A/35/PV.60 General Assembly

28.  Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa : (a) Report of the Special Committee against Apart- heid (b) Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports (c) Reports of the Secretary-General 1. Mr. KAMANDA wa KAMANDA (Zaire) (inter- pretation from French).' I should like first of all to express the full appreciation of the delegation of Zaire to the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Mr. Clark, and to all the members of the Committee for the excellent reports which they have submitted on the implementation of United Nations resolutions on apartheid by Governments and intergovernmental organizations, recent develop- ments concerning relations between Israel and South Africa and an International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa [A/35/22/Add.I-3], and for the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports [A/35/36]. 2. I should also like to take this opportunity to express the gratitude of the delegation of Zaire to the Secretary-General f() r the two excellent reports he submitted, on the inquiry into the reports concerning a nuclear explosion by South Africa [A/35/358], and on the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa [A/35/509]. 3. The delegation of Zaire fully supports the con- clusions and recommendations of the Special Com- mittee [A/35/22/Add./, paras. 249-259] and the drafting of an international convention against apartheid in sports. . NEW YORK 4. Every year since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945 the question of the policy ofapartheid has reappeared on the agenda of the General As- sembly. To be sure, many States have implemented the United Nations resolutions on apartheid, parti- cularly those concerning investments, diplomatic and military relations, trade, oil, sports and so forth. It is also true that certain international governmental organizations, in accordance with the relevant reso- lutions of the United Nations, provide useful assis- tance to the victims of apartheid, spread information on the crimes and misdeeds of apartheid, have put an end to their relations with the Pretoria regime and exclude that regime or prevent it from participating in their work. It is true as well that in many parts of the world religious, trade-union and university asso- ciations have effectively contributed to thedissemi- nation of information on apartheid and joined in the multifaceted activities of the struggle waged by the international Anti-Apartheid Movement. 5. But despite all this, certain Members of the United Nations--and without doubt the most impor- tant ones-have not given effect to the United Na~ tions resolutions and have maintained and even strengthened their various relations with the Pretoria regime, thus enabling it to avoid international isola- tion and perpetuate its apartheid policy. Certain States Members of this Organization have continued to collaborate with the Pretoria regime in the eco- nomic, commercial, military, nuclear and political spheres, thus strengthening its ability to resist the currents of change. 6. As a result of that support, all the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations adopted by the Secu- rity Council and the General Assembly for 34--soon for 35-years have remained a dead letter and have been ignored with contempt by the racist white minor- ity regime of Pretoria. 7. Today it may be deemed that all the necessary resolutions and decisions, indeed all conceivable measures, have been adopted by this Organization in order to combat and eliminate the policy ofapartheid in South Africa-all, that is, except those envisaged in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Will it be necessary to endure 30 more years of the scorn of South Africa for the resolutions of the United Nations before we realize that the time has come to adopt the ultimate measures provided by the Charter to confront the insolent and criminal. defiance of the Pretoria regime, since we are unanimous today in considering apartheid to be a crime against humanity? 8. The hesitation and procrastination, indeed the reticence and obstructions on the part of certain de- veloped countries every time the question is raised of the recourse to the measures provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter have led certain enlight- w~ite immigration? 13. 'The unequal distribution of income and wealth or, rather, the control of the national income by a small minority of 3 million whites has the clear result of significantly and wrongly increasing the purchasing power and the-standard of living of that minority. That phenomenen, as regards the standard of living of the'white minority andpa'rticularly the lower strata of the white minority, has the result of changing the mentality and living patterns' with respect to certain work, which that minority does not consider to cor- respond to the quality of life Whir'll it has achieved and which it wishes to protect. Tl i, the white minor- ity regime of Prejoria. might replace whites il' jobs in which they no longer wish to work-because those I See OfJk;tll Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-fourth S(!~~;tm, Plentlry Meetings, 56th meeting, para. 160. trary to the principles on which the United Nations is based, constitutes not only a violation of the Charter but also participation in acts which are crimes under international law, acts against the peace and security of mankind, once we have ail proclaimed apartheid a crime against humanity? 