A/35/PV.61 General Assembly

I should like to remind mem- bers of the statement made by the representative of Costa Rica at the 59th plenary meeting of the General Assembly yesterday afternoon. 2. We shall now proceed to the twenty-third ballot in the election of a non-permanent member of the Security Council. Since the result of the third re- stricted ballot held on 11 November 1980[57th meeting] was inconclusive, we must now proceed to an unre- stricted ballot in accordance with rule 94 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. 3. In this unrestricted ballot, any Member State from group B, that is, the group of Latin American States, may be a candidate, except Jamaica, which is retiring and therefore not eligible for immediate re- election, and Mexico, whose term as a member of the Council is still unexpired. 4. Ballot papers will now be distributed and I would request members to write on them the name of one country only. Ballot papers containing more than one name will be declared invalid. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Adeyemi (Nigeria), Mr. Tinea (Romania) and Mr. Jasudasen (Singapore) acted as tellers. A vote was taken by secret ballot. • Resumed from the 59th meeting. NEW YORK

I propose now to suspend the meeting while the ballots are being counted. The meeting was suspended at 3.35 p.m. and re- sumed at 3.45 p.m. 6. The PRESIDENT: The result of the voting for the election of one non-permanent member ofthe Security Council is as follows: Number of ballot papers: 140 Number ofinvalid ballots: 0 Number of valid ballots: 140 Abstentions: 5 Number of members voting: 135 Required majority: 90 Number of votes obtained: Panama............................ III Costa Rica. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Cuba 11........ 2 Bolivia ~ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I Colombia .,J" • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1 Honduras , , .. . 1 ~'I'icaragua . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Peru. . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Suriname 1 Having obtained the required two-thrids mr.jority. Panama was elected a non-permanent member ofthe Security Council for a two-year term beginning on / January /98/ (see decision 35/311). 7. The PRESIDENT: I congratulate Panama and, once again, the other States which have been elected non-permanent members of the Security Council. 8. May I also take this opportunity to thank our tel- lers for their assistance in the election. 9. The representative of Panama has asked to be allowed to make a statement and I now call on him. 10. Mr. ILLUECA (Panama) (interpretation from Spanish): There are shining moments in the lives of peoples that remain inscribed in their history as a source of pride for their national image. The election of Panama to the Security Council as a representative of Latin America is one of those memorable events, to which the Panamanian nation will respond with.the highest sense of honour and r~sponsibm(y. 11. In ke_ping with the modem and dynamic, inde- pendent, non-aligned and progressive nature of the international policy of Panama, the Panamanian representative in the Security Council is committed to considering the best interests QfLatin America and of the peoples of the third world. 12. I believe that I am acting in accordance with duty and conscience and fulfilling the mandate given to me by my homeland in expressing the deep grati- tude of Panamanians for the support given to the candidature of Panama by the delegations which by

The struggle against the last remnants of colonialism, against all forms and manifestations of racism and racial oppres- sion and against the apartheid practised by South Africa, which is one of the most despicable crimes and the most massive violation of all fundamental human rights in the world today, is constantly in the forefront of the attention of the United Nations. Des- pite the efforts of the majority of Members of this world forum, which are reflected in a long list of reso- lutions adopted by various bodies of our Organiza- tion, and despite the appeals of the entire democratic world community, the Pretoria regime continues to ignore and to flout world public opinion, while per- sisting in further perfecting and deepening this mon- strous system of government. Its entire modem potential, which is being built up through increasing exploitation of the African population, is placed fully . at the disposal of the most reactionary racist ideas. 18. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic is deeply appreciative of the untiring efforts pursued by the United Nations in the struggle against the infamous practices of the South African racists. It was, after all, in the United Nations that, apart from well-known, systematically exposed and permanently condemned exceptions, the entire international community united in declaring apartheid a crime against humanity. We are convinced that the United Nations provides the most suitable platform from which mankind can wage an implacable struggle on a world-wide scale against apartheid and racial oppression until final victory. We are firmly convinced that, notwithstanding the difficulties, complexities and long-term nature of our joint struggle, despite the obstacles ever and again artificially erected by darkest reaction and despite new manoeuvres by the Pretoria racists and their pro- tectors, the United Nations will see the day when it will be noted with joy here that apartheid and all its accompanying phenomena have been definitively eliminated; that the racial discrimination practised by the South African leaders as one of the most debasing and cruellest forms of capitalist and colonial exploita- tion has been wiped off the face of the earth, and that it has been finally eradicated and its very roots have been destroyed once and for all. We are bound by our convictions, by the fundamental and ever valid prin- ciples of the Charter of the United Nations, by the decisions that we have adopted and by our common responsibility to future generations to strive for and to achieve that objective. 19. The position of the Czechoslovak Socialist Re- public on this issue is well known. Today, just as in the past, we denounce racist policies. Czechoslovakia has discontinued its political, economic, cultural and all other relations with the South African regime, severed all contacts with South Africa and continu- ously and consistently pursued a policy of boycotting South Africa. In keeping with the International Con- vention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime ofApartheid [resolution 3068 (XXVIII), annex], adopted by the General Assembly in 1971, we reject ment with a view to the further consolidation of that Government and the use of the whole of southern Africa, all aspects of its policy, all its natural resour- ces, for their global political objectives, for their economic, military and strategic interests. It is only thanks to the all-round assistance of transnational monopoly corporations that South Africa has been able to build up a huge industrial and military poten- tial, which poses a permanent threat to peace. Ac- cording to data published in the Strategic Review of the Institute for Strategic Studies, University of Pretoria, September 1979, the budgetary expenditures of the Pretoria regime for armaments have increased 10 times in the course of the last 10 years. 26. Although declarations condemning the apart- heid regime and the occupation of Namibia by South Africa are abundant in the West, it is the leading Western countries tizat strive to perpetuate the cur- rent state of affairs in the region of southern Africa. They keep consolidating and strengthening all the elements of the Pretoria regime, with special attention to military and police forces. They continue advanta- geous economic co-operation and are taking maximum advantage of the fact that, in substance, the fate of the racist Pretoria regime is dependent on their support. 27. The white minority, the National Party and its internal allies would by themselves no longer he able to maintain their power in the face of the resistance by the African majority, the national liberation orga- nizations and the world democratic forces. The changing relationship of forces in the world and the growing internal forces striving to eliminate racism give rise to ever more furious and more aggressive South African policies. The deteriorating internal as well as external conditions for the continuation of the apartheid regime are the reason for the failureof the so-called bantustanization and the creation of new,· so-called more democratic, statutory norms. 28. The racist leaders are not letting up in their des- perate efforts to preserve their privileges. They never retreat; they only change their tactics. They try to temporize, to compensate for the increasing political setbacks, to suppress the upsurge of the national lib- eration struggle and its social driving force, with a view to solving the problem of southern Africa on a neo-colonialist basis. Racism is determined to defend its positions at any price. The ideas of the ruling racist regime were very clearly' described in an interview granted by Prime Minister Botha to Time Magazine at the end of last year, when he declared that any attempt to liquidate the existing regime would be nipped in the bud and that all forces that could be mobilized would be used for that purpose. 