A/35/PV.62 General Assembly

Once again this year the Assemblv finds itself under the imperative obligation of considering an item which for more than a generation has burdened our conscience, undermined our efforts, tarnished the reputation of the Organization and, as a matter of course, preoccupied the international community. There is no doubt that this question is no accident, nor is it the result of a temporary situation. It is unfortunately a system which draws its inspiration from an artificial set of values which has used one category of persons, essentially the blacks, as breeding stock and as labour to be exploited; in other words, it has reduced them to the role of mere beasts of burden. 2. Apartheid-for we must call this scourge by its name-continues even today to claim innocent victims and to transform the blacks on the lands of their ancestors into a machine for producing goods and services for the benefit of the white minority and certain multinational corporations all over the world. 3. The Organization has been controntedwlth this tragedy for a long time and rem-tins unable to act because it is hamstrung by the insidious ties between the racist regime of Pretoria and the colonial and imperialist Powers. The moral values which inspired NEW YORK the founders of the United Nations boldly to proclaim in the Charter that all human beings are born free and equal, have been trampled under foot by the very poeple who, on joining the United Nations, freely and solemnly promised to respect the fundamental prin- ciples of the Charter. 4. South African fascism, which still benefits even today from the collusion ofimperialism and Tel Aviv's zionism, continues to ~~fy the Organization and to stifle in bloodshed the cries of millions of human beings whose only fault is to' have opposed racial discrimination, oppression, exploitation, and the occupation of the land of their ancestors by fair-haired settlers from colder climes. 5. The Pretoria regime, while seeking over the years to change tactics by adapting itself to international developments, has nevertheless failed to change at all. This is clear from the essence of its policy, eve; rooted in separate development, called apartheid, and in the exploitation of the South African blacks. 6. Also, in South Africa, as has been the case with all similar regimes, religion is called upon to bolster an iniquitous philosophy that is losing strength throughout the world, because that philosophy is condemned by morality, justice and law. Objectively speaking, only the regimes that once made use of religion to occupy our lands, disrupt our social equilibrium, distort our moral principles and under- mine our cultural values can, in the name of a soli- darity that is quite understandable, lend their support to the Pretoria racists. 7. Colonial penetration of Africa was effected first by means of religious faith. When our hearts had been conquered by the cross, the colonizers, little by little, took away our lands, leaving us their cross. But very fortunately the Organization has refused and still refuses to lay down its arms in the sacred struggle it is waging against colonialism, racism and Zionism. Indeed, in 1979the General Assembly took a welcome step and adopted resolution 3.4'93 C, by which it decided to organize, in co-operation with the Organiza- tion of African Unity [OAU], an International Con- ference on Sanctions against South Africa. 8. The objective of that resolution was undoubtedly to get around the difficulties encountered on numerous occasions in the Security Council, when certain States, supporting South Africa to the bitter end, refuse to go along with the will of the international community and the wishes frequently expressed within the Organization, 9. Another decision of the Assembly that is no less important is to leave the seat in the General Assembly of the Fascist regime of Pretoria vacant, awaiting the day when the genuine representatives of the 12. It is necessary, indeed vital, that the Assembly appeal to the South African Government to respect the most elementary human rights and immediately free Nelson Mandela, whose struggle is in the spirit of the Charter. The Sharpeville massacre, which the South African racists carried out to put an end to the libera- tion struggle of the South African people, did not prevent the uprisings in Soweto, which were also put down with bloodshed. 13. Today, as before, the Pretoria regime does not seem able to draw the lessons of history. It does not seem to have understood that the South African peo- ple is also a people and .that the blacks are human beings. Above all, it does not seem to have understood that the yeaming for independence, freedom and dignity is not the aspiration of only one category of man but that of all men and all mankind. The example of other racist regimes throughout the world and the position of Zimbabwe, from which so many lessons c .., drawn, should have warned the supporters of ap•.ulheid in South Africa. Unfortunately, Pretoria's. racist philosophy, the obvious aim of which is to perpetuate exploitation and domination, cannot objectively renounce what constitutes its very raison d'etre. 14. As in Zimbabwe, so in South Africa the racists will thus sooner or later be compelled to face facts and grant the South African people its most sacred right, the right to life, independence and dignity. While the alliances with the imperialists and the agreements with the Tel Aviv racists may have delayed the process