16. It is thus evident and abundantly clear that those various forms of support are aimed at thwarting the strategy of isolating South Africa undertaken by the United Nations. On the One hand, we adopt. reso- lutions to isolate that regime and on the other power- ful countries are preventing that isolation. Who among us can imagine that with such practices the United Nations will be able to carry out its primary task of ensuring peace? Who among us, in effect, supports the United Nations and its'aims and objec;. tives and who, in the final analysis, does not? 17. The delegation of Zaire hopes that we shall orient our thinking increasingly towards the constant 18. Many developing countries, including the Re- public of Zaire, ar;e .parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] and firmly support the denucleariza- tion of their region-Latin America, Africa, the Indian Ocean or South-East Asia. Others have voluntarily renounced the manufacture and acquisition of nuclear weapons, even though they may have had the oppor- tunity to manufacture or acquire them. But when a country, as in the case of South Africa, which has a policy that has been determined by the intemational community to be a crime against humanity, is assisted in aC<ilJiring a nuclear capacity, under what principle and on what justification can other countries hence- forth be prohibited from acquiring or trying to acquire a nuclear capacity, or nuclear weapons? 19. Proposals have been made during this session to persuade the nuclear Powers and all nuclear coun- tries to give negative guarantees to the countries that do not have nuclear weapons by making statements to the effect that they will never use such weapons against those States. South Africa, as everyone knows, today possesses nuclear weapons. What could be the value of a statement by South Africa on nega- tive guarantees, since we know the relations between that country and those surrounding it-I mean in Africa? . 20. Those flagrant contradictions between the acts of some members of the inte.national community and their public statements threaten to show to our peoples ever more clearly the futility of some inter- national instruments proposed in the United Nations in the name of peace, security and the progress of States, thus undermining the credibility of this impor- tant Organization and causing increasing distrust in international relations. 21. When we demand the total isolation of South Africa, the ending of the huge investments of some States in that country, it is not so much because we are opposed to the legitimate benefits which would result from international co-operation based on reci- procal advantages as because, in a spirit offriendship, if not solidarity, we realize that South Africa, through its blind obstinacy, is a threat to itself and will always be a threat to those foreign investments, for if this situation is not.resolved by persuasion and by peace- ful negotiations between th~ present Pretoria regime and the legitimate representatives of the South Afri- can people, it willultimately be settled in other equally legitimate ways in the face of the impossibility of set- tling it by peaceful means owing to South Africa's defi,ance.of the international community. 22. Given this unfortunate perspective, the burning of refineries,' the explosions in factories and at the nerve centres of the economy and the security of South Africa, the revolt of children and students at Soweto, strikes by workers and the street demonstra- tions look like a dress rehearsal. The movement of resistance to oppression and for national liberation must take up' arms and adopt a strategy capable of ment in pursuing these policies increases daily human suffering and the likelihood offurther bloodshed. In a wider context, apartheid forms the hard core of all the problems in southern Africa. 31. The international community has rightly con- demned the creation by South Africa of unviable bantustans. World opinion has been unanimous in denying recognition to those that South Africa has declared ind~pendent. There is no reason to expect that the plans for granting independence to yet another bantustan-Ciskei-would receive a different res- ponse. 32. The internal oppression has been compounded by acts of external aggression against neighbouring States. They have been directed particularly against Angola and Zambia, both countries in the front line of those that are patiently seeking a peaceful solution to the conflict in southern Africa. These acts of ag- gression stand condemned by the Security Council. Angola and Zambia, as well as other countries suf- fering because of their proximity to South Africa are entitled to continued support and assistance from the international community. 33. Is it not obvious that a State built on the repres- sion of many for the benefit of few cannot but live in constant.fear and in the agonizing knowledge of its own weakness? This' weakness cannot be masked by the massive build-up of military strength, even if that strength were to be buttressed by nuclear-weapon capability or the threat of its acquisition. This threat, thoup, adds a new dimension to the situation in southern Africa which the international community has to take into account. It places a special responsi- bility On those countries that have co-operated and continue to co-operate with South Africa in the nu- clear field. 