29. That is why our task, the task of all United Na- tions bodies, other international organizations and the entire world community, is to increase the pres- sure in order to compel South Africa and those who 33. The Turkish Government has always viewed with great concern the inhuman and institutionalized policy ofapartheid and' racial discrimination practised by the Pretoria regime. We have time and again joined other delegations in various bodies of this Organiza- tion invoicing our fears that, unless this abominable policy is completely abandoned, a violent racial con- frontationendangering peace and security in southern Africa as a whole will be unavoidable. 34. In fact, our fears have always been justified by subsequent events. In spite of continual appeals and demands by the international community, the South African Government has remained stubbornly and defiantly undeterred., It has' continued to resort to massive repression, persecution .and torture against the opponents af apartheid and the indigenous, popu- lation,of South Africa through the enactment of new and arbitrary legislation such as the Terrorism Act and the Internal Security Act. It has banned nu- merous organizations and imposed new restrictions on the press. The various races have continued to be artificially separated by a network of legislation which has denied the vast majority its basic human rights Iful change. Unfortunately, the message they have attempted to convey has not been duly received. On the contrary, they have been imprisoned, placed under restrictive order or taken into police custody. In spite of this repression, the opposition of the m~ority is becoming more and more pronounced and widespread. New groups have joined hands with demonstrating ,students and workers. At present we see churchmen, teachers, lawyers, representatives of trade unions-in short, a larger sector of the pub- lic-~oining the ranks of those who are willing to pay the price of the struggle for freedom in the prisons of the minority regime. 35. There are few issues on which there has been greater unanimity in the United Nations than the call upon South Africa to abandon apartheid and to re- lease its political prisoners. Earlier this year, many priminent people and organizations in South Africa and throughout the world launched a campaign for the release of Nelson Mandela and other political pri- soners so that they might participate fully in shaping the future of their country. These appeals have re- ceived wide support and have been endorsed by Gov- ernments and public opinion all over the world, with the exception of the regime in South Africa. Nelson Mandela and other prisoners are not the first, and " neither will they be the last, unless the Pretoria regime comes to reason before it is too late and chooses a peaceful solution to this existing problem through a process of dialogue with the political leaders in South Africa representative of the country. The choice facing the leaders of the white minority in South Africa is clear-cut: either they accept radical changes in"the near future or they try to survive amid growing antagonism and increased violence in complete iso- lation--the latter alternative of course being doomed to failure sooner or later. 36.' It might be appropriate at this stage to make brief mention of some of the changes that seem to have been introduced by the South African Govern- ment over the last two years with a view, so to speak, of ameliorating the situation of the indigenous popu- lation. However, these limited measures do not go beyond the purposes of propaganda about bringing economic stability and liberalization to the public, and they certainly fall short of reflecting the will of the majority of the population and thus of dismantling the evils of the system. 37. Furthermore, the implications of South Africa's policy of apartheid have not remained confined to South Africa alone, but have always overflowed its boundaries. During the year under review, South tressing trend can be reversed. 39. In this connexion, we consider that Security Council resolution 418 (1977), imposing a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, represents a landmark in the readiness of the international com- munity to combine concrete action with political pressure against the Pretoria regime. We not only welcome Security Council resolution 473 (1980), which calls upon all States to implement resolu- tion 418 (1977) strictly and scrupulously, as well as to enact appropriate and effective national legislation for that purpose, in a new effort to secure full imple- mentation of the arms embargo by making it more comprehensive; we also should like to reiterate the conviction we expressed from this rostrum last year: I that the arms embargo should be complemented by further measures, such as economic sanctions to be adopted individually or collectively. The defiant atti- tude of South Africa so far makes it quite clear that pressure on that regime must be increased. Here, I should like to associate myself with the most perti- nent remarks made yesterday by Mr. Thunborg of Sweden [58th meeting], to the effect that putting an end to foreign investments and financial loans to South Africa, imposing an oil embargo against that country and putting limitations on air traffic to South Africa could be some of the measures to be envisaged within the framework of economic sanctions to be taken against his minority regime with a view to adversely affecting its economy and productive capacity, as w~1I as to isolating it further from the rest of the international community. 40. We feel that it is high time for the Security Council to assume its primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security and to adopt the necessary economic sanctions in this regard to com- plement the existing arms embargo. 41. Fu.rthermore, in view of South Africa's ability to produce nuclear weapons and the necessary means of delivery, as is also mentioned in the recently issued report of the Secretary-General- on South Africa's plan and capability in the nuclear field, and taking into account the great threat such a development may pose for the peace and security of southern Africa in 2 South Africa's plan and capability in the nuclear field (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.8I.I.I0). 42. It is the conviction of the Turkish delegation that, alongwith the concrete action to be taken against South Africa, the momentum created in the mobiliza- tion against apartheid at national and international levels during the International Anti-Apartheid Year should be continued to assist the South African people in achieving the speedy elimination of apart- heid and the liberation of their country. 43. I should like to seize this opportunity to com- mend the members of the Special Committee against Apartheid and the members of the Secretariat for carrying out their responsible task of keeping public opinion fully aware of developments in South Africa as well as implementing extensive programmes of mobilization of international action against apartheid most diligently and faithfully under the able leader- ship of Mr. Clark of Nigeria. 44. The Turkish Government's attitude vis-a-vis the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa is clear-cut. As is well known, Turkey does not entertain any kind of relations with the Pretoria regime, whether diplomatic or consular on in the economic, military or commercial fields. Turkey is pleased to contribute, although in modest terms, to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa, the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa, and the Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid, as a sign of its solidarity with these people. 45. I should like to conclude by reiterating my Gov- ernment's belief that unless there is a rapid and posi- tive evolution in South Africa the opportunity for a peaceful solution will totally vanish. The Turkish delegation will continue to lend its full support to all measures designed to bring to an end the abhorrent policy of apartheid and to support all efforts with a view to promoting a new society in South Africa based on majority rule, irrespective of race, colour or creed, in accordance with the spirit and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