ofthe struggle undertaken by the South African people, supported by the OAU, the non-aligned movement and the United Nations, they. cannot' halt the wheel of history, which' will eventually crush the Pretoria regime and throw it on the scrap-heap of history. IS. Ala time when the United Nations and the international community are preparing to adopt effective measures against the Pretoria regime by organizing an International Conference on Sanctions against Apartheid, discordant voices are being raised once again in certain parts of the world concerning the resumption of the dialogue with the South African racists. In this connexion I wish to state, on behalf of 23. Alongwith other Members of the United Nations, we have continued to scrutu.ize closely the statements and actions of the South African Government in the hope that that Government would make a genuine effort to bring about fundamental changes in its racial policies. We therefore welcomed the statement made by one South African Minister during a recent over- seas visit that "We will not rest until racial discrimi- nation has disappeared from our statute books and everyday life in South Africa. These are beliefs shared by my Government." 24. We deeply regret that actions of the South African Government have fallen well short of this promise. For example, the three bills published in ,he Government Gazette at the beginning of this month provide only marginal improvements for certain urban blacks, while increasing the burden of discrimination on the majority and providing harsher penalties for offenders against apartheid laws. The new identity documents envisaged under the legislation make a mockery of the relevant Minister's professed commit- ment to abolish the offensive "dompass". 25. We have seen the Government of South Africa take similar initiatives in other fields during the year. Plans were announced for a new constitutional system which purported to grant a share of political power to the Coloured and Indian communities. These pro- posals, which ignored the black majority, were rightly rejected by the overwhelming majority of Coloured and Indian leaders as cosmetic. 26. As the Foreign Minister of Botswana said in the general debate: "That the whites in Soutt; Africa are desirous of preserving their racial identity and their culture is neither in dispute nor begrudged, except to the extent to which such identification becomesjustifica- tion for the defining of an individual's rights and status by his birth, assessing his worth by his colour or his race and determining where he will not work 2 A/34/439.S/13SIS, annex. ) See A/AC.IIS/L.S22. 45. The system of apartheid remains entrenched in South Africa, posing a serious challenge to the will of the international community. The fact that the present item has continued to appear on the agenda of the General Assembly for decades is a clarion call for the world community to face the challenge and intensify its struggle against racism and racial discrimination. Those issues have come to command worldwide interest, but with no results at all. 46. We feel that the United Nations bears a special responsibility towards sustaining and consolidating the forces of freedom against the tyranny of racism. The principles and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations provide a comprehensive framework for effective measures aimed at ensuring the rule of law and human dignity. The Members of the United If such an explosion occurs, it can easily involve the 59. Pakistan's traditional and total solidarity with peace of the world. . the, struggling people of South Africa is very well , known and needs no reiteration. We have been, within 54. We agree with the recommendation that the the constraints of our limited resources, extending forces opposed to apartheid should increase their every possible assistance on a regular basis for the vigilance and resources to strengthen the legal mea- eradication ofapartheid and also for the welfare of sures against collaboration with South Africa. In this the victims ofthat cruel system. Our stand is consistent connexion, we must recognize that the principles of with the basic principles of Islam, which uphold the freedom and equality which are so vital for the world dignity of all peoples irrespective of race, colour and order make it obligatory for all States to work for the creed and which vehemently condemn racism. Our total elimination of apartheid and racial discrimina- commitment to the struggle against the inhuman system tion. The international community must exert itself in o~. apartheid is a matter of deep conviction arising support o~ the struggl~ ~f the oppressed peoples of from the etemal precepts of our faith. In this context, South Africa and Namibia against the racist tyranny. at. ~he Eleventh Islamic C~nference of Foreign T~ that end, strict enforcement of and compliance Ministers, held at Islamabad ID May this year, the With the mandatory arms embargo against South members of the Conference strongly denounced the Africa instituted tinder Security Council resolution racist regime in South Africa and reaffirmed their 418 (!977) is imperative. My delegation also supports resolute support, economic, technical, material and the view that the time has now come for the Security moral, for the struggle for liberation of the peoples of Council to consider the application of necessary South Africa and Namibia. meas~~es u.nder Ch~Pter ynof .the C~arter to oblige 6,0. I should like to