclear fusion, complete the range or the Community's internal efforts. . 20. I had an opportunity to make a clear statementofthe views of the Co~~unity with regard to North-South prob- lems at the beginning of the eleventh special session ofthe General As~embly,2 devoted to development, which hasjust concluded Its work. I shall not dwell on this, therefore However, I feel it necessary to recall brieflythe position of the Community and its nine member States with regard to the outcome of the work of the General Assembly. 21. Although,technically speaking, the General Assembly has not succeeded in bringingabout a complete agreement there can be no denying ~hat, politically speaking, it ha~ reconfirmed the fact that, m the extremely difficult circum- stanceswhich at presentaffectthe international community ~he North-South dialogue is more necessary now than eve; 111 order to ensurestability in international relationsandto meet the needs of development. 22. The Communityisgratified at the fact that it hasbeen possible ,to wor~ out a text acceptable to all with regard to th~ newinternational developmentstrategy, and it considers this as a definite success. It now remains for this session of the General Assembly formally to approve this text. Thus the ori,entation~ and approaches it contains will inevitabl; underlietheactions of member States and institutionsofthe Community within the framework of their development policy. 23. \yith regardto theglobal negotiations, I shouldlike to make ~t absolutely clear here, first, that our Community is com~l1ltted to globalnegotiations; that it isready,assoon as possible,to pursuediscussions in a positivespirit;and that it hopes that a,consensus will be reached on the procedures and agenda 111 the course of this session of the General Assembly. 24. Havingmentioned the economic crisis situation inthe world, I should like to tackle a subject that is particularly dear to the Community,that of thedefenceof human rights. In th~ countries of the European Community, citizens enjoy a political system that guarantees fundamental freedorns. It IS natural, therefore,that our citizensshould havean interest in the lot of those whoare stilldenied theseliberties. Human rights, in our view, embrace at once and indissolubly the right to the integrity of the human person and the right to enjoy CIvil and political liberties,as wellas economic,social an~ cultural rights. We are convinced that human rights are an Important element in international relations, Peace and stability in the world are, indeed, better safeguarded once they are based on respect for the rights of individuals and once the necessary changes and adaptations are brought about through the expression of the will of those most ?Irectlyconcerned. The right to self-determination certainly IS an essential factor in international life,and the countries members of the Community would wish to reaffirm their 25. I should like to lay particular stress on one of the fundamental rights of the human person, namely, the right of persons to live normally in their own country. Unfortu- nately, th isright hasoften been trampled on and the need to seek refuge outside one's country hasalways existed, despite the efforts of the United Nations. The creation ofthepost of High Commissioner for Refugees illustrates this grim real- ity. But, in the course of the recent history of international relations, we have witnessed, unfortunately, the phenome- non of mass exodus, which affects whole groups of the population which are constrained to emigrate. We cannot justify such exoduses on the pretext that the departure of thousands of citizens is a voluntary act when we know that it is the intolerable conditions of life imposed on a minority or out-and-out repression that underlie that departure. 26. In the view of the Community, these events constitute a violation of the most fundamental human rights. Further- more, such a policy violates the rights of neighbouring countries by imposing on them an often overwhelming burden which imperils their own balance and thus prejudi- ces their sovereignty. The members of the Community con- tinue actively to oppose these practices because they believe that this means of pursuing a policy should be stopped and eliminated. 27. Not content now with condemning this state ofaffairs, the members of the Community have exerted considerable efforts to come to the assistance of these uprooted popula- tions. This assistance has been given both on an individual basis and out of the budgetary resources of the European Community. The Community hopes that as many Govern- rnents as possible will make their own contribution to this effort. which can, of course, at best only be a pal liative. It is incumbent above all on the Governments responsible for these human tragedies to put an end to them. 28. The members of the Community remain committed to detente. which they consider as global and indivisible. The events in Afghanistan, as well as the repeated violations of human rights by certain countries, have inevitably had a negative effect on the situation of detente and, therefore, on the process of the Conference on Securityand Co-opera:ion in Europe.' which the Community continues to consider extremely important. 29. The Madrid meeting."a new stage in this process after that at Belgrade in 1977-1978,5 is going to begin its work \\ uhin six weeks in an international climate which, unfortu- natc!v, will be far from propitious. This fact will not discour- C111C tile members or the Community from doing everything ll~ their power tu contribute to its success,which will,in their view. depend on the following two conditions: all signatory I Held at Helsinki in 1975. • Second Review Session of the Conference on Security and Co- operation In Europe. 'First Review Session of the Conference on Security and Co- operation in Europe, 30. In the view of the Community, the tasks of nuclear disarmament as well as those of conventional disarmament must continue to figure among the highest priorities of our Organization. In this regard, the consensus which has emerged with regard to the results of the first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, in 1978, has constituted a positive factor. The Final Document adopted on that occasion [resolution S-10/2] must continue to guide us in our work. 31. The deliberations of the Disarmament Commission are of undeniable interest from this standpoint. TIle recom- mendations adopted by this Commission will certainly pro- vide a useful contribution to our work. 32. The members of the Community aregratified. further- more, at the agreement that was worked out at Geneva during the spring sessionof the Committee on Disarmament on the creation of four working groups. We think that the work of those groups should enable the Committee to make progress in negotiations, in particular in regard to the important and difficult question or banning the manufac- ture and stockpiling of chemical weapons. 33. Furthermore, the Community wishes to welcome the conclusion of the work of the group of governmental experts whose taskit was to assist the Secretary-General in thestudy of all aspects of regional disarmament, the results of which will be submitted to the General Assembly at this session. 34. The spring of 1981 will mark the beginning of the process or preparations for the second special session that our Assembly has decided to devote to disarmament. Here, on behalf of our Community, I should like to stress that we will spare no effort in seeing to it that this session makes a positive contribution 10 peace and security. which is some- thing that all members expect 01' it. 35. The African continent during the past year has been the scene of some remarkable events. TIle international community fortunately has been able to note that certain African countries have made real progress towards democ- racy. Furthermore, recent history demonstrates that Africa is confronting with growing confidence the complexity 01' the problems that that continent has to face. The members of the Community note this evolution with satisfaction. because they are convinced that the best way of ensuring peace in Africa lies in the action of the African countries themselves. and in particular in their co-operation in the Organization of African Unity. Therefore. the mel11~ers 01: the Community arc convinced that only a debate Ircc 01 outside interference can bring about lasting stability in Africa. 36. In the same spirit. the European Community wel- comes the willingnessmanifested by the Africancountries to 37. The settlement of the Zimbabwe crisis constitutes a particularly positive element. Thanks to the joint and tena- cious action on the part of all those concerned, it was. possible to bring about a peacefulsolution. The membersof the Community once again conveytheir congratulations to that country on its admission into our Organization, an admission that wasawaited with impatience forsomeyears, They are convinced that the process embarked upon in Zimbabwe shows that it is not Utopian to conceive of a multiracial State in southern Africa based on the equalityof all its citizens.We express the hope that this solution will serve as an example, in particular with regard to the estab- lishment of the independence of Namibia and the abolition' of apartheid in South Africa. 38. Despite these encouraging developments, it is appro- priate to note that, unfortunately, the search for a greater measure of political stability has given rise to clashes and, indeed, acts of actual warfare often involving the exodus of large masses of the population. In sub-Saharan Africa, vast regions have, furthermore, once again fallen victim to drought. These combined phenomena exacerbate even further the tragedy of the refugees in Africa. 39. With regard to Namibia. the members of the Com- munity continue to be concerned at the slow rate of the search for a peaceful solution that should lead to the inde- pendence of that country, in accordance with Security Council resolution 385 (1976). Taking note of the recent South African response" to the letter from the Secretary- General," they regret very much indeed the delay in the application of the United Nations plan, adopted under Security Council resolution 435 (1978), a delay for which South Africa cannot denythat ithasacertain responsibility. In the view of the Community. it is essential to sustain the efforts of the Secretary-Generaland of the contact group of the fiveWestern Powers and the front-lineStates so that the plan worked out within our Organization may be applied. The members of the Community stress the unacceptable nature of an internal settlement that would not guarantee lasting peace in the region. Furthermore, they wish to remind the Assembly that they do not recognize the body known as the "Council of Ministers"set upat the beginning of July, whichhas no legal basisand isincompatiblewiththe United Nations settlement plan, 40. The policy of apartheid pursued in South Africa is a matter of profound concern to our Community, The members of the Community vigorously condemn that sys- tem based upon institutionalized racism and regret that it should be maintained in an authoritarian way in spite of clear-cut disapproval and opposition. They regret that the internal debate. which they followed with interest, has not 7 Declaration toward economic liberation. adopted ar Lusaka on I April 1980by the Heads or State and Government or tile nine indepen- dent southern African States, 41. In their statement of 28July 1980, the membersof the Community publicly expressed their satisfaction at the encouraging nature of the initial results of the implemen- tation by European companies of the code of conduct adopted by the States of the European Community inSep- tember 1977. They have no doubt that progress can stillbe made in defining and applying that instrument within the framework of thestruggle against racialdiscrimination.The membersrecalltheir commitment as a European Commun- ity to thepromotion of positiveand peacefuldevelopment in South Africa that would put an end to the policy of apart- heidin that country. 