Once again, in an atmosphere of pessimism, the General Assembly is considering the question of apartheid. This tragic issue, which constitutes one of the major examples of defiance of the authority, dignity and prestige of the Organization, is unfolding in a climate fraught with uncertainty and threat. 47. We have studied with interest the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/35/22], and I should like on behalf of my delegation to join those who have preceded me in paying a tribute to all the members of the Special Committee and to its Chair- man, Mr. Clark of Nigeria, for the serious attitude which they brought to their task. 48. Our appreciation of the objectivity, the quality and the precision of the report is matched only by our revulsion at the course of events is South Africa. 50. The racist authorities of Pretoria have not only once again ignored the resolutions of the United Nations and defied the pressure of intemarfonal opin- ion, which has condemned apartheid, but, worse still, continue to intensify their inhuman policies, every day further strengthening their segregationist policy, thereby making life impossible for the indigenous population of more than 21 million. That policy is being intensified day by day and the Pretoria regime reveals with increasing frankness the hegemonistic intentions it has always harboured with regard to southern Africa. 5J• Apartheid is not just a moral problem. It is also a political problem, because a white minority persists in its desire to perpetuate its domination over a black majority by applying ,shocking and unrealistic legisla- tion. It is a problem that concerns the enjoyment by the majority of the right to exercise power. It is also an economic problem because the minority is re- sorting to force in order to appropriate and exploit the human and natural resources of the country. Finally, apartheid is a social problem because of the stllte, of poverty in which black Africans in South Afric'a are' confined. 52. We must, then, consider the question of apart- heid in its true context-that of a colonial enclave based on racism, the use of brute force, recourse to aggression 9 exploitation; contempt for and hatred of the indigenous South African. Therefore, to reduce apartheid toa question ofthe violation ofhuman rights would be to ignore the root of the evil. 53. The United Nations can only fulfil all Itsrespon- sibilities if it determines to envisage and orgariize all its activities in terms of these principal ideas. We must once and for all admit that we shall only over- come apartheid through firm action and means best adapted to that action. 54. The recent events mentioned in the report ,of the Special Committee against Apartheid have again drawn the international community's attention to the tragedy that is daily being played out in South Africa. They reveal the true intentions ofthe racist rulers in Pretoria and their determination to persist in the po- licy ofapartheid. They, remind those who continue to hope for some kind of change. in their attitude that it is futile to continue to harbour such illusions. Finally, they are part of the implacable logic inherent in the apartheid system, which can survive only through repression and aggression. Wherever one .looks in that region of Africa, absolute injustice holds sway. 55. New laws which tend to strengthen racial segre- gation are being promulgated. ,New repressive mea- sures to punish the adversaries ofapartheid are being taken. Military measures and police repression are rij~s been amply demonstrated by the various reports '~f the Special Committee. This attitude of defiance ,<:an be explained by the political, economic and mili- tary support generously lent to South Africa by its 'allies. The report of the Special Committee has con- firmed that the Western Powers-those which by vir- tue of the Charter are responsible for the/maintenance of peace and security-are South Africa's major partners. How, in such circumstances, can we hope to achieve even the smallest degree of progress in stamping out that evil, and what real meaning can be given to the resolutions on apartheid which have been adopted by our Organization? 58. Even more serious is the fact that those coun- tries do nothing to discourage or prevent the sale of arms to South Africa. They lend Pretoria substantial , military assistance and continue to help it to produce and develop its own armaments. It is astonishing that the European countries do not realize, or perhaps do not wish to realize, that the support they give the South African racist regime only encourages it in its pursuit of its policy of discrimination, repression and expansion. 59. Pretoria is being somewhat naive if it thinks that through its policy of domination it can contain the liberation struggle of the South African people. Today we are witnessing an extraordinary awakening of a national consciousness which is determined to keep world public opinion constantly on the alert and in a state of continuous concern until apartheid, that affront to our most sacred values, is totally eradicated. This is a case of an entire people which has been sub- jugated and humiliated, and which has risen up in defence of its dignity. It will stop at no sacrifice in order to seize its inalienable rights. No force, how- ever powerful it may be, can halt its inexorable march to freedom or stifle its legitimate quest for the estab- lishment ofjustice and equality. 60. Dignity, freedom and respect are gaining ground. Like most colonized peoples, the South Africans, in spite of provocations, .arrests, persecution and suf- fering, will carry their liberation struggle to a ~". -.- cessful conclusion under the leadership of their '.r- ation movements, the African National Congres., of South Africa [ANC] and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania [PAC], because they derive unlimited resources fron the popular will and because the liber- ation process they have unleashed can only lead to full enjoyment of their legitimate rights. 6J• The intensification of the struggle and the vie- tcries which have already been won should make Pretoria understand that the South African problem can be solved only within the framework of some kind of settlement achieved with the full and direct regarding the situation in South Africa.. And yet, it depends only from us whether this year our debat~ will constitute an exception and mark a new point of departure for our Organization. 64. In a few weeks we shall celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Let us see to it that this anniversary corres- ponds to a new strategy against the forces of racial oppression in South Africa. If we wish to spare our Organization further failures, we must seriously study ways other than those which have been explored thus far. Our actions and our attitude could be deci- sive for the future of our South African brothers. In order to act, let us transcend our differences and become aware of our solidarity. 65. In its recommendations, which we fully support, the Special Committee against Apartheid has outlined the most appropriate way for the United Nations and the international community to promote the attain- ment ofjustice and equality in South Africa. 66. There has been unanimity lhus far as to our duty to lend all necessary assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and the urgent need to make world public opinion aware of the multifaceted nature and seriousness of the racist practices of the white mi- nority vis-a-vis the South African people. Defections have been occurring in the United Nations, however, on the question of the need for a meeting ofthe Security Council to consider the question of apartheid and the timeliness of measures such as the strengthening of the embargo and economic sanctions against Pre- toria. We urge Pretoria's partners to undertake a new evaluation of the situation, and we remind them that ii. is dangerous to sacrifice 'the cause of world peace and international morality to immediate inter- ests which can only be considered transitory. 67. All efforts at moral suasion having failed for many years, the only effective means of changing the situation would be the, application of total economic sanctions and the strengthening of the mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. In the face of many violations, States have been called upon to take all concrete measures to fill the gaps and close any loopholes in the arms embargo. 68. Furthermore, the Tunisian delegation believes that total economic sanctions are politically timely, economically feasible and legally justified. And in order to be effective, the sanctions must be total and must be complied with by all States. 69. It is high time that the Security Council dis- charged its responsibilities as defined in the Charter raised by the practice of apartheid in South Africa. We shall be obliged to do so because such practices are inconsistent with the principles of the Charter, which demand universal respect for human rights, human freedom and human dignity. We shall be obliged to do so because such practices can have serious consequences for international peace and security. 74. But the question on which the future of South Africa hinges is whether the Government and the talented people of that country are prepared to con- front the stark realities of their situation and to make the stark choices that will determine whether their future is one of peace, prosperity and racial harmony or one of racial dissension, violence and upheaval. 