conclude by quoting a passage the regime ID Pretoria to give up Its racist, exploitative from the recent statement of General Mohammad ZI'a- ,and oppressive policies. ul-Haq, our worthy President of the Islamic Republic 55. At the same time, it is necessary for the intema- of Pakistan. Addressing the General Assembly on tional community to extend all possible moral and behalf of the Organization of the Islamic Conference material support to the liberation .movements fighting on 1 October 1980, the President underscored the a.gainst rac~st colorii~lislp..We:have a collective obliga- feelings of 900 million Muslims of the world v. hen he tion to assisr tnem m their struggle for the liberation said: of their peoples and territories. The front-line States, which have steadfastly participated in this battle against apartheid and have suffered over the years in terms of human and material losses, also need a concrete manifestation of our solidarity. . " 5~. This year, we. have witnessed a momentous development in the form of Zimbabwe's accession to independence. Not only Afric" but the entire third world and all freedom-loving countries rejoiced at that great victory for the cause of buman dignity and racial equality.We have 'no (loubt that the valiant struggle of.the people of Zimbabwe and their triumph will continue to inspire other national liberation movements, particularly the movement for the ljbera- tion .of the Namibian people who are engaged in a heroic struggle under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO]. 57. My delegation wishes to express its. deep ap- preciation to the Special Committee against Apartheid which, under the able chairmanship of Mr. Clark, has "The policies of racial discirmination, apartheid and minority rule being followed by South Africa are' repugnant to the letter and spirit of Islam and intemational morality. We are convinced that nemesis will overtake whosoever practises racism and apartheid or discriminates between one human being and another on the grounds of colour." [18th meeting, para. 45.]

For the last few days we have been meeting once again to review the progress, if any, attained in the'struggle against the apartheid system of the Govemment of South Africa. Our work is greatly'assisted by the report of the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid. It gives a clear picture ofthe situation, obtaining in. that region and enables us to consider with clarity the issues involved. For this reason my delegation takes this opportunity to thank the Chairman and the members of the Committee for their good work. Kenya intends to support the recom- mendations that the Committee has made. 65. In the face of the tyranny of the system of apartheid, which knows no bounds and under which the black people of the region continue to be treated like beasts of burden, the world community, and the United Nations in particular, cannot afford not to combat the system, taking all necessary and speedy measures to bring about its eradication. 66. In the efforts to eliminate that system, in the view of my delegation, the world community should reso- lutely adopt measures to ensure increased assistance to the liberation movements of South Africa, affording them all the necessary means to carry on the struggle more efficiently. We must demand the release of all freedom fighters and opponents of apartheid at present languishing in South African prisons. Other measures geared to this goal must also be adopted in the context of political, diplomatic, consular and other official relations with the racist regime of South Africa. 67. We note with regret that.despite the ever-growing diplomatic isolation of South Africa, several States Members of the United Nations continue to maintain official forms of relations with South Africa. Among these are those that have not yet ceased the sale and shipment of arms, ammunition of all types and military vehicles to South Africa. Furthermore, others are collaborating with South Africa in the'field of nuclear armaments, without regard to Security Council resolu- tion 418(1977)on.the mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. We take this opportunity to remind them that South Africa's huge military needs-arise principally refJime, encouraged by the conomic, military, diplo- matic and other support which it continues to receive from certain countries, remains one of the most 76. The information media deliberately played down the extent and intensity of the recent wave of black resistance in Azania, The impression was continually conveyed that the strikes were petering out and that this was due to the conciliatory attitude of the Prime Minister, P. W. Botha. In addition, the white-owned media in South Africa deliberately tried to create the impression that, rather than being a strike by black 81. After the mid-year vacation and demands by the Pretoria regime that black students should re- register-s-a move designed to exclude so-called agi- tators-there has been a continuation of the protests by the students, as a result of which schools in the eastern Cape and the western Cape have been closed indefinitely. The noted journalist Patrick Laurence, in a despatch to the Manchester Guardian, of 12 Sep- tember 1980, wrote that "Black schools in the Port Elizabeth-Uitenhage area have already been closed indefinitely because of the boycott. The rationale behind the decision to close schools in boycott-hit areas is that the boycotters use school grounds as gathering