34. The world community has not stood idle in the face of South Afri~an policies: the inandatory arms embargo, decided upon by t~e Security Council in its resolution 418 (1977), was an historic decision, be- cause it was the first time that the Security Council had applied sanctions against a Member State of the United N~tions. Finland, together with other Nordic countries, had advocated such a step, having itself scrupulously followed a voluntary arms embargo for more than a decade before. )5. ~ut' the measures taken by the international community so far are clearly not enough. For their part, the Nordic countries are searching for new pos- sibilities of concerted international action aga,nst apartheid. In 1977 their Ministers for Foreign Affairs decided to establish a working group for elaborating further prae:tical measures for that purpose. On the basis of its recommendations, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs have adopted a joint Nordic pro- gramme of action against South Africa.' One of the giv~n such humanitarian assistance through the Unhed Nations Trust Fund for South Africa, the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern' Africa, the Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid and the Organization of African Unity lOA U) Assistance Fund for the Struggle Against Colonialism and Apartheid. We shall continue to do so in order to give our consistent support to the aspi- rations of the black majority to equality and justice. We also give our support to the co-operation ofAfrican States to lessen their economic dependence on South Africa, which is soon to be defined in more detail in their Conference at Maputo. 38. It is our common obligation to demonstrate to the South African Government that peace and justice can be brought to southern Africa only through the elimination ofapartheid. 39. Mr. RUPIA (United Republic of Tanzania): The international community is once again called upon to discuss ways and means of bringing to an end the apartheid policy being perpetrated by the racist re- gime of South Africa, in defiance of resolutions of the General Assembly, the Security Council and other United Nations organs. Regrettably, that system still continues to be applied in South Africa because of the active support by some Members of this Orga- nization that still maintain links and co-operate with that regime. 40. The past year has witnessed concerted efforts against the apartheid regime by the oppressed 21 mil- lion blacks of South Africa. The continued uprisings by students of all races, strikes by workers and mass demonstrations, culminating in the attacks on the South African Oil, Coal and Gas Corporation Ltd. [SASOL) oil-from-coal plants in June 1980 are part of that campaign. 41. On 18 April this year the international commu- nity welcomed whole-heartedly the emergence of a free independent Zimbabwe under its heroic national liberation movement, the Patriotic Front. The Zim- babwean victory clearly represented a serious set- back to the apartheid regime in South Africa. Not- withstanding the positive developments in Zimbabwe, the Pretoria regime has intensified its repressive policies of torture and killing of schoolchildren, de- tentions, banning orders, mass arrests and harass- ment of students, workers and religious leaders. The racist regime has even prohibited indoor public meetings. 42. The grave concern of the international commu- nity culminated in the adoption of Security Council resolution 473 (1980) of 13 June 1980, which con- racist white minority against the black majority. It is fitting that the United Nations and the international community continue to refuse to recognize the sham independence. 44. The apartheid regime, through its treacherous manoeuvres, is in the process of creating a so-called economically stable middle class of blacks to act as a buffer between the blacks and the whites in South Africa. Such highly publicized reforms are dangerous cosmetic operations calculated to turn blacks against their fellow blacks, thus slowing the tempo of the struggle there. The international community so often hears Botha's propaganda on reforms to relax the apartheid laws so as to achieve majority participation in the Government. My delegation therefore highly commends the Coloureds and Indians for wisely re- jecting the regime's plans to establish constitutional frameworks within which they would be granted an illusory share of power. 45. Not content with its brutal and ruthless policies against the oppressed maiority in South Africa, the racist regime in Pretoria has resorted to unprovoked armed invasions of the independent neighbouring States of Angola, Mozambique and Zambia, in de- fiance of the relevant Security Council resolutions. My delegation abhors and condemns in no uncertain terms such acts of barbarism and systematic destruc- tion repeatedly perpetrated by the Pretoria regime against the oppressed population of South Africa and the neighbouring independent States. 46. It is regrettable that the South African regime has increased its military potential with the assistance of some Members of this Organization. South Africa's military budget today exceeds $2 billion. Besides, South Africa has been able to secure large quantities of arms and other materials needed for its forces and military industry from some Western countries, des- pite the arms embargo imposed by Security Council resolution 418 (1977)-. South Africa continues to be a major recipient of foreign loans and investments, which help boost its military and nuclear capabilities. My delegation considers all this to be an act of ag- gression against the oppressed people of South Africa and of Africa in general and a serious threat to inter- national peace and security. 