75. This has been a year of heightened turbulence and turmoil in South Africa. It has been a year that 76. The response of the South African authorities to those developments has thus' far been one of con- fusion and vacillation. On the one hand we have seen the familiar and always futile resort to repressive measures in an attempt £0 stem the mounting pres- sures for change, as occurred this summer when hundreds of boycotting students and their supporters within both the white and 'the non-white communities were detained. At the same time, we have seen with increasing frequency the frank admissions by leading South African citizens that the policy of separate economic development, as most clearly embodied in the so-called homelands policy, has failed. Increas- ingly, whites are joining blacks in questioning the grand apartheid scheme. Government leaders and policy-makers, confronted with the growing evidence of the failure of the apartheid system, appear to be seeking some new alternative, as is clearly evidenced by the plethora of new constitutional schemes being floated and discussed. 77. I do not believe that we can ignore the ferment now taking place within South Africa, nor should we ignore the commitments to change, even if sometimes delayed or rhetorical, made by South African Gov- ernment officials, or the changes that have been insti- tuted during the past year. Clearly, there exists a greater debate among South Africans today. Clearly, there is an effort to administer apartheid with greater finesse. 78. We should,not denigrate the importance of those changes or of the evidence that sensitivity is greater today. Indeed, we applaud those changes. But neither should we delude ourselves about their true signifi- cance. It would be a serious mistake to interpret this growing recognition of the need for change as a sign that the Government and the white community have made a commitment to the fundamental structural changes that willbe required in South African society. For we have yet to see full political participation on the part of the majority of South African citizens in the government of their country. We have yet to see all South African citizens-participate in the decisions even with regard to those changes which are at pre- sent taking place. 79. The Republic of South Africa is today at a cru- cial juncture in its history: it must choose one of two paths in dealing with the legitimate demands of the majority of its people. One is the path of peaceful arrival at that political consensus which provides the basis for peaceful and democratic government among differing groups. The other is the path of further resistance to change. bring about far-reaching yet orderly change, and that .8 peaceful, albeit difficult, transition can be achieved where the people as a whole recognized that it is in their interest to do so. 81. .I do not mean to imply that the specific solution for Zimbabwe is the solution for South Africa. We are all aware of the considerable differences between the two countries and of the unique character of .the situation in South Africa. My Government has made a point of not proposing any specific blueprint for a settlement in South Africa. Indeed, we have stressed that such a design is for the people of South Africa -all the people of South Africa-to develop jointly. I believe, however, that the tragic years of warfare in Zimbabwe and the fragile process of reconciliation that is now under way in that society offer both a warning of the dangers of resistance to'change and the hope that a peaceful settlement in South Africa can yet be achieved. 82. The future of South Africa depends on the di- rection now to be taken by the people and Govern- mentof South Africain eliminatingthe policy ofapart- heid and on the realization by all its citizens of equal rights, including equal political rights, and a full and free voice in the determination of their destiny. 83. I am convinced that no progress will be made in South Africa until all South Africans, whatever their race, come together and find that level of accom- modation that will provide the basis for a just and representative Government. Here, too, the South African authorities appear to be making a tentative beginning by seeking to establish a new national forum within which discussions of the country's future might take place. But they must know that these efforts will remain suspect in the eyes of both black South Africans and the international commu- nity so long as certain segments of the population are excluded and so long as the agenda excludes any dis- cussion of the fundamental and far-reaching changes that must be undertaken if a just and equitable poli- tical and social order is to be established. 84. I strongly urge the South African Government to provide a signal of its readiness to begin a genuine dialogue with all its people. Such a signal could be made convincing through a variety of actions de- signed to correct injustices of the past and establish faith in the future: an unconditional amnesty to all persons imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their opposition to apartheid; an end to violence against peaceful demonstrators against apartheid, and against those in detention, including political prisoners; abrogation of the bans on political parties and orga- nizations opposed to apartheid; termination of all 94. As the number of independent nations increases there is a growing international will to put an end to discriminatory practices. Thanks to the momentum of liberation movements in Africa, the determination of South African majorities to achieve racial equality has been strengthened. None the less, there has been a concurrent increase in the economic and political power of the Pretoria Government, through a network of clear, although disguised, alliances. 95. My delegation has already ma.de ,an.~p~al ;n.t~ United Nations Council for Namibia for tile 'total demystification of this vital issue. South Africa is not only the incarnation of reprehensible forms of oppres- sion and disdain for the human being but also reflects an over-all balance of power which is contrary to our principles. 96. The persistence of a way of life bordering on slavery is only a seeming anachronism. Such systems survive because there are still forces that place their own economic and strategic interests before respect for the most basic human rights. Hence South Afric~ is the most arrogant bastion of the colonialist men- tality, against whose manifestations we fight in all forums in order to establish a new international eco- nomic order and more just relations among peoples. 97. Unfortunately, the apartheid regime is not only a remnant of the past but also a symbol of the present. While it perpetuates ancient forms of exploitation, it also inspires the struggles which are being wages this very moment, at different levels, by the developing countries, as well as the obdurate resistance that meets those struggles. 98. The global and complex character of the ques- tion of South Africa emerges clearly from the fact that it has proved impossible to apply the arms em- bargo decreed by the Security Council in its resolu- tion 418 (1977). On the one hand, the international community formally upholds a key decision. On the other, some members of that very community, using a strange double standard, let that decision be vio- lated and its objectives be frustrated. 113. In the same spirit, the nine European countries condemn the policy of creating bantustans practised by the South African Government and demand that this be ended. They have not recognized any of those artificial territories. 114. At the same time as we condemn the legislation on apartheid, we denounce the application of racist laws by what are often arbitrary and brutal means. The frequency of political trials and the number of political prisoners in South Africa bear witness to the systematic and merciless oppression of those who are 125. To this increasing international condemnation and indignation the South African regime shame- fully responds by continuing to adopt more repressive measures. This year's report of the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid [A/35/22] provides substan- tive information concerning the increased repression by the South African regime of the opponents of its system. The work of the Special Committee is extre- mely commendable and W'" should like, at this point, to express.here our sincere appreciation to the Special Committee for its tireless efforts to review all aspects of the policies of apartheid in South Africa and their international repercussions and to promote the widest possible dissemination of information on the crimes 4 See A/32/267. annex. 122. The inhuman policy 'of oppression, exploitation and discrimination that the Pretoria regime exercises over millions of black South Africans, whose main fault is that 'of not having been born white, remains unchanged. It has even been aggravated in a way that seems to reflect, on the part of the South African regime, complete disregard of and insensitivity to the increasing opposition of its innocent victims and the strong and unanimous condemnation of the interna- tional community. The racist regime of South Africa continues to thrive and flourish and the dignity and most fundamental rights and freedoms of the Africans of that country continue to be grossly violated. 