42. The democratization process requires courage and determination on the part of the countries of Latin America also. The members of the Community attach value to that processand also to the elimination of violencefrom political life. In that regard, it is to be regretted that there hasbeenan absence of significant progress in many cases and also that obstacles have been placed on the road to democracy when the establishment of democracy seemed assured. 43. In the face of those events, the Community welcomes the path chosen by Peru and also the encouraging attempts at regroupingon a regional basis. The assistance of Europe, itselfcommitted to a similar process, will not be lacking, in particular for the democratic States members of theAndean Pact." Europe is aware of its traditional ties with Latin America and we are therefore keenly interested in seeking waysand means of strengthening our economic and politi- cal relations with it. 44, In Asia thesituation continues to deteriorate seriously. While only last year that region was the scene of just one major hotbed of tension, that is to say the Indo-Chinese peninsula, we now have to add a second, Afghanistan, Underlying the two conflicts, we find the flagrant violation of the principlescontained in our Charter, whichisthe basis of our Organization, that is the right of peoples to self- determination and the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of another State. Those rulesof international life have been and continue to be violated unacceptablyby States which take advantage of their military superiorityin order to establish their spheres of influence,even at the risk of jeopardizing peaceand stability. Sucha policystemsfrom concepts which the community of nations had believed obsolete. Unfortunately. the lessons of history do not seem to have always been understood by everyone. 45. At the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly following an initiativebythe ASEAN countries, a resolution was adopted by a very large majority condemning the inva- sion of Kampuchea and calling for the withdrawal of all foreign occupation forces from that country [resolution 34/22]. That resolution was not complied with in any way, and if the food situation of the Khmer people inside the 10 Andean Agreement for Subrcgional lntegration, signed at Bogota. on 26 May 1969. 46. The members of the Community recall their determi- nation to see a continuation of international assistance by sea, air and land. They encourage the Secretary-General to persevere in his contacts with international aid organiza- tions in order to ensure that food is provided to the peoples that have so shamefully been uprooted and left to starve. The Community is convinced that only a political solution can bring about stability in the region and they appeal to all parties to the conflict to make possible a solution along the lines of General Assembly resolution 34/22. In that regard, the withdrawal of the Vietnamese troops occupying Cambo- dian territory is an indispensable condition. In the view of the Community such a solution should be based upon the existence of an independent and neutral Cambodia, with a genuinely representative Government that would have friendly relations with all countries in the region. 47. In Afghanistan, nine months after the Soviet invasion, resistance continues. Fierce fighting is going on between under-equipped patriots and a foreign army equipped with highly sophisticated material. In spite of the disproportion of forces, it does not seem likely that there will be an early end to the conflict. Last January, the General Assembly adopted by an overwhelming majority a resolution calling for the cessation of the invasion of Afghanistan [resolution £5-6/2]. In order to permit the re-establishment of a situa- tion in accordance with that resolution, which has not yet been complied with, the Community, it willbe remembered, put forward the concept of a neutral and non-aligned Afghanistan outside the competition among the great Powers. To that end, the great Powers and the neighbouring States should undertake to respect the sovereignty and integ- rity of Afghanistan, to abstain from interference in its inter- nal affairs and to refrain from establishing any form of presence or military association with it. 48. Further efforts to promote a solution to the conflict have been undertaken by the Islamic Conference, particu- larly following the creation by it ofa special commission to explore the possibilities of bringing about a political settle- ment with all the parties concerned. The members of the Community express once again the hope that it will be poss ible to avoid the indefinite continuation of this particu- larly cruel war through a solution in keeping with the resolu- tion by our Assembly providing for the withdrawal ofSoviet troops and the free exercise by the Afghan people of their right to determine their own future. 49. The members of the Community have frequently repeated that they fully respect the independence of Iran and the right of the Iranian people to determine their own future. I repeat that before this Assembly: the members of the Community are definitely motivated by the sincere desire to achieve good relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran. which has embarked upon a new phase in its history. I regret, however. to have to add that. unfortunately. the major obstacle to such relations is still constituted by the problem of the hostages. re~ect in concrete measures their profound disapproval of this flagrant violation of international law. 51. At a time when the Islamic Republic of Iran has estab- lished democratic institutions and the new Government has taken office, the European Community and, I believe, the whole international community hope that this question will be resolved, that the hostages will be freed and that Iran will respect all obligations of international law, particularly those ensuring the protection of foreigners residing in that country. 52. Is there any need for me to state that the immunity of diplomatic personnel is the very basis of secure and normal relations among the peoples of the world community? Furthermore, the general respect for human rights in that country too remains a subject of concern in Europe. Unfor- tunately, the recent acts of war between Iran and Iraq can only serve to aggravate tension dangerously and make the normalization of the situation even more difficult. 53. Since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assem- bly, the situation in the Middle East has deteriorated danger- ously. In the last few months, problems relating to that situation have been dealt with by the Security Council eight times and have been the subject of an emergency special session of the General Assembly. The steady increase in tension and the hardening of positions on all sides make it all the more necessary and urgent to find a global solution to the Israeli-Arab conflict. The time has come therefore to abandon the language of violence and replace it by that of dialogue, a dialogue among all the parties concerned on the conditions and modalities for the restoration of peace. 54. A year ago, the Irish Foreign Minister, speaking on behalf of the Community," noted with satisfaction the pro- gress achieved in the improvement of relations between Egypt and Israel following the signing of the Camp David agreements. n So far those agreements-and we recognize their great merit with regard to Egytian-Israeli relations, particularly in that they have made it possible for the bulk of Sinai to be evacuated in compliance with Security Council resolution 242 (1967)-have nevertheless not yielded the desired results, particularly with regard to the promotion of 11 United States Diplomatic and Consular SIal1 in Tehran, Judgment, I.Cl. Reports 1980. p. 3. 11 A Framework for Peace in the Middle East. Agreed at Camp Da yid: and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 56, From that twofold requirement flow logically all the consequences, including the right of all countries in the region to livein peace within secure, recognizedand guaran- teed frontiers. The guarantees of a peacesettlement must be provided by our Organization on the decision of the Secu- rity Council and, if necessary,on the basisofother mutually agreed upon procedures. The members of the Community declare their readiness to participate within the context of a global settlement in a system of concrete and binding inter- national guarantees, in the area itself, 57. Furthermore, the Palestinian problem, which is not a mere refugee problem, must finallyfind ajust solution. TIle Palestinian people, which is conscious of its existence as such, must be enabled, by an appropriate process defined within the global framework of the peace settlement, to exercise fully its right to self-determination, 58. The solution of the Middle East problem consists in reconciling and bringing about the coexistenceof two essen- tial realities: the State of Israel and the Palestinian people, Consequently, recognition of Israel's right to exist and implementation of the right or the Palestinian people to self-determination will be the very basis of negotiations which should lead to a global peace settlement, 59. Israel must therefore put an end to the territorialoccu- pation that it has maintained since 1967, In this regard, the Israeli settlements represent a serious obstacle to the peace process, The members of the Community consider that those settlements and the demographic modifications and, I would even say, changes in property ownership in the occu- pied Arab territories are illegal under international law, Similarly, in view of the particular importance of the ques- iion of Jerusalem for all the parties to the conflict. the Community will accept no unilateral initiative aimed <It ,<;llging the ~tdtll!