47. Time and again we have called upon this Orga- nization seriously to consider adopting punitive mea- sures against the apartheid regime of South Africa. In that connexion, we call upon Member States to support the escalation of the armed struggle by the 53. It was not long ago that the international com- munity warmly welcomed the accession to indepen- dence of the people of Zimbabwe, which won a great victory in its struggle for national liberation and emancipation. The only country that did not rejoice at that event was South Africa, whk., saw in that emancipation the seeds of the inevitable defeat of its policy ofapartheid, which is an insult to the human conscience. The victory of the people of Zimbabwe also means that the South African myth of the supre- macy and invicibility of the white minority will be destroyed. Today more than ever the leaders of the racist regime of Pretoria. are isolated and threatened by the upsurge of the ever more determined struggle of African peoples against racism in all its forms and manifestations, a struggle that enjoys increasing support from all peoples that respect the dignity and value of the human being. 54. The collapse of the Southern Rhodesian colonial bastion, the only ally of South Africa in the southern part of Africa, has contributed to. the burial of South Africa's policy of establishing a "constellation of States" so as to provide a buffer against neighbouring Afrir.an States. As a result of that collapse, the strug- gle for justice and human dignity is at the gates of South Africa, causing it to panic and arousing its instinct for self-preservation. 55. But, instead of learning from this, the Govern- ment of the South African racist white minority re- sorted to all kinds of maneeuvres in the vain hope of maintaining the status quo in South Africa and Na- mibia. To this end, the racist regime practises a two- pronged policy which is characterized on the one hand by an increasingly militaristic and aggressive attitude and on the other by the pretence that it wishes to settle the crisis by means of negotiations. 56. Thus during the past year there has been an increase in harassment, torture and large-scale arrests of South ,African and Namibian patriots. Some free- dOJDflghters bavebeen systematically persecuted or purely and simplyexecuted so as to crush the struggle of th~adversariesofapartheid. Others, whose names are well known to our Organization-such as Nelson Mandela and Waiter Sisulo-have been condemned to detention for life simply.because they wished to live in the' normal conditions that human beings should enjoy and'fought. for the dignity of their people. Re- cently the .international community learnt with indi- gnation that. Mr. .Markus Kateka had been con- demned to death by' the South African regime, which is occupying Namibia. Moreover, while international public opinion still had not. recovered from the shock of the savage massacres of peaceful demonstrators at Sharpeville in 1960 and at Soweto in 1976, the apartheid regime was once again resorting to brutal acts' of terror to crush the massive uprising of the African people, killing and mutilating many young school- children Who demanded that the policy of racial dis- crimination be terminated. je~ied to acts of aggression ~.y, South Africa. The pretext for these acts of aggression. is that those c04ittries are harbouring African brothers who have fle~the repression and terror reigning in South Africa and Namibia and are continuing to support the strug- gle'of the peoples of southern Africa against apartheid and imperialism. But the real aim ofthose murderous military operations is' to internationalize the conflict so as to divert international attention from the real problems that prevail in southern Africa, thus making it possible for South Africa to consolidate its illegal occupation of Namibia and to postpone the final col- lapse of its policy of apartheid. 58. Racism and apartheid are not merely a system of national oppression of the African peoples: they are also a tool used by capitalist and imperialist cir- cles for the exploitation, through their transnational corporations, of the cheap labour of African workers and for the plunder of the natural wealth of the terri- tories of South Africa and Namibia. The considera- tion of this question in the Fourth Committee clearly revealedthe extent of that plunder and the scandalous profits made by those circles. 59. The collusion between certain Western capita- list countries and the racist regime of South Africa is not limited to the plundering and exploitation of the natural and human resources of southern Africa: it extends to the political, diplomatic, military and even nuclear spheres. The result is that today the Pretoria racist regime has a sophisticated military force and an advanced nuclear capability. The fact that South Africa possesses that war potential has encouraged it to use even more force both in South Africa and beyond the borders of the country, thereby creating in that part of the world a situation that could at any time lead to a racial war jeopardizing international peace and security. 60. Because of the threat that it poses to southern Africa and the rest of the world, the apartheid regime must be .fought by all possible means and, in the first place, by the application of all the measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter, in order to bring animmediate endto all the forms of co-operation with that regime, by its Western allies, thereby ensuring its complete isolation. 61. In that connexion, we would repeat here our . position that the Security Council should urgently call for comprehensive and mandatory economic sanctions against the racist regime of South Africa and adopt effective measures to ensure the effective implementation of its resolution 418 (1977) concerning the mandatory arms embargo. Moreover, the Security Council should take a decision providing for the appli- cation of a total, mandatory oil embargo against South Africa, in conformity with General Assembly resolution 34/93 F. That embargo is not merely a key wish to ensure that the embargo is effective, machih- ery must be established to monitor all shipments of oil to South Africa, so that the clandestine operations to which South Africa has constantly resorted to get the oil it needs are rendered impossible. 