123. The Charter of the United Nations is based on the dignity of all human beings and seeks, among other basic objectives, to achieve international co- operation in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, with- out distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. It has by now been accepted that any doc- trine or theory of racial differentiation or racial supe- riority is intrinsically false and has also been shown by history to be morally condemnable and to have at all times led to considerable social injustice and wars culminating in human destruction and extinction. 124. The racist regime in South Africa has formu- lated the philosophy and has institutionalized the doctrine that black people are inferior and has denied them their most fundamental rights and freedoms, imposing on them living conditions calculated to result in isolating and segregating them and preventing them from participation in the political, social and cultural life of their country. Because the fundamental characteristic of the system of apartheid is that its whole structure, be it legal, political or economic, is based on racial discrimination, inequality and injus- tice, it has been confronted over the years with the strong condemnation and abhorrence of the nations of the world that identify themselves with the op- pressed people in their relentless struggle to rid South Africa of racism, oppression, exploitation and plun- der. That is because the cause of human dignity, of man's fundamental rights, is a common responsibility that we must all, in whatever country, of whatever colour, of whatever religion, assume. 129. Cyprus for its part has no relations whatsoever with South Africa, having since its independence imposed trade, economic and other sanctions against ~h,?le-heartedly by the oppressed people of South Afnca and we are ready to support, as we have un- failingly done over the years, any initiatives of the United Nations that would facilitate and pave the way for the eradication of racial discrimination in South Africa. 130. The Cyprus Government strongly condemns the policy of bantustanization, under whichthe South African regime intends to crowd 70 per cent of its population into 13.5 per cent of its territory by an- nouncing the so-called independence of the bantus- tans, which are designed to consolidate the inhuman policies of apartheid, perpetuate white-minority domination and dispossess the African people of South Africa of their inalienable rights. The forcible uprooting of people and their mass transfer to other areas, in order to alter the structure of a country and produce its artificial dismemberment, violate the country's territorial integrity and the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people. 131. South Africa's policy of apartheid and racial discrimination constitutes one of the darkest pages of our time. It has become urgent-indeed imperative- that concerted efforts for the total eradication of the policy of apartheid be increased, especially by sup- plementing the arms embargo by comprehensive ' mandatory economic sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter. It is also essential that the struggle for freedom and self-determination be intensified. The example of Zimbabwe i~ encouraging and lights the way for the strugglingand oppressed people of South Africa. History has shown that the struggles of peo- ples that fight for a just cause, for their freedom and human dignity, always lead, however long it takes, to their liberation. The march of history is never re- versed and the struggle of people against apartheid, oppression and injustice will inevitably succeed.

There is hardly any other issue in international relations with respect to which the international community has achieved a higher degree of agreement that it has on the rejection of apartheid and the need for its elimi- nation, as a system that degrades human dignity and threatens international peace and security. There is virtual unanimity that apartheid is a crime against mankind, a crime which regrettably remains unpun- ished. 133. However, sine, :r has not been resolved, the question of apartheid is once again on the agenda of the General Assembly. To make matters even worse, the efforts being exerted to solve it are far from being commensurate with the objectives to be attained. 135. Once again, as on many occasions in the past, it has been proved that when it is not possible for a people to attain independence by peaceful means, it has to take up arms. The growing resistance of the people of South Africa is a case in point. It is be- coming ever more obvious that there comes a time of ever sharper clashes between the ruling minority and the oppressed majority, when the latter demands that its inalienable rights, which are guaranteed to every people under the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, be re- cognized. Simultaneously with the growth of that resistance, the people will also gain strength from the support of the international community for their libe- ration struggle. But his solidarity should be stronger, more comprehensive and more concrete. That is our obligation to an oppressed people, and its fulfilment is our contribution to the elimination of a focal point of crisis that is becoming more acute and global every day. 136. Instead of drawing the obvious conclusions re- garding the absolute necessity ofchanging the existing situation, the racist South African regime, like every other system based on coercion, is endeavouring by maintaining a reign of terror to crush the resistance of the people and to preserve its own vital positions and the interests of the ruling minority. 137. Following SowetJ and Sharpeville, the victims of South African terror are inrreasingly becoming a symbol of the liberation struggle. The historical myths concerning the absolute masters of the fate of that people have been dispelled. The struggle of the people of South Africa has become part of the general strug- gle for liberation from foreign domination. The belief that the amorphous mass will remain a victim of pri- vilege and interest in the race for profits is proving every day to be an illusion by which even its propo- nents can no longer be deluded. 142. The resolutions of the General Assembly have been calling upon Member States for a number of years to boycott and isolate South Africa and thus compel it to renounce its policy of apartheid. These resolutions urge the cessation of all co-operation with the racist regime in the political, military, economic and cultural spheres and in the field of sports. In'spite of this, according to the comprehensive report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, 38 States Members of the United Nations have diplomatic and consular relations with South Africa, while some countries also maintain close and active economic relations with that country. Hundreds of transna- tional corporations operate in South Africa. They assist in the over-all development of the South African economy. There is also close co-operation with South Africa in the military and nuclear fields, and the oil embargo imposed by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and the arms embargo based on the decision taken by the Security Council in its reso- lution 418 (1977) are ignored, circumvented or tacitly violated. We note with regret that co-operation con- tinues in the fields of sport and culture. All this gives cause for concern and impels us to suspect, and even to conclude, that the declarations and public con- demnations of the policy of apartheid that are heard at United Nations meetings are not conducive to effective action aimed at eliminating that remnant of racism from international life as the lowest form of deformation of the human conscience. 143. At the Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Maputo from 26 January to 2 February 1979, t.heir tirst summit meeting-the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade in 1961-Yugoslavia, within the limits of its capabilities, has been giving all-out sup- port and assistance to the struggle of the people of South Africa. We maintain close and friendly rela- tions with the liberation movements of South Africa. 145. Within the framework of the non-aligned movement and the United Nations and at other inter- national conferences, Yugoslavia has always called for broad international support for the struggle against apartheid and it is ready to support all measures and actions taken by the United Nations and the Security Council with a view to eradicating definitively from the soil of South Africa apartheid, racism, racial dis- crimination and colonialism, as sources of aggres- sion and instability and as threats to peace. In our opinion, such measures should be mandatory in character, based on Chapter VII of the Charter. In taking this position we are convinved that we are con- tributing to the implementation of the purposes and principles of the Charter, the establishment of peace and the strenthening of the independence of the coun- tries in that region, and that we are p-eventlng it from becoming an arena for the rivalry of I v"jprs in their quest for spheres of interest.