> "f th.u city :1)1(\ ,1rc"o that :IIW;ll!rn' men: on the subject must guarantee lrccdom olucccss to all Ilnly Places, 6I. That is the position of the countries of the European Community, and it is on that basis that they will striveto contribute actively to the search for a peace settlement inthe Middle East. 62. According to the Venice declaration, the nine Govern- ments of the European Community have decided to make the necessary contacts with all the parties concerned. Those contacts should be aimed at securing information on the position of the various' parties vis-a-vis the principles laid down in the declaration of 13June and, in the light of the results of those consultations, determining the form whicha European initiative should take. 63. The contact mission on which I have just embarked in accordance with that declaration has taken me to thefollow- ing countries: Tunisia, where I met the authorities of that country and the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, Israel, Lebanon, where I was in touch with the Lebanese Government, Mr. Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Executive Council of the PLO, and representatives of the different communities-Syria, Jordan, Kuwait, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Furthermore, I have also had talks with the Palestinian side, with the Cardinal Secretary of State of the Vatican and with the United States Secretary of State.At the end of this month-in a few days' time, that is-I hope to meet some local Palestinian representatives in the occu- pied territories. 64. I should like to thank all those who have received me-the governmental authorities and the representatives of the various organizations and communities-for their courteous and even warm welcome, the interest which, with- out exception, they have shown in the European mission and their appreciation of the role that Europe is playing in that part of the world. 65, There is no need for me to say that the principles enumerated in the Venice declaration, which underlie the contact mission, are only partially and unequally accepted throughout the world. But the members of the Community are confident that the sincerity of their intentions and their determination to contribute to a solution of the conflict will be recognizee! and appreciated by all those concerned. 66. The conclusions of the European contact mission can only be drawn when it comes to an end. However, it is possible now to make a certain number of comments. (,7 First, I have noud the concern. even the distress, or those wnh whom Ihaw spoken at developments over recent months. This has led most of the leaders whom I have metto 68. Secondly, I have noted that all the Arab countries and the Palestinians unanimously consider Israel's withdrawal from the occupied territories and the right to self- determination of the Palestinian people to be two funda- mental principles. This requirement, I feel, is part ofa deeply felt demand for justice. That is why the creation of settle- ments and the recent law passed by the Israeli parliament declaring Jerusalem the capital of Israel are particularly resented by the Arabs. Each ofthe parties directly concerned categorically rejects an imposed solution prepared without its participation. That, of course, applies particularly to Israel and the Palestinians. 69. I should like to inform this Assembly of a personal reaction. The sight ofso much human suffering and so much effort wasted on war, and thus lost to the cause of peace, should encourage us to work even harder for a solution of the confl ict. 70. The indications which I was able to garner in the course of my mission confirm the line which the members of the Community hitherto have been following. It has seemed more than ever true that only a global settlement can bring about a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. This means that all parties concerned must be associated in the negotiation but also, as everyone must concede, that the problem of Israel and that of the Palestinian people are indissolubly linked. 71. There is no point in trying to solve those two problems independently of each other. That is why the members ofthe Community believe it to be necessary for Israel clearly to manifest its intention to put an end to the territorial occupa- tion which it has maintained since the conflict of 1967. The conditions in which this evacuation would be brought about and the guarantees with which it would be accompanied should be the subject of negotiation. In the meantime, Israel should refrain from creating any faits accomplis by install- ing further settlements which could only serve to erect new obstacles to the search for an agreement. 72. At tile S<I me time, the Arab countries and the Palestini- ans must explicitly recognize Israel's right to exist. Within the framework of a peace settlement, the Palestine people should be placed in a position to take an unhindered deci- sion, through the exercise of its right to self-determination, <IS to its future national identity. 73. l shall conclude by stressing the keen concern of the European countries in the face of the situation prevailing in Lebanon, particularly in southern Lebanon. As the members of the Community stressed in their declaration on Lebanon, issued at Venice on 13June 1980,14 they wish to 74. It has emerged from the contacts which I have had with the Lebanese authorities and with the other parties that the problem of Lebanon is directly connected with the problem of the Middle East, taken over all, and particularly the Palestinian problem. The international community can- not, however, refrain from reacting right now, regardless of the over-all Israeli conflict, to the prejudice which has been done to the very existence of the Lebanese State in its internationally recognized frontiers. 75. Following the recent events in southern Lebanon, the members of the Community thought it necessary to state publicly their profound concern and to issue a warning against any endeavour which might be prejudicial to Leban- on's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity and which would entail the gravest consequences for that country and the entire region. 76. These events have hindered the role of UNIFIL, to which four countries of the Community have been making an appreciable contribution. In their Luxembourg declara- tion on 22 April 1980,15 the Community stressed the need for all parties concerned to make it possible for UNIFIL to perform fully the tasks which have been entrusted to it, including the carrying out of monitoring work right up to the international fron tier. These events also have contrib- uted to an aggravation of the situation in the region and are contrary to the efforts undertaken, by the European Com- munity in particular, to restore peace in the Middle East. 77. The Community wishes to call on all parties to demon- strate the greatest restraint and to refrain from any action or any position which is liable to negate the chances of a return to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. 78. These efforts, in conclusion, are going on and will continue. The contacts which [ have had so far have been very positive and provide us with some very useful indica- tions. We are studying them most attentively in the desire to take some effective action for peace. The objective today is for the countries members of the European Community, on the basis of these reflections, to work out orientations and concrete proposa Iswhich will mark the role of Europe in the search for the implementation of a peace settlement in the Middle East. 79. In the meantime, we appeal to all parties concerned to refrain in the months to come from any acts or statements which may serve to inflame a situation which is already very disturbing and which may serve to destroy the minimum of confidence and tranquillity which we the members of the United Nations need so much in the search for peace. 81. Permit me now to deal withcertainquestionsconcern- ing the functioning of our Organization. 82. The countries members of the Community are of the view that the representativeness of our Organization is a primary question. The authors of the Charter constantly are at pains to take into account at thesametimethe principleof the universalityof our Organization, the needsfor equitable geographic distribution and the maintenance of a balance among its organs. The members of the Community are profoundly convinced that we should be particularly cau- tious and careful beforedoinganythingto affectthesebalan- ces, and it is in the interest of all Members of the United Nations to weigh most carefully the advantages liable to follow from an institutional reform against the disadvan- tages which it might entail. They think that it willbeessen- tial in the future to avoid anythingwhichmaydo damage to the foundations of our Organization.Furthermore, an inde- pendent and effective Secretariat, in accordance with Arti- cles 100 and 101 of the Charter, is indispensable. It is necessary,therefore, to give considerablethought to waysof bringing about a genuine and lasting consensus before effecting any changes in the Secretariat, particularly those which may touch upon its effectiveness. 83. In the face of the economicdifficulties engendered by the world crisis, the problem of allocating funds to the United Nations is one faced by all Member States. The members of the Community think that the United Nations should react positively to thisclimateof austerity byavoid- ing duplication and identifying activities which have now become outmoded with a view to eliminatingthem as far as possible. A real increase in the budget might not even be necessary. It goes without saying that strict respect for the financial rules of our Organization should be assured. 84. Peace-keeping operations constitute a particularly important task of the United Nations. The members of the Community declare themselves ready to support efforts of the United Nations in this field and to participate in these measures to the extent that theyare able. Theyappeal to all the parties concerned to see to it that they permit effective functioning of these operations according to the directives laid down in our resolutions. In thisregard, it isappropriate to mention once again the difficult position of UNIFIL to 90. The important thing, however-and I turn towards the future-is what happens at the thirty-fifth sessionof the Assembly as a result of the eleventh special session. It seems to meessential for thefuture of humanity that concretesteps be taken with a view to narrowing the gap between the rich and [he poor on the world level. The opportunities, however slender, offered by the eleventh special session must be fully se.ized and exploited by all, primarily by the affluent coun- tries. whether they be industrialized countries, whatever their economic system, or those States members of the Group 01' 77 which, because or their natural wealth, rank among the richest countries in the world. 85. [ havejust set forth at some length thecommon posi- tions of the nine members of the European Community on whic~ four States members of the European Community provide selfless contributions. 86. A month ago, I carried out a contact mission in the Middle East, in the course of which I collected a mass of information and impressions about the Israeli-Arab con- flict. Idid so as emissary of the European Community and I spoke as such. I now wish to express a pressing appeal for reason and to call on all the parties concerned to demon- strate a spirit of conciliation. Time is not in favour of anyone. Those who believe that the consolidation of illegiti- mate territorial gains will ensure their security are seriously mistaken. Also mistaken are those who believe that pre- conditions or refusalto discuss withthe adversary maybean advantage to them. Either of these ways willinevitablylead to confrontation, inwhichweshallall be the losers. Iaddress a pressing appeal to all to contribute to this climate of confidencewhichalone will make it possible to emergefrom the circleof violence and make progress towards a solution based not only on justice and law but also on mutual understanding. All those outside parties too would be mis- taken if they believedthat any possible advantage could be derivedfrom deliberately maintaining tension. They runthe risk of ending up like the sorcerer's apprentice. 87. Fundamentally, the security of all parties depends muchlesson a square kilometre more or lessor the conquest of any strategic positions than the acceptance by all of the crucial fact that in the future the two communities will be living together in peace and confidence in this part of the world which is so important in history. 88. I should like also to say a few words on the eleventh special session of our Assembly, devoted to development, which wasjust concluded a week ago. I will not bow to my initial inclination, which would be somewhat bitter in the face of the scanty results achieved, nor will I make any comments of disillusionment as to the attitude of certain countries whichdid not believethat they wereable to keepin line with the general trend of opinion. It is up to each Government to take its own responsibilitiesand in all inde- pendence to judge the positions which it wants to adopt. 89. As Chairman of the Council of Ministersof the Euro- pean Community, I should like to say how sorry I am that the Community has been unable fully to assume the gener- ous and dynamic rolewhich it had usuallyplayed. I mustsay that I am disappointed.

Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on the occasion of your election to your highly responsible position and to express my convic- tion that your activities will contribute to the fruitful work of the present session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. 93. Speaking today from this rostrum, I should like to emphasize at the veryoutset the great importance whicb this session of the GeneralAssembly would haveif its work were successful. In viewof the specificcharacter of the situation in the world arena today, it is essential for the work of the session to be conducted in a constructive atmosphere, Its participants will have to display to an even greater extent than before a sense of realism, a consideredapproach to key international issues and a genuine interest in finding solu- tions to them. 94. Thereby the States Members of the United Nations would demonstrate their commitment to the principles and purposes of this world Organization and awareness of their responsibility for the destinies of peace.Indeed, this is now a vitally important task for them individuallyand collectively. 95. We focus attention on this because the state of affairs in the world has lately become more complicated as a result of a sharp turn in the policies of the United States of America and some other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. 96. Let us look at the facts-they are more eloquent than words. 97. Back in May 1978, the NATO countries decided auto- matically to increase their annual military expenditures almost to the end of this century. Last December, they took a decision to produce and deploy in Western Europe new American medium-range nuclear missile systems designed to change the military and stra tegicsituation to the unilat- eral advantage of the NATO bloc. Simultaneously, Washington also announced its own multi-billion dollar build-up programme. 98. The course chosen by the United States of America, which cannot be called anything but militaristic, isexpressed in the so-called "new nuclear strategy". Under the cover of arguments that have nothing to do with reality concerning the possibility of some "limited" or "partial" use of nuclear weapons, the architects of tbis strategy seek to instill in the minds of people the idea or the admissibilityand acccpta bil- ityof a nuclear conflict. This foolhardy concept exacerbates the risk of a nuclear catastrophe, which cannot but cause concern throughout the world. 100. Severaltheses have recentlybeen adopted by Ameri- can foreign policywhich,byallappearances, are regarded as its credo.Here isone of them. A given region ofthe world is chosen at will-especially if it is rich in energy resources or important from the point of viewof transport and commu- nications, or simply if the Pentagon has taken a fancy to it-and that favouredarea isdeclared with naked bluntness to be a United States "sphere of vital interest". And if, to boot, it isa sphereof Americaninterests,not just anyone's, and on top of that-God only knows why-of "vital" interests,effortsare madesimplyto deprivethepeoples who livein that area of the right to be masters in their own home and mastersof theirown wealth.It isevenharder to under- stand that at the end or the twentieth century generally recognized rules of international law hallowed by time should be so blatantly and so rapaciously flouted. 10I. Another proposition is that any internal changes in any State-merely because they are not to Washington's liking-are considered to be a good enough pretext for United States interference in theaffairs of that State, includ- ing the dispatch there of armed forcesand commandoes. It is precisely these functions that have been assigned to the rapid reaction corps. And it issurely those countries which cannot defend themselves that become the first victims. 102. And what about the treatment of Cuba? This is a striking example.Contrary to the legitimatedemands of its Government and people, a part of Cuba's territory, Guan- tanamo where a United States military base is located, is held by'force. But at Washington they reason in the follow- ing way: we want this base-so that is that. It is of no importance to them that thesovereignrights of.Cub~ and its people are thus flagrantly ignored, once American interests stand to gain. 103. And what a host of statements are made to justify such a policy. Those deal at length with human rig~ts, the rights of States. It is simplyamazing how.such a policycan be combinedwithgenuinerespectfor the rightsof States,the rights of peoples, and human rights. If such stateme~ts are to be believed-and theyare, incidentally,repeated withthe importunity of commercial advertising----:then all man~als and all books on international law, and indeed the U?lted NationsCharter itself, which strictlyprotect the sovereignty of States,should all bediscarded. But no verbal acrobatics, no diplomatic contrivances can conceal the real essence of such a policy. 104. TIle methods of pressure and blackmail in foreign policy are making themselves felt in ~arious parts of the globe. Blatant violence isempl.oyed.agalllst Ira~. Everybody knows this. United States acnons III the Persian Gulf area threaten the sovereignty not only of that country but or other countries of the region as well. 106. The anti-Arab Camp David deal has as its direct consequence unabated tensionin theMiddleEast, wherethe situation is fraught with perilous and unforeseen develop- ments. That should not be overlooked. That deal, which runs counter to the interestsof and slightsthejust demands of Arab States and the inalienablerightsof the Arab people of Palestine, whose only legitimate representative is the PLO, is intended to satisfyIsrael'sannexationist claims and to affirm an American military presencein the Middle East. 107. In short, since the time of the separatist collusion among the United States. Israel and Egypt, the situation in that region has proved to be further from genuine peace than ever before. It is for that reason that Camp David is rejected by Arab States and denounced by all those who are interested in a just and comprehensive settlement in the Middle East, not in a settlement dictated by imperialist interests. That has been graphically demonstrated by the recent resolutions of the seventhemergency special session (jf the General Assembly,on the Palestinian question, and by recent resolutions of the SecurityCouncil. 108. In another region, the Far East, Washington isstriv- ing to strengthen its political and military position and is heating up militarist trends that are far from being on the wanein certainquarters inJapan. Beijing isacting in unison. Yet one would think that the Japanese leadership would display the ability to see things as they are and succeed in resisting the outside influences prodding that country onto the road of hostility towards the Soviet Union, a road that has already led Japan to catastrophe. 109. The United States,whose troops,contrary to General Assembly resolution 3390 B (XXX), still remain on the territory of the Republic of Korea, shares with the puppet Seoul regime the responsibility for the fact that the Korean problem isstill unresolved. It obstructsthenormalization of the situation on the Korean peninsulaand the reunification of Korea on a peaceful and democratic basis without any outside interference, as is proposed by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. 110. The United States adds to the destabilization of the situation in Indo-China and in the whole of South-East Asia. Here, too, the United Statesacts in league with the Beijing hegemonists who, having committed aggression against the Socialist Republic of Viet Narn, continue their demonstrations of military force on the Sino-Vietnarnese border and stage provocations against the People's Demo- cratic Republicof Laos and the People'sRepublicof Karn- puchea, whose voice, we are sure, will sooner or later be heard from this rostrum. Other countriesof that region are also under constant pressure from Beijing and Washington, Ji2. While thesecountries are intent on having China fol- lowevermore closelyin the wake oftheir policy,Beijing, for its part, in seeking a rapprochement with them, attempts to put them on the track of the cold war and confrontation with the Soviet Union, although our country, I would note here, stands for the normalization of relations with the People's Republicof China, as has been repeatedly stated at the most authoritative level. Even if we leave aside the question of who is playing whose cards more, it must. be emphasized that this game is dangerous to the cause of peace. 113. The facts I have enumerated suffice to lead us to the conclusion that influential circles in some countries would like to squander away the substantial assets of the policyof detente that were accumulated, especially in the 19705, as a result of prolonged and strenuous efforts by many States. 114, Not long ago, at Vienna, where the SALT II Treaty wassigned, there wasa frank conversation between Leonid I1yich Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Commit- tee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Presi- dent of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and President Carter of the United States. The latter also recognized the need to maintain the existing approximate parity of milit..y strength between East and West, the Soviet Union and the United States. This was recognized also by the leaders of other NATO countries. At present, contrary to their previous statements, the leaders of the NATO bloc are seeking to change the strategic balance of forces in the world in that bloc's favour, That is the root cause of the aggravation of the present international situation. 115. Attempts to give a different interpretation of world developmentsand to cast aspersions on the foreign policyof the USSR by once again resorting to the myth of a Soviet military threat constitute a gross deception. 116. Only the gulliblecould heedthe groundless assertions to the effect that the aggravation of the world situation has been caused by the temporary introduction of a limited Soviet military contingent into Afghanistan. As has already been explained repeatedly, our move was made to assist the Afghan people in protecting their country's sovereigntyand repelling armed incursions into its territory from the out- side,as wellas to prevent the emergenceof a direct threat to the security of the USSR on its southern border. That assistance was rendered in response to repeated appeals by the Government of Afghanistan, and it is in fullaccord with the Soviet-Afghan Treaty of 1978 17 and the United Nations 11Treaty of Friendship, Good-neighbourliness and Co-operation between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the DemocmliC Republic of Afghanistan. 117. Not infrequently, and notably at the United Nations, one may hear persons speak in favour of a complete with- drawal of the Soviet military contingent. To that we reply that the USSR will withdraw its contingent by agreement with the Government of Afghanistan as soon as the reasons that made the introduction of a contingent necessary have been removed, but not before. I 18. It will be recalled that the Afghan Government has put forward a programme for a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan. It isquite possible to achieve such a settlement on that basis and the Soviet Union is firmly in favour of that. But any attempts that run counter to the sovereign rights of Afghanistan are futile. The truth about the nature and essence of events in Afghanistan and around that non-aligned State is steadily gaining ground. 119. The allegation being bandied about in certain West- ern countries that the Soviet Union isbuilding up itsmilitary might on a scale that exceeds itsdefence requirements isalso patently false. There are some experts who make such claims. Our country believes that the strategic parity of forces obtaining in the world is sufficient to protect its own security and that of its alliesand friends. Our country aspires to nothing more. 120. Let us take Central Europe, the area with the highest concentration of military forces confronting each other. There, the Soviet Union, unlike the NATO countries, has not for a long time now increased its forces by a single soldier, a single tank, a singleaircraft. On the contrary, it has been reducing them. 121. As for the medium-range nuclear systems deployed in t he European part of the USSR-we do not deploy them on the terri tories of other States at all-in terms of the numbel' of launchers and the yield of their nuclear warheads, such systems have recently even been somewhat reduced. The leaders who, with a specific purpose in mind, are trying to mislead people me also fullyaware of that. However, being at odds with the truth, they systematically feed public opin- ion with fraudulent propaganda whenever they talk about the foreign policy or the armed forces of the Soviet State. The products of such propaganda are often to be seen floating around this hall. 122. Against that background, it isobvious that those who speak of some unprecedented build-up of our country's defence potential are in fact trying to turn attention away from their own plans to deploy hundreds of new United States nuclear systems on the territories of several West European countries. 123. In order to prevent another round of the arms race, the Soviet Union has proposed negotiations to be held on the basis of equality and with observance of the principle of equal security. In order to remove the obstacles to ncgotia- 124. The USSR has not so far received-a substantive reply to its initiative. The Soviet proposal is talked and written about; various assessments of it are made, and it is some- timesalleged that it is unclear or even mysterious. But those who are supposed to respond to it have as yet said nothing intelligible. And the reason for all this is that the Soviet Union's proposal is designed to find a genuine solution to the problem of strengthening European security and to erect a barrier to prevent Europe from becoming an even more dangerous staging area for military confrontation, with enormous quantities of nuclear weapons in readiness day and night. 125. It would seem that the delays in making a construc- tive reply to the substance of our proposal are intended to muffle the positive international response which it has evoked. We express the hope that common sense and a responsible approach to improving the situation in Europe will yet prevail. We would like to believe that. The Soviet Union is ready to start talks with its partners on the afore- mentioned just basis at any time. 126. Of course, if there is any lack of clarity as to the substance of our proposal, we would not be averse to remov- ing it through consultations and exchanges of views. But it is essential that the participants in such exchanges of views should join us at the negotiating table in good faith and not just to kill time. At the same time, it must be clearly under- stood that the Soviet Union and the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty will not allow the military-strategic balance they have achieved between them and the States members of NATO to be upset. Any calculations aimed at disrupting this balance should be discarded. 127. The USSR and other countries of the socialist com- munity have never sought, and are not seeking, any military superiority. They have not had, and will not have, any strategic doctrine other than a defensive one. As Leonid llyich Brezhnev stated once again, with all clarity, in his recent speech in the city of Alma-Ata: "Our country's foreign policy is a clear and honest policyof peace which is not directed against anyone else. We do not encroach on anybody's land; we do not interfere in anybody's internal affairs. But we shall always manage to defend our rights and legitimate interests". 128. Peaceableness is an inherent feature of the foreign policy of socialism, which is a social system having no classes interested in war. A world without wars, said Lenin, is the very ideal of socialism. TIle source from which the policy of the socialist countries draws confidence in its strength is the identity of their objectives in constructing a newsociety, in defendi ng the cause of peace. To this end, the perfecting of relations of full equality, fraternal unity, com- radely mutual assistance and fruitful co-operation in all 129. The Soviet Union and the socialist community have been and will continue to be in the vanguard of the struggle for international security. However, we do not claim a monopoly in this field. We shallstand in the same line with all Stateswhichconsistently pursue a policyof peace and of averting the threat of another worldwar,a policyof detente. BD. The concrete deeds of the socialist countries are shown in a wholeseries ofinitiatives, in particular those they have advanced since the previous session of the General Assembly. Theseare: the proposal put forward bythe meet- ing of the Political Consultative Committee of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty" for holding a top-levelcon- ference of the leaders of Statesof all regionsof the world to discuss problems related to the elimination of hotbeds of international tension and to the prevention of war; the measures for curbing the arms race, for disarmament and for strengthening peaceinEuropeand throughout the world contained in the declarationwhichwasadopted at that same meeting; the initiative of the USSR with regard to holding negotiations on medium-rangenuclear weapons in Europe in close interrelation with United Statesforward-based sys- tems; the recent withdrawal by the Soviet Union of 20,000 troops, 1,000 tanks and other materiel from the German Democratic Republic,a processwhichhas been completed; the proposal submitted by the socialist countries at the Vienna talks" providing,among other steps recommended, for the reduction of United States military personnel by 13,000 and of Soviet military personnel by 20,000, in addi- tion to the Soviet military contingent whichhas beenunilat- erally withdrawn from the territory of the German Democratic Republic; and the withdrawal of some Soviet military units from Afghanistan. 131. A comparison of the list of the initiatives we have advanced during the past year alone with NATO's record immediatelyreveals thecontrast between the twomain lines in worldpolitics. The factsareself-evident inshowingwhich policy line isconsonant with the aspirations of the peoples and which is in conflict with them. 132. It certainly seems to be far from easy to create a distorted picture of our foreign policy in the minds of the peoples. Misinformation and, primarily of course, slander directed against it backfire on those who resort to them. 133. Given the present state of international relations- when thepolicyof detenteisbeingput to a severetest, when the danger of war is growing-it is essential to multiply effortsin order to arrestthiscourseofdevelopments. Evenif the initialstepswerenot to bethe mostradicalonespossible, they would still be steps which could infuse an invigorating spirit into the international political climate. 134. Proceeding from this, the Soviet Union proposes the inclusionin the agenda ofthissession ofthe General Assem- "Held at Warsaw on 14and 15 May 1980. tv Vienna Talks on the Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe. 135. First, an important step would be for the States members of military alliances to renounce the expansion of existing military-politicalgroupings through the admission of new members, and for countries which are not members of such groupings to renounce joining them. All States, without exception, should avoid any action conduciveto the establishment of new military alliances or to assigning military functions to regional organizations which have no such functions at present. At the same time, the statements repeatedly made by the USSRand the other socialistcoun- tries concerning their readiness to disband the Warsaw Treaty organization if, simultaneously, the NATO bloc were dissolved and, as a first step, to eliminate the military organizations of the two groupings, starting with a mutual reduction of their military activities, remain fully valid. 136. Secondly, it isessential that all States, and, firstofall, the permanent members of the Security Council and coun- tries which have military agreements with them, undertake not to increaseas from a certain date-say 1January ofthe coming year-their armed forces and conventional arma- ments, as a first step towards their subsequent reduction. 137. Thirdly, proceeding from the premise that an early conclusionof an appropriate convention, with the participa- tion of all nuclear and non-nuclear States, would best serve to strengthen securityguarantees for non-nuclear States,the USSR is also prepared to consider other possible solutions to this problem, provided the other nuclear Powersadopta similar approach. We call upon all nuclear countries to make identicaland solemn declarations concerning thenon- use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States which have no nuclear weapons on their territories. Such declara- tions, if they serve the aforementioned objective, could be reinforced by an authoritative decision of the Security Council. At the same time, theSovietUnion reaffirmsthatit will never use nuclear weapons against those countries which renounce the production and acquisition of sueh weapons and do not have them on their territories. 138. Fourthly, weare convincedthat, ifour partners inthe negotiations, the United States and the United Kingdom, show corresponding readiness, it isquite realisticto expect a successful conclusion within a short time-limit of the elabo- ration of an international treatyon the completeand general prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests. We consider thisto be possible. There are no insuperable obstacles. 139. To this end, the USSR proposes that all nuclear Powers declare themselves ready to renounce within a period of one year, beginning on a date to be agreed by them, all nuclear explosions.The point is to havea one-year moratorium while negotiations would continue with a view to achieving a more radical solution. 140. A prompt implementation of all these measures would blunt the edge of some of the issues in international relations. It could be instrumental in easing the burden of 141. In today's international conditions, the Soviet Union considers it an imperative duty of the United Nations Member States to intensify their efforts in all major direc- tions of the strugglefor peace. As hitherto, the SovietUnion will maintain and deepen the dialogue and co-operate with all States that display political will towards thisend. By the way, with regard to "dialogue", this is a term often used nowadays. One way of reasoning goes like this: if there is something I do not like in the policy of a State, I will not speak with it. But to our mind such capriciousness, such vagaries, have been widely condemned, and rightly so. There should be no place for them in politics. 142. At the current session, we consider it necessary to recall the United Nations decisions which have yet to be implemented, proposals putforward by the USSRand other countries, as well as to set forth our views on enhancing the efficiency of efforts in specificsectors of this historic strug- gle. To this end, the USSR is submitting at this session a memorandum entitled "peace, disarmament and interna- tional security guarantees" [A/35/482. annex). 143. There is hardly any need to prove that the greatest threat to peace on our planet is posed by the unabated nuclear arms race. There is, however, a need to say again and again that it is inadmissible to put up with a situation where people live under the burden of a constant fear of a nuclear disaster. 144. While recognizingthe complexitiesof the problem of nuclear disarmament, one should not toe the line of tho~e who shirk even its discussion. It is for people to resolvethis burning problem. People have created the nuclear weapon, and it is they who can and must outlaw and destroy it.There is no denying that man's mind is stronger than his fists. None the less, the fact remains that the negotiations pro- posed by the Soviet Union for ending the product!on of a~l types of nuclear weapons and gradually reducing their stockpiles until they have been completely destroyed ha~e never started, owing to the negative position of certarn Governments. We stand for the talks getting under wayand for the Governments concerned to adopt a serious attitude towards them, so that the relevant decision of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament [resolution S-IO/2] may be fulfilled. 145. The conclusion by States of an agreement on the renunciation of the use of force in international relations would be of great importance for the cause of peace a~d detente. In statements made from this rostrum the Soviet Union has repeatedly stressed the importance of such an agreement and of resolution 2936 (XXVII) adopted by t~e General Assembly in 1972 entitled "Non-use of force In international relations and permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons", In thecurrent situation, the duty of the United Nations to pronounce itselfin favour of the prompt completion of efforts in this field is becoming ever more imperative. 147. The USSR is ready to ratify the SALT II Treaty and afterwardsstrictly to comply with all its provisions.It isalso the intention of the SovietUnion to participate inthe negoti- ations on the further limitation and reduction of strategic arms, with strict observanceof the principle of equality and equal security.But it would not be out of place to say inthis connection that, although the Treaty has not yet entered into force, the Americanside isalready layinga mine under it in the shape of a plan whoseimplementation would open up the possibility of excludingfrom appropriate verification a large number of strategic nuclear-missile systems. I think that this is well known to all representatives in this hall. 148. Now that the nuclear missile arsenals of States are being constantly inflated, the question of elaborating and adopting more reliablemeasuresto preventthe possibilityof the accidental or authorized use of nuclear weapons is becoming ever more acute, and repeated false nuclear alarms in the United States armed forces give ground for serious thought in thisregard. Indeed, thefact that the alarm was false becomes known later-afterwards. And this surely leads to certain conclusions. Such things should not take place if the leadership of a State deals with all questions pertaining to nuclear weapons with a senseof responsibility. 149. It has always been the stand of the SovietUnion that the strengthening of the regimeof the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons should be a subject of unfailing concern. The failure to seethat transfers of nuclearequipment, mate- rials and technology intended for peaceful p~rposes co~ld serveas a channel for spreading nucleararms ISfraught WIth the most negative consequences. An important step would be taken ifan international agreement were reached on the non-stationing of nuclear weapons on the territories of countries where there are no such weapons at the present time, regardless of whether or not these countries are ~l~ies of a given nuclear State. However, ~wi.ng to the ?PPoslt~on of certain Powers, progress in negouations on this question is slow, to say the least. 150. The lethal power of such means of mass destruction as chemical weapons does not at all pale in comparison to the monstrous destructive force of nuclear armaments. The negotiations on their prohibition have been.dr~ggi~g on for many years, with the distance to the fim,shmg IIne-:-~he signing of a relevant international ~onventlOn-remammg almost as long as ever. It will be impossible to cover the remaining distance without energetic efforts on the part of all participants in the negotiations. We, for our part, have been persistently working towards that end. 151. The Soviet Union, as before, is fully, i~ ,favour of observance of the Convention on the PrOhlbltIo~ of .the Development, Production and Stockpiling of~ateflologl.cal (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction [resolution 2826 (XXVI), annex]. It has always been, and 153. Those who resort to such allegations attempt to weave them into a thick shroud to cover theirownunseemly deeds. Look at what is taking place in the country whose representatives indulge in such statements: plans are openly being discussed there for building new plants to produce chemical weapons. Isaid plans are beingdiscussedthere, but it would be more accurate to say that they are being dis- cussed here, and this isbeing done at a time when represen- tatives of that very country are sitting at the negotiating table where the question of banning chemical weapons is being discussed, 154. And how often has the Soviet Union made represen- tations regarding non-compliance with agreements by those who aim such allegations at the Soviet Union? Those for whom these words of ours are meant know that very well. That is how things are with attempts to castashadow on the attitude of the Soviet Union towards its international obligations, 155. The world is not safeguarded from thepossibleemer- gence in the not-too-distant future of newtypesand systems of weapons of mass destruction. This is particularlydanger- ous now, since forces have appeared that are counting on achieving military superiority. The USSRfavours the adop- tion of additional measures to ensure the conclusion of an international agreement banning the development of new types and systems of weapons of massdestruction, as well as the conclusion, as necessary, of special agreements on indi- vidual types of such weapons. 156. Vigilanceand perseveranceare required in the strug- gle against the neutron weapon-that barbarous means of annihilation. The position of our country, whichdeclared in the past that it would not begin production of neutron weapons unless the United Statesdid so, remainsvalidand it also applies to the possible emergence of such weapons in any other State. 157. Objectively, there is a basis for the early completion of work on a treaty banning one type of weapon of mass destruction-radiological weapons. 158, Owing to the opposition if certain Powers,the ques- tion of what are calledconventional armaments hasactually been fen outside the sphere of concrete negotiations, The solution of that question should be speedily moved to a practical plane, Representativesof certaincountries wish to talk endlessly ancl willingly on that subject, while doing nothing, however, to facilitate agreement. 160. Asweare staunch advocates of the Leninist principle of peaceful coexistence, we have always striven to ensure that no avenue in our relations with States belonging to a different social system, including the United States, should remain unexplored. We expect those States to do likewise, Indeed, an overwhelming majority of them do build their relations with us in that fashion. 