63. The delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic believes that it is high time that the policy of apartheid be radically and finally eliminated from our planet. That policy has been condemned by the entire world as a crime against humanity. My delegation will spare no effort in actively supporting all the interna- tional community's actions to achieve that goal, thereby contributing to the success of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. 64. Mr. SILWAL (Nepal): My delegation would like to express its sincere appreciation for the lucid, clear statement made by the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Ambassador B. Akpo- rode Clark of Nigeria, in introducing the annual report of that Committee. The report contains a comprehen- sive account of the wide activities carried out by the Special Committee compel the racist rulers in South Africa to desist from their cruel actions. But the rulers of South Africa are as insensitive as ever. 65. The attainment of independence by Zimbabwe this year was celebrated by all the freedom-loving people of the world. It should have demonstrated to the rulers of South Africa the futility of their desperate attempt to deprive the people of South Africa of their right to freedom and independence. But, instead of learning the lessons of the events in Zimbabwe, the South African ruiers have intensified their inhuman practices of repression. 66. All sections of the suppressed people of South Africa have intensified their struggle for indepen- dence. The nationwide strike by students and work- ers and large-scale demonstrations by other sections of the Coloured populations-far from leading the rulers to take positive steps-have been met with negative responses only. Not 'satisfied with exploita- tion, suppression, segregation, the creation of ban- tustans and the imprisonment of thousands of stu- dents, workers and others, those rulers have even gone so far as to massacre shcoolchildren. 67. The call made by the Security Council, in its resolution 473 (1980) of 13 June 1980, for the 'cessation of violence and suppression found no response from the rulers of South Africa. Far from releasing political prisoners like Waiter Sisulo, Nelson Mandela and others, the racist rulers seem to be bent on filling their prisons even more. Kill or imprison: that seems to be the quintessence of all the legislation adopted and of the sham trials held by the rulers of South Africa. The 1979..•" [A/35/22, para. 325]. 71. A regime whose only justification is the colour of the skin of the rulers cannot survive for ever~ even with the help of massacres such as those at Sharpe- ville and Soweto and the daily tyranny of its rule, By giving way to a humane and multiracial system, the white rulers of South Africa will lose only their illegal privileges; by resisting it, they remain a disgrace to humanity. 78. We wish to reaffirm our complete conviction that the apartheid policy practised by the racist minority in South Africa cannot be reformed or im- proved. Tt must be uprooted by giving the power to the peop • by eliminating all forms of racial dis- criminatlox ..nd apartheid and establishing a demo- cratic regime that ensures equal rights for all. 79. The racist regime of Pretoria is continuing its brutal campaign to halt and eliminate all those who reject apartheid, Not only are those nationalists being imprisoned; they are being massacred. One need only cite the case of lames Mange, not to mention the hundreds of students who have been shot in demon- strations against apartheid. 80. The inhuman suffering of the political prisoners in South Africa makes it necessary indeed for the jiJstice-loving and freedom-loving members of this Assembly lo exert all possible efforts to imple- ment the recommendations of the Special Committee concerning political prisoners [A/35/22, para. 388] in order to ensure the latter's release and an end to the arbitrary judgements rendered by the Pretoria author- ities. 81. South Africa is continuing its aggression against the front-line neighbouring States. This year it has committed acts of aggression against Angola and Zambia, killing many people and causing much ma- terial damage, in addition to which it is threatening Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Lesotho. The front-line African States are assuming responsibilities with great courage and sacrifice in supporting the libera- tion struggle being waged in South A'rica. They should receive from the international community all the support and assistance they need in order to protect their independence and territorial integrity, 8S. The international community must not allow the racist regime to escalate the tension in South Africa. The independence of Zimbabwe must now be fol- lowed by international action against the regime of Pretoria until Namibia achieves independence and there is a government of the majority in Azania. Here again we should like to welcome the constructive proposal for the convening of a world conference on the imposition of sanctions against South Africa, to be organized by the United Nations in co-operation with the OAU, with the participation of all countries, non- governmental organizations and mass organizations. We hope that that conference will mark the beginning of the end for the racist regime in South Africa. 86. We should also state that, as a result of South Africa's maneeuvres, Africa may find itself involved in armed confrontation with the racist regime, if the