On 28 November 1975 the General Assembly proclaimed that "the United Nations and the international community have a special responsi- bility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements" [seeresolution 34// C (XXX)). 141. Faithful to its .commitments, the General Assembly year after year assesses the situation in South Africa with a view to adopting further mea- sures aimed at eliminating apartheid and establishing a democratic society based on justice and equality. 148. Since its thirty-fourth session, the General Assembly and the international community have witnessed important events in southern Africa. No doubt the most remarkable element is the victory of the people of Zimbabwe, which acceded to indepen- dence in April last. The triumph of the Patriotic Front is both an encouragement to the liberation struggle of the South African people and a resounding failure for the policy of hegemony and colonial and racist expan- f~(,lm colonial and racist domi~Ation. In South Africa, the world has witnessed the heroic resistance of the South African people to the oppression of the Pretoria authorities. The Burundi delegation wishes to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to that valiant people, whose progress on the path towards freedom com- mands the admiration of us all. In fact, in spite of the policy of barbaric repression of the racist South Afri- can Government, the South African people stood as one man against the apartheid regime. In this con- nexion suffice it to mention the demonstrations against that inhumane policy that have taken place, such as the national uprising of black students against racial discrimination in education, and the unprecedented strikes of black workers demanding a minimum living wage and recognition of their trade union rights. The boycotts of buses, the rent strikes organized by Afri- can groups, and the national campaign for the libera- tion of the great patriot Nelson Mandela and the re- lease of all political prisoners are all part of the fight of the South African people against the tyranny of the Pretoria authorities. 150. The Burundi delegation wishes to commend the progress of the armed struggle in South Africa, the main targets of which are South African police posts and the industrial installations that are strategic in the survival of that regime, which has been outcast by mankind, such as oil-from-coal processing plants and the weapons industry. 151. Within the framework of that over-all struggle, we cannot overlook the resistance of churches, members of the clergy and other forces of progress, which today is more visible than ever before in South Africa. 152. In the face of that heroic resistance the South African regime has stifled the voice of reason. In fact, instead of benefiting from the lesson taught by the liberation of African peoples and other peoples of the world, the Pretoria regime has chosen the course of violence. Not satisfied with the massacres it ordered against the peaceful demonstrators of.Sharpeville and Soweto, the South African racist regime has once again massacred children, students, mothers, workers and other adversaries of apartheid. It has just pro- mulgated new repressive laws in order to deprive the South African people of its basic rights and to muzzle the press which is not an accomplice to its ignomi- nious acts. 153. In its policy of escalating violence and aggres- sion not only against the people of South Af'ica but also against the peoples of the region, the racist South African regime has, one the one hand, ordered the torture of innocent persons and the passing of the death sentences in South Africa and Namibia, and, on the other hand, launched fr-quent attacks against Angola and Zambia, causing enormous material and human losses. The forces of aggression occupied vast zones of those sovereign States for long periods. The South African regime has also hatched subversive gimt~. The Sec~tity Cdinicil, the body which is en-' trusted with th~" main~~ance of international peac~;'l and security, has had those grave acts, which consti-, tute a threat to international peace and security.', brought before it. ',h 155. In its resolution 47~ (1980), the Security Coun-t: cil strongly condemned the racist regime of South. Africa for further aggravating the situation and for its ~ i massive repression against the opponents of apart-, J heid. It called upon the South African Government urgently to end violence against the African popula- tion, to end repression and to eliminate apartheid. That important body of the United Nations also called urgently upon the racist regime to release all political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela and all other black leaders with whom it must deal in any meaning- ful discussion of the future of the country. 156. We would also recall resolutions 454 (1979) and 475 (1980) of the Security Council, which condemned South Africa's aggression against the People's Re- publicof Angola,and resolution 466 (1980) which con- demned its aggressionagainst the Republicof Zambia. 157. Of course, as usual, the South African regime, knowing that it can always count on a negative vote in the Security Council and sure, therefore, that it can escape the effect of any binding measures that the Council might adopt against States that do not comply with its decisions, has not in any way res- ponded to those resolutions. 158. In the face of the South African regime's con- stant defiance of the South African people, the states of the region and the international community, our Organization has no alternative but to take effective measures to prevent the outbreak of a catastrophic conflict in that part of the world. 159. Most of the speakers who have spoken at this rostrum have quite rightly underlined the danger that the South African regime poses for mankind. Yet some delegations believe that the time has not yet come for the international community to adopt mea- sures of pressure and constraint against South Africa. Those who defend that thesis do not lack for argu- ments. Some blithely evoke non-violence; in other words, they propose that the South African people use only peaceful means to obtain their freedom. It goes without saying that this approach deliberately disregards the prevailing situation in South Africa. 166. In the light of all of this and in view of the in- transigence of South Africa, the delegation of Du- rundi fully supports the recommendations contained in the report of the Special Committee against Apart- heid [A/35/22, chap. Ill]. We wish to take this oppor- tunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to the members of the Special Committee against Apartheid in general and to its Chairman, Mr. Clark of Nigeria, in parti- cular, for the remarkable work which has been accom- plished during his term of office. 167. In connexion with the specific recommenda- tions which the Committee has brought to the atten- . tion of the General Assembly and the Security Coun- cil, my delegation would like to urge that the following measures be taken. 168. First, I.shall speak of the arms embargo agains! South Africa. In its resolution 418(1977) the Security Council decreed a binding arms embargo against 160. The South African people has been compelled to take up arms to struggle against its oppressor, which has at its disposal the most sophisticated of military means. Let us say from the start that there can be no comparison between the means of defence available to the South African people and the modern weaponry, consisting of tanks and combat planes, available to the South African army of oppression. 161. Let us recall that the advocates of non-violence themselves unleashed a merciless war against the Nazi regime whose philosophy corresponded to that of apartheid, since both are based on the concept of racial superiority. 172. Fourthly, on the question of stopping invest- ments in South Africa and the granting of loans to that country, the Burundi delegation unreservedly sup- ports the recommendations of the Special Committee. However, the Security Council's reluctance to take decisions prohibiting investments in South Africa and the granting of loans to the apartheid regime is regret- table. Taking advantage of that omission, some We~tern countries and many transnational corpora- tions make sizable investments and loans to the South African regime. For example, new plants for con- verting coal into oil represent an investment of more than $6 billion, according to the report of the Special Committee. According to the same report, a 120 mil- lion marks bond issue, as part of a governement loan, is to be placed on the market by a number of major European banks. The Finance Minister of the racist South African regime has said that the new issue is a mark of the confidence shown in South Africa by foreign countries. 