161. The course for maintaining and strengthening secu- rity in Europe and for reducing the levelof military confron- tation on the continent was convincingly demonstrated last May at the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty. It was also manifested during the recent talks held by Leonid IJyich Brezhnev with French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing and with the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Ger- many, Helmut Schmidt. 162. In the seriesof proposals made by the countries ofthe socialist community with regard to Europe, a prominent place belongs to the initiative for the conclusion byall States participants in the Conference on Security and Co- operation in Europe of a treaty on the non-use of either nuclear or conventional arms-I repeat, nuclear or conven- tional arms, Does anybody who stands for peace object to this proposal? 163. The socialist countries have taken steps, some of them quite recently,which provide a solid basis for reaching agreement at the Vienna Talks on the Mutual Reductionof Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe. Success in that work is being obstructed by those who do not wish to give up attempts to gain unilateral advantage to the detriment of the security interests of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty. 164. The holding of a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe is a matter of paramount impor- tance. We express the hope that all States concerned will contribute to the realization of this idea, This is a good idea. 165. A significant role in achieving general agreement on the convocation and the subject matter of the conferenceis to be played by the Madrid meeting of representatives of States participants in the European Conference. We wish the meeting to be business-like and to be crowned with positive resultson all sections of the Helsinki Final Act. We urge other countries to display the same constructive approach to the Madrid meeting. 166. The problem of lessening tensions in the Indian Ocean isincreasinglyimportant. The Soviet Union has inva- riably supported the initiative of the littoral States to turn 167. The States parties to the Warsaw Treaty favour dis- cussion within the framework of the United Nations of the question of limiting and reducing the level of military pres- ence and military activities, be it in the Atlantic, the Indian or the PacificOcean, in the Mediterranean or in the Persian Gulf. Agreements in that field would serve the interests of peace and stabilization of the international situation. The Soviet Union isprepared at any time to come to thenegotiat- ing table to discuss this issue with the States concerned. 168. More than once the United Nations has tried itshand at achieving agreed decisions on the reduction of the mil- itary budgets of States. However, each time, itencountered resolute opposition and all means of misinformation are employed here to frustrate any progress towards agreement in tHis extremely important field. As a result, the military appropriations of States have been growing from year to year. And what a variety of methods have been devised by certain Governments to extract from the taxpayer ever greater sums to be fed into the grinder of military produc- tion. And this is taking place at a time when hundreds of millionsof people in the worldare sufferingfrom starvation, have no access to proper medical servicesand education or have no roof over their heads. Resources which could be used for the benefit of people are being consumed by the arms race. Regrettably, the United Nations has not so far pronounced its weighty opinion on that score. It has great possibilities for speaking out. 169. Now as before, the USSR is prepared to proceed to negotiations on specific reductions, in absolute figuresor in terms of percentage points, of military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council as well as of other States with large eeonomic and military potential. We are also prepared to reach agreement on the amounts which each State reducing its military budget would allocate for increased economic aid to developing countries. 170. TIle Soviet Union believes that thorough prepara- tions should be carried out for the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, whichis to take plaee in 1982. That session should be followed by a world conference on disarmament to ensure that a profound con- sideration of disarmament issues may result not merely in recommendations, but in decisions to be implemented by States fully without any exception. 171. There must be implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514(XVj], adopted 20yearsago on the initiative of the USSR. 172. We welcome the emergence this year of newindepen- dent States. In southern Africa there is the Republic of 173. The Soviet Union has always shown respect for the legitimate aspirations of States which have freed themselves from the yoke of colonialism. We have good relations with most of them. We note with satisfaction the increasing role of these States in international politics and appreciate the peaceful anti-imperialist orientation of the movement of the non-aligned countries. 174. Our country has consistently supported the develop- ing States in their desire to attain economic independence, their inalienable right to dispose of their natural resources and their legitimate demand for the restructuring of interna- tional economic relations on the basis of equality. without any discrimination. 175. Problems affecting all mankind are becoming ever more conspicuous in the broad spectrum ofthe concerns of our time. I shall make special mention of one of them: preservation of nature. The Soviet Union wishesto see man showgreatercare and concern for nature, and to seenatural resources used in the interests of all nations on a scientific basis. 176. However, everybody knows what immense material and intellectual resources are beingdeflected from the solu- tion of this problem by the arms race, how ruinous and perhaps irreversible is the damage inflicted on the entire human environment by military activities of States such as tests of varioustypes of weapons and, above all, of nuclear weapons,the stockpiling of poisonous chemical agents and so on, to say nothingofthe disastrous consequences whicha nuclear war would have not only for people but also for nature in general. 177. It is the duty of the United Nations to draw the attention of the States of theworld to their historic responsi- bility for preservingthe nature of the earth, which is indis- pensable for the lifeof present and future generations, and to make itscontribution to the development of international co-operation inthis field. We havesubmitted an appropriate draft resolutionfor consideration by the General Assembly at the current session [A/35/L. 7]. 178. Our views and specificproposals on important meas- ures which should be adopted in the evolving situation stem Cram the peaceful nature of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. Weare convinced that the necessary possibilities for stavingoff the threat of war and putting international peace on a moresolid foundation exist.There are forcesable to do that. For it is the will of the peoples and the policies of States. not late. that determine the t rend of world developments. 180. The United Nations would be right to issue a firm warning to those who seek a dangerous exacerbation of tension and war hysteria. It would bea good thing to say to those responsible: "Gentlemen, do not push the rock down the hill, for there isa risk that you will not be able to stop it later on", 181. Saving mankind from the scourgeof war is the goal towards which the States should direct theirefforts.instead of preparing for war. If the General Assembly took that stand. it would add a bright page to the book 01' modern history. 1~2.. Despite all the differences in social systems. levels of eqonomic development. national characteristics and histori- cal destiniesof the States representedin theUnitedNations, all peoples want to livewith confidence in their future. No country, no Government, if itexpresses the aspirationsand will of its people, can remain aloof from the struggle for disarmament. for the relaxation of lensions and for peace. 183. This is the basison which the Soviet Union acts."We shall continue to spare no effort", stressed Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev,"to preservedetente,everything positive that was achieved in the 1970s, to ensure a turn towards disarma- ment, to uphold the rightofpeoples to free and independent development, to preserve and consolidate peace," 184., ,Our ~ountry and its representatives arc prepared to participate IQ a most constructivemannerintheworkof this session and to contribute actively to its success, .

My delegation joins our colleagues in congratulating you, Sir, on your unani- mous election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly.Your election isa tributetoyoursterling personal q~alitie~ and an honour to your great country. whoserole In the internaticnal communityhasbeenmarked by vision,imaginationand dynamismdedicated tothe cause of peace in a difficult passage in the history of our time, 186,. In its wise choice of Mr. van Wechmar, the United Nations has come full circle. A distinguished citizen of an "enemy State" has beenelected to guidethedeliberationsof the Organizatio~ at a time when our overriding need is to moderate conflicts and shape the contours of reality in conformity with our desire for peace. 187. TIlere isa traceofironyin thissituation,For yearsmy delegation has pleaded for the removal of all references to 188. In this endeavour the outgoing President of the Gen- eral Assembly, Mr. Salim, has made important contribu- tions which wedeeply acknowledge. To him we extendour sincere congratulations. 189. We welcome the admission of Zimbabwe and SI. Vincentand the Grenadines to the world Organization and look forward to their constructive contributions. 190. In nature, nothing is more constant than the cycleof the seasons. In human affairs, the tides would seemto follow the same cyclical pattern. TIle brief springtime of detenteis over and we face the bleak prospect of another freezing winter ofa coldwarfar more terrifyingin itsimplicationsfor the future of mankind than any that has preceded it in the post-war world. 191. My delegation speaks before this Assembly without discouragement but with considerable apprehension. We live today in a continuum in which not one but severalcold wars intersect,creatinga labyrinth from which weare seem- ingly unable to extricate ourselves. Harsh facts confront us today, yet the irony is that in a hall intended precisely to harmonize diverse interests the atmosphere of uncertainty envelopesall of us, likea thick fog in which weare unableto find our bearings. 192. In the past year, several important questions have continued to be at the forefront of our most serious con- cerns, The first is the impasse on the issue of arms control, m?st notably in the limitation of nuclear weapons; in the failure to make progress on the mutual balanced reduction ~f forces; and in the additional complications on the ques- non for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The second isthe marked lackof momentum ingetting the Third United Nations Development Decade under way. And finally there is our inability to provide solutions to brush fires, with their dangerous potential for igniting wars of world-wide proportions. 193. The history of man's efforts to disarm is a long and troubled one. The same history teaches us that when such efforts fail they inevitably lead to open and tragic conflict. But today's problem is of a different order. Never before have arms been developed in such quantity and with such destructive capability. Regardless of the ingenious and clever scenarios for surviving a nuclear holocaust, no one can dare to assertcategorically that civilization itselfwould survive. No doubt our planet would still be here, but it would be there floating aimlessly in space like a dead star. 194, Fear is a poor counsellor, but it is just as often a natural alarm system. If we fail to heed this fear then we may be-if we are not already in the midst of i;-{)n the verge of a new and vastly more dangerous arms race on a blind course to global annihilation. 196. There is no direct correspondence betweenarms con- trol and detente; each is supportive of the other. Detente does lead to the development of trust and helps to improve the climate for the peaceful solution of problems. We wish to emphasize, however, that faithful observance of the tacit rules of detente is thefirst and indispensablerequirement for its success.On that basis wewould favour the resurrection of the experiment of learning to livetogether in relative peace. 197. Another requirement, equally indispensable, is that detente should apply on a universal scale. A detente which reduces tensions in one area of the world while creating or exploiting destabilization in other areas, particularly in weaker and more vulnerable countries in the third world, negates the very purposes of detente. Like peace, detente is indivisible. 198. The eleventh special sessionof the General Assembly, devoted to economic development, ended on a less than hopeful note. We view the results with extreme regret, for this surely isa problem whichaffectsall countries, largeand small. What we need is a crash programme of co-operation on some of the most pressing problems of our time. The painful prospect which faces all of us is that, under the best of circumstances, the growth rate of all countries will decrease in the coming decade in varyingdegrees. Renewed recession is predictable, and inflation continues to resist solution. 199. It requires little thought to remind us that the crush- ing burden will be borne mainly by the developingcountries which, again in varying degrees, will have to cope with two of the great crises of our time, shortages in energyand food. As these crises grow, there remains the possibility that the debt explosion willreach unmanageable proportions, intro- ducing instabilities which are bound to affectthe developed countries as well.The spiral of uncertainty willturn relations between the developed and developingcountries into mutu- ally re-enforcing difficulties; the problems of the South will become part and parcel of the problems of the North.just as today the problems of the North have become the problems of the South. The solutions to the problem, whileadmittedly not easy. are common tasks which require speedy imple- mentation if weare to avert the dread possibilityofdisaster, not just for the South but also for the North. 200. After seven years of arduous negotiations, with a significantly successful session at Geneva last summer, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is close to the completion of a universal convention establish- ing a new regime for the seas and their resources, based on the principle of the "common heritage of mankind" con- 20I. The resultsofthe 1980sessionof the SpecialCommit- tee on the Charter and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization, held at Manila in February this year, demonstrateda determination among Member States of the United Nations to achieve a better congruence between the United Nations system and the realities of the modern world. The Special Committee's work on the question of the peacefulsettlementofdisputes wasparticularly encouraging in its consideration of the draft Manila declaration on the peaceful settlement of international disputes [see A135133, para. 164]. My delegation expresses the hope that an early agreement on the declaration will be reached. It is not an easytask to developan equilibrium between continuity and change,and wemust appreciate the importance ofthe Com- mittee's efforts in carrying out its responsibilities. The Spe- cial Committee has reached a significant stage of its work and it deserves our encouragement and full support. 202. I turn now to specific issues. 201 On thequestionof Palestine,mydelegation reiterates its support for the right of self-determination of the Pales- tinianpeoples. In the caseof Jerusalem, the unilateral act of annexation by Israel is unduly provocative and has rightly earned the censure of the SecurityCouncil byits resolution 478(1980). In the long history of Arab-Israeli conflict, the city of holyshrines has always been a bone of impassioned contention. The reasons are not far to seek. It is not a question of territorial aggrandizement; nor is it a narrow legal question. It is a question with heavy moral overtones just as important to more than halfof mankind as theyare to Israel. Thecity isencrusted with layer upon layer of sacred lore to which so many in nearly everycorner of the world owe their deepest allegiance. 204. If any city is international in character, it is certainly Jerusalem. Mydelegationsupports, just as it has in the past, the internationalization of the city. We call upon Israel, recognizing its deep devotion to its own historical past, to recognize in other peoples the same measure of devotion to their ownpast, which continues to the livingpresent. Wecall upon Israel to return to the processes of negotiation and heed the repeated injunctions or the Security Council. 205. On Asia, my delegation wishesto express its deepest concern over the continued conflict in Afghanistan and in Karnpuchea, Both arise from the same root cause: they constitute open and flagrant violations of the principle of non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs or other countries. In neither casecan wecondone thisact of transgression againstone of the most cherishedprinciples of the Charter of theUnited Nations. Nor can we condone the 206. In concert with our fellow members in ASEAN, we have consistently held the view that theelements ofa politi- cal solution to the Kampuchean questionare contained in General Assembly resolution 34/22on the subject, namely, the withdrawal of Vietnamese armed forces and the estab- lishment of a neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea. 207. The urgent need for a political solution in Kampu- chea is underlined by the act of aggression perpetrated by Viet Nam againstThailand on the very eveof the thirteenth ASEAN ministerial meetingat KualaLumpur on 25and 26 June. Bythat single act VietNambetrayed thetrueextentof its ambitions and its total lackof respect forworldopinion. Westand by our beleaguered colleague Thailand,and shall continue to give it our full political and moral support. 208. The grave situation in Kampuchea should not be allowed to deteriorate further. For this reason, the Philip- pines and its ASEAN partners urge the Assembly to con- sider on an urgent basis the convening of an international conference on the problem of Kampuchea, 209. Today, Viet Nam will once again make an effort to unseat the legitimateGovernment of Kampuchea from the United Nations and install in its place the alleged Govern- mentof Heng Samrin.But the HengSamrinregime isnotat Phnom Penh bydivineright, nor isittherebypoliticalright. It sits in the Kampuchean capital by the graceof the weap- ons of its master and protector, withoutwhom itis helpless and with whom it wields not an iotaof powerof its own.If weacceptthe Heng Samrinregime, thenwerewardthe fruits of aggression. Ifwe accepttheHeng Samrinregime, thenwe legitimize and indeedinviteinterference inour own internal affairs. If we accept the Heng Samrin regime, then we tolerate the violation of the principle of self-determination. 210. More than two thirds of the Members of the United Nations are seated here today because we claimedfor our- selves the right of self-determination. We owe it more than lipservice; weoweitour mostprofoundrespect. For it isthis sacred principle which gave birth to us as nations and as independent peoples. 211. Last year we rejected the credentials of the Heng Samrin regime. Let us do soagainthisyear. I urgeall those to whom the Charter is not a mere scrap of paper but the h,oly writof our Organizationto reject decisively the preten- sionsof the usurper of Phnom Penh, Nothing hashappened 212. Let there be no mistake about our motives.We hold no brief for any particular regime, personality, or ideology in this matter. We are one with those who stand back in revulsion at the horrors perpetrated by the Pol Pot regime, But we also believe that we have no right, under present international law, to prescribe what regimeshould preside over theaffairsof the Kampuchean people. That isfor them to decide for themselves, freelyand without external inter- ference. They havenot had that oppportunity, whichistheir right. 213. Until they have had that opportunity, which isonly possible if the United Nations resolution on Kampuchea is strictly implemented, we must stand fast on the principle which isvitallyinvolved in this matter. That is the principle of the inviolability of the sovereignty of States, of their territorial integrity and their right of self-determination. 214. My delegation wishes to close this brief statement witha tribute to the Secretary-General.The United Nations isour common creation; it iswhat wewant it to be. Butthe presiding genius who keeps his finger continuously on the pulseof the worldsituation is the Secretary-General.It is he who perseveres in mediating between the need to keep the principles of the Charter inviolate and the elementsof insta- bility inherent in a changing world. 215. Amidst the cross-currents of the numerous conflicts whichsorely besetthe world, the Secretary-Generalremains above the battle. Yet it is his unseen hand that unselfishly guides us in definingproblems and in this way assistsinthe search for solutions. He is a realist;he knows that there are no instant solutions. Yet he remains an idealist; he knows that the true foundation for peace is the development of a sense of human community. 21n. In the effort to reconcile those two elements, he ha, kcp: the UnitedNations together. Indeed.he has done more. Misunderstood and sometimes reviled by the press, the II drill Orgaui/ation h,I' gained instrength and clTectivcnc" under Mr. Waldhcirn. No one can do more: no one can be expected to do more, In this lies his real achievement. The meeting rose at 1, j() j).I1I.