points from which to launch politically motivated 'agita- tion'. But closure does more than deprive black youths of assembly points. It puts pressure on education-conscious black parents elsewhere to persuade their children to return to school to forestall closure of schools in their own townships. "The latest round of unrest began at the. black township of Galeshewe, near Kimberley, after an 'invasion' ofa white residential area by black school pupils. One hundred .and twelve black teenagers, most of them girls, were arrested for public violence. For many, entry into the white area appears to have Wo.rke~s .Umon, Mr. Joseph ~avi, was detained; police indicatedthat they were 111vestigating charges against him under the Riotous Assemblies Act and 'the Sabotage Act, the latter carrying a maximum penalty of death. ' 95. It is very clearthat labour unrest is likely to spread in South Africa with the heightening of the levels of politicization and organization among black workers. Politicization and organization will not, however, come about by themselves but are the tasks of the national liberation movement which has to provide correct leadership and direction to the workers' movement. 96. The pressure on the white minority comes not only fr~m mass action on the part of the black majority who have begun to flex their muscles with increasing vigour and determination but also from the national liberation movements which are committed to armed struggle as the principal form of struggle for national liberation and self-determination of the colonized people of Azania. Guenilla warfare is already established in South Africa, although at this stage it is still limited in its impact upon most whites. However, it has assumed three forms: attacks upon white areas, attempts on the lives of blackcollabo- rators, and rural infiltration by guerrillas of the liberation movement. 97.. "Urban terrorism has come to stay in South Afnca for the foreseeable future", said the former Premier, Johannes Vorster, on a visit to an anti- terrorist training centre in September 1977. The first urban violence-then generally directed against property, not persons-took place in the early 1960s ID the wake of the banning PAC African National Congress of South Africa [ANe]. But that phase ended with the hanging ofa white man; Richard Harris, who planted a bomb in a Johannesburg station. In December 1976· a black man, lsaac Seko, opened a new phase of.urban violence when he entered a white restaurant in Johannesburg CarltonCentre and iqjured several people with a dynamite blast. Such incidents, none ofthem involving loss of life, followed in several parts of the country. The notorious former Minister of Police, Jimmy Kruger, publicly warned ·that'large numbers ofpeople who had left the country for guerrilla training were now returningand police were on a round- the-clock look-out for them. .. SeeReport ofthe Commission ofInquiry into Labour Legisla- tion, part. I, R.P.47/1979 (Pretoria, The Government Printer). enac~e~ permits registration under extremely stringent conditions. 91. Fourteen independent trade unions formed themselves into the Federation of Southern African Trade Unions. These unions have been among the most active of the country's unregistered unions. One ofthe affiliates of the Federation, the militant United Auto- mobile, Rubber and Allied Workers' Union, organized a strike in mid-June, following the police killings of at least 60 people in the western Cape, which crippled the automobile industry in the eastern Cape at a time of so-called booming car sales in South Africa. Approximately 16 automobile and automotive parts f~~~or:~s, some of them American-owned, were af- k -I the strikes. The union ultimately secured for the rkers a 20 per cent wage increase. 92. Arrests and detentions, bannings and other intimidatory tactics have failed to cow black workers, who have increasingly resorted to strike action even though such strikes are illegal in South Africa. In July, more than 18,000 black workers at the SASOL-3 oil- from-coal plant were laid.off for a few days following labour unrest at a construction site, which halted the project. Workers complained of harassment by the army, which had been brought in to beef up security at the plant after the sabotage attack by guerillas in June, Workers also suspected that a fellow worker who died in mysterious circumstances, had been killed by troops. ' 93. July also saw strike action by black workers in other areas. At the De Beers diamond mine in Kim- ori~ in< the Carlton Centre inJohannesburg, in which' sev~ral white,~were il\iured. Petrol~ombs and ~Yilamite have been used. ' 99. Blacks attacked include police, men serving on government-created institutions like urban Bantu councils and people suspected of being inforroers;a number have been killed. Early in July 1978, a black detective, Orphan Chaphi, was shot as he entered his,' house in Soweto and died from his wounds. He had escaped a petrol attack in 1977. South African'police were extremely worried to' discover that the weapon used was a Russian Tokarev machine-pistol. The South African News Agency 'reported the imprison- mentof two African women patriots 'who fire-bombed the Soweto home of a State witness in the "PAC Bethal 18" trial, and other news media'have reported the liquidation of similar witnesses in othertrials. The Sunday Times of London of 25 May 1980 reported that: "More than 10Security Branch undercover agents have been assassinated after infiltrating organiza- tions [in South Africa] and abroad." 