175. Thus, the Burundi Government refuses to grant any landing or transit rights to aircraft arriving from or proceeding to South Africa. These measures have been dictated by the Burundi people's policy of soli- darity with the brother people of South Africa, to whom, on behalf of my Government, I express our wishes for further victories in its struggle for justice and equality. 176. Mr. SCHELTEMA (Netherlands): In his sta- tement on behalf of the nine States members of the European Community, the representative of Luxem- bourg voiced our common abhorrence of the apart- heid policies of the South African Government. The Netherlands Government fully subscribes to that statement and has repeatedly condemned that form of racial segregation and discrimination. 177. Apartheid arouses sharp indignation in my country and that is why my Government attaches the hi,ghest priority to its elimination. We reject apartheid because it constitutes a denial of the fundamental equality of man. The exploitation of the black major- ity, which is barred from attaining equality in the political, economic and social fields, must be rejected. We are opposed to the concept of separate develop- ment on a racial basis as being contrary to justice and to our moral convictions. 17P.. Blacks in South Africa are denied the most basic political rights. Thus, it is thought by the South African Government that the future for the South African society should be found in denying the black m~ority its rightful citizenship and relegating it to the impoverished outer fringes of the country. This prac- tice of deportation to the so-called homelands causes untold suffering to human beings. Their future is hopeless in thoseareas with no economic viability. Black unemployment testifies to that and constitutes a growing political menace to South African society as a whole. 179. The situation for the urban blacks in just as precarious. The harassment of those people, who are constantly reminded that they are strangers in their own country, is an insult to human dignity. To be sure, recent steps have been taken by the South Afri- can Government to soften the influx-control and grant the right of permanent settlement for certain cate- gories of urban blacks. Moreover, steps, have been announced that would mitigate the hated pass-law system. Although we, of course, welcome any alle- viation of the burden of the black population, the fact remains that only a minority has thus far benefited 183. The strikes of the past year in major branches of South Africa's industry point to the growing aware- ness of the non-white population that their living and working conditions are degrading. Ever since the Soweto uprisings, which resulted in the killing of hundreds of students, complaints have been voiced by non-white students about unequal treatment and the consequent lack of chances in future life. Those grievances have repeatedly been met with force, which was severely condemned by the international community. 184. Repression also characterizes the way in which the authorities treat dissidents in South Africa. Oppo- sition is stifled, and resort is frequently taken to poli- tical trials, arbitrary arrests, bannings and other forms of repression. The withdrawal, earlier this year, of the passport of Bishop Desmond Tutu, Secretary- General of the South African Council of Churches, is indicative of that practice. It shows that South Afri- ca's concept ofjustice and democracy is alien to the one generally accepted in the world. We call for the immediate release of the political prisoners in that country. 192. I now want to say a few words on steps taken by myown country. Wecontinue to withhold medium- term and long-term credit guarantees to South Africa. We have furthermore decided to expedite the denun- ciation of the cultural agreement with South Africa. Together with our BENELUX partners, we are in the process of taking the necessary legal steps to give effect to our common decision to impose visa requi- rements for South African nationals visitil)g our countries. 193. The Netherlands wishes to manifest its solida- rity with the victims of apartheid and their families. We therefore contribute to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa and to the International De- .fence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa-both of 185. That is apartheid as we see it: it stands out in a tragic way since its racism is entrenched in the law of South Africa. And it is neither dead nor dying as some seem to believe. It has, however, no chance to survive. We hope and expect that the future will belong to those who believe in a truly multiracial society based on equality and on a South Africa in which everybody will be allowed to participate in shaping the country's destiny. 186. None the less, the Netherlands Government does not wish to turn a blind eye to efforts from within South Africa towards meaningful change. Those 19.4. Finally, I would draw the attention of the As- sembly to the following considerations. The Nether- lands Government views the problem of apartheid in.the broader regional context of southern Africa. We have welcomed the emergence of the sovereign State of Zimbabwe. But the system of apartheid in South Africa and the unlawful occupation of Namibia remain sources of tension and a threat to peace and stability in the region. Their persistence has a destabi- lizing effect on the economic development of peri- pheral States as well. Conversely, we are convinced that positive changes which occur in the neighbour- hood and which satisfy aspirations to equal rights and human dignity, in the long run, cannot fail to make themselves felt in South Africa, thus promoting increasingly effective pressures from within. 195. My Government therefore has pledged sub- stantial financial, technical and expert aid to States neighbouring on South Africa. At the forthcoming conference to be, held at Maputo, the Netherlands Minister for Foreign Affairs intends to examine ways to contribute to the southern African States' objective of mutual co-operation and increased self-reliance. We urge other States to associate themselves with th~s important endeavour. 196. The aim of economic independence from South Africa is, of course, of particular relevance to further measures that might be taken against South Africa. My Government is consulting with other Govern- ments about the possibility of concerted action, including economic measures, to bring about peace- ful' change in South Africa. But we cannot overlook the detrimental effects ofmeasures on the economies of South Africa's neighbours. It is for this reason that the special aid programme of the Government of my country must not be viewed in isolation, but as a necessary complement to a policy aimed at peaceful change in South Africa and early independance for Namibil:l, the realization of which all of us in this Assembly must strive for.

Let me thank the Special' Committee against Apartheid and its Chair- man, Mr. Cla..k of Nigeria, for the exhaustive docu- mentation they have provided the General Assembly for its consideration of this item. 198. Sri Lanka speaks late in this debate and there are a number of other speakers yet to be heard. The statements made by the several speakers may appear repetitive. It may be said that this same story has been told year in and year out in this forum and elsewhere, but both the sentiments and the number of speakers are evidence enough of the international community's concern' and support for the struggle of the people of South Africa against the inhumanity and injustice of the system of apartheid. Few agenda items before the General Assembly have aroused as much interest as.this item. Equally, on very few items has there been s,uch overwhelming agreement or consensus, as re- flected in United Nations resolutions. However, there are certain nuances or shades of emphasis in the .

It is an accepted fact that apartheid has today become one of the most dangerous challenges faced by the international community, for apartheid is a backward ideology, the result of an imperialist men- tality that is linked to the myth of racial superiority created by Western imperialism in the countries under its domination. Today we still find peoples groaning under the domination of the systems of apartheid and struggling for the right to self-determi- nation and independence and to rid themselves of the racist regimes that have imposed on them the cruel- lest sort of oppression and injustice. Our duty, now more than ever 'Jefore, is to support the struggles of those peoples against the racist regimes and the dan- gers they represent, not only for them but also for all the peoples of the world in their common struggle against such regimes. 206. That is what is beingexperienced by the peoples of South Africa at the hands of the junta of the Pretoria regime, and by the Arab Palestinian peoples under the Zionist occupation regime. 207. The Special Committee against Apartheid has presented its reports [A/35/22 and Add.I-3], and I should like on this occasion to extend my thanks to the Committee and to its Chairman, Mr. Clark, for their valuable efforts to secure the implementation of United Nations resolutions designed to confront the challenge of the racist regime in South Africa. 208. We have noted from the report that the efforts of the United Nations to implement the resolutions adopted by the international community against apartheid have met with counter-efforts by some Western States i and particularly by the United States of America and its multinational corporations and by the Zionist entity, in order seriously to dilute the effect of those resolutions and to circumvent the blockade imposed on the racist regime in South Africa, in contravention of the relevant United Nations resolutions. 209. For instance we note that Security Council resolution 181 (1963) called upon all States to cease the sale and shipment of arms, ammunition ofall types and military vehicles to South Africa. Later that year the Security Council broadened its embargo. Moreover, the Security Council and the General Assembly have repeatedly expressed their concern over South Africa's growing military build-up and the Council adopted resolution 418(1977). That resolution called on all States to further prohibit contractual and licensing agreements relating to the production, sale and maintenance of arms, ammunition, military equipment and vehicles. States were called upon also to refrain from any co-operation with South Africa in the development of nuclear weapons. gutTer under racism and imperialism in any part of the world. 215. Iraq bas affirmed the right of all oppressed and colonized peoples to self-determination. Iraq tbere- fore strongly supports tbe struggle of the African people for ind~ndence and freedom and to over- come racism, racial discrimination and apartheid. It also provides material and moral support to tbose peoples in their struggle for freedom, humanity and dignity. Iraq will stand by tbe side of all peoples that strugle in order to achieve their just rights. 216. The General Assembly bas adopted the Inter- national Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX), annex] and the International Convention on the Sup- pression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid. lrak has ratified those instruments and would like to extend its welcome to the growing number of coun- tries that have adhered to those instruments. We call upon the countries that have not yet ratified them to speed up the completion of the formalities for adher- ence to them so as to achieve the noble objectives they aim at. 217. In conclusion, my delegation would like to pay a tribute to the heroic strugle ofthe people of Soutb Africa who have made and are continuing to make ernormous sacrifices in the face of the most brutal type 'of injustice and racial oppression; to the people of Namibia, led by their organization, SWAPO, in their struggle for freedom and independence; .and to 5 A/34/542, annex, sect. I, para. 76 6 See Report of the World Conference to Combat Racism and Rac'lat Discrimination, Geneva, /4-25 August /978 (United Na- tions publication, Sales No. E.79.XIV.2). N~tions for many years now has been almost unani- mQ~S in taking decisions branding the disgraceful system and practice of apartheid as a crime against mankind and as the most monstrous form of gross massive violation of human rights. Apartheid consti- tutes the cruelest form of tyranny; it is an affront to tlte human conscience and a gross form of fediance of the' peoples of the entire world as well as a threat to international peace and security. 219. The delegation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socia- list Republic, which fully supports tbis view ofapart- heid and which is deeply opposed to it as something extremely repugnant, would like to dwell on some of the main reasons for the resilience of that regime. 220. The racist South African regime enjoys the powerful backing of a number of imperialist Powers. whose collusion witb the racists is tbe main reason for the existence of apartheid and for the growth of its aggressiveness. The conclusion that it is preci- sely Western imperialism, and mainly the countries of the Nortb Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], that furnisb the main prerequisite for and conditions of tbe maintenance of the last hotbeds of colonialism and racism on the African continent, is recognized by the United Nations as an indisputable fact. The main- tenance of soutbern Africa under the control of the racists and colonizers is necessary for imperialist elements in order to satisfy their selfish strategic interests. It is precisely for this reason that the NATO countries are continuing and intensifying their politi- cal, economic, military, nuclear and otber collabora- tion with the Pretoria regime, the apartheid regime. 221. Witb tbe help and co-operation of a number of imperialist Western countries, the Republic of Soutb Africa has been converted into a bastion in the war against tbe national liberation movements in Africa. The member countries of NATO arm the racist regime of Pretoria so that it can impede and oppose progress towards political and economic liberation in Africa and so that it can function as a spring-board for coun- ter-revolution. The world is particularly concerned and apprebensive about the nuclear collaboration witb Soutb Africa" which constitutes a great danger to peace and security throughout the world. 222. In practice, this policy is carried out by means of close co-operation with the racist regime on the part of a number of transnational corporations and national monopolies of imperialist Powers. The trans- national corporations, with their tremendous eco- nomic power, not only ensure for themselves tre- mendous profits at tbe expense of the black and coloured populations of Soutb Africa, wbicb are oppressed by tbeir use as slave labour, but actually control the major natural resources of South Africa. It is precisely in this context that the role, tbe meaning, the machinery and the policies of the Western coun- tries and the activities of their monopolies in Soutb Africa become comprebensible and clear. The exis- tence of apartheid and its resilience are ensured by imperialism by means of enormous investments. including the establishment of majority rule. It IS indeed unfortunate that in spite of constant and con- tinuous pressure from the world community, the racist regime of South Africa continues brazenly to ignore all appeals from the world conscience once and for all to do away with the obnoxious and uncivilized prac- tice of apartheid. My delegation has noted that some influential intellectuals of South Africa have mooted the idea of white homelands in the midst of the black Africans in that country. In the view of my delega- tion, nothing short of the total achievement of major- ity rule by the people of South Africa can be accept- able to humanity at large in our era. Recently we have seen some press reports about relaxation by the S,;>Uth African Government of some of the harsh regulations against black Africans. Although that might be the result of pressure from both within South Africa and outside it, the concessions are, indeed, too little. There is very wide disparity, as in so many other spheres of life, in ed.ucational facilities grudgingly provided for black chtldren as contrasted WIth the liberal and universal facilities made available to white children. How long will it take for the white apartheid regime of South Africa to introduce compulsory education for black children on the same scale? No such concessions can ever be a substitute for full The meeting rose at 7./5 p.m,