100. Rural terrorism was confirmed for the first time in April 1978 in a press interview by the Security Police Chief, Brigadier C. F. Zietsman. He said that there bad been several gun battles between guerrillas and the South African police in the eastern Transvaal near the Mozambique border. Shortly afterwards it was announced that a new army base was to be established at Phalaborwa in the eastern Transvaal. I quote the following from the report of a press interview with Brigadier Zietsman: ' "People must not think this is a recent phe- nomenon with simple solutions. Ithas been goingon for a long time and is more complicated than people realize. We are now picking the fruits of years.of work by those who fled the country in the 1960s. He added that the recent large-scale intensi- fication of guerrilla activity was partly the result of the change in the status of South Africa's neigh- bouring States: guerrillas are now receiving training and support closer to home. However, he said they tried not to engage South African forces forfear of embarrassing their hosts. Like all guerrilla move- ments they prefer to spread their activities over as wide an area as possible." 101. A steel ring on South Africa's borders was beingmanned by the South African police. As reported by the periodical To The Point of 28, April 1978, Brigadier Zietsman said: "It is no longer child's play; it is an extended onslaught we are facing." Since then he has said that about 2,200 "potential terrorists" had been brought to court under security legislation. More than 350 had received sentences of longer than two years. 102. During a radio interview in which be claimed that tbe security police had "arrested 23PAC terrorist infiltrators from abroad", former Minister of Police, J. T. Kruger, stated: 103. Although it is true that the collapse of butter States along South Africa's borders hasgreatly assisted the liberation movements" waging ettective armed struggle in Azaniadepends, on the organization and determination' of the underground movement inside the country. As Was recognized by delegates to the important Consultative Conference of PAC at Arusha, the 1976 national uprisings created favourable condi- tions for the intensification of the armed struggle. The principal elements in that historic struggle were the mass organizations of schoolchildren and students, Veterans of the Soweto Students' Representative Councilin Johannesburg, the YoungComrades Move- ment in Cape Town and the nation-wide South African Students' Movement-all three organizations having been banned in October 1977-havejoined the national liberation movement, bringingwith them a new vitality and also enhancing the chances of a successful symbiosis between the internal, resistance and the externally based movements. 104. The programme of action drawn up by the Con- sultative Conference was based on the experiences of veteran members of PAC combined with the fresh experiences of the cadres produced by the 1976 uprisings. Swift implementation of the programme, as acknowledged by Kruger himself, was made possible by the realistic knowledge of the concrete situation inside Azania. 105. The South Africanarmy has seen how incountry after country revolutionary forces have ultimately overcome well-equipped armies of repression and seized political power. Y~t the wbite population hopes that somehow South Africa will be an exception. 106. Simultaneously with the internal and regional' pressures, international pressure against South Africa has been mounting steadily with the OAU, the non- aligned movement and the socialist countries cam- paigning for, inter alia, the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions against the regime under Chap- ter VII of the Charter of the United Nations on the grounds that the perpetuation of apartheid in South Africa constitutes a threat to international peace a.nd security. The major Western Powers-Britain, the United States, France. and West Germany-s-have been opposed to the imposition of economic sanctions not only because of their economic interests in South Africa but also because of their need for strategic raw materials. Reflecting Westem opposition to economic sanctions against South Africa, Rotberg argues that ~present a response to the pressures for economic sanctions, The argument that has been used to justify continued economic involvement in South Mrica is that transnationals, by promoting fair employment practices, will undermine the system of. apartheid. The fallacy of ,this argument. has already been allalysed by many. As former Senator Dick Clarke pointed out: "The net effect of American investment has been to strengthen the economic and military self- sUffleien~yof South Africa's apartheid regime." 109. The United Nations Centre against Apartheid has also begun to mobili~e' for economic sanctions against South Africa. A preparatory meeting was held at Geneva from 30 June to 3 July 1980 and an Interna- tional,Conference on Sanctions is planned for 1981. f.Q~ '0, '~JQS'~fy Iin1,{ed with the campaign for economic sanctions has be'e!l1a mounting campaign for the with- drawal of foreign investments in South Africa. In the United States, for example, as a result of the divest- ment movement rlaunched by students and anti- aparthfid organiZations, a number ofuniversities have withdrawn their shares or sold their stocks in multina- tionalcorporations and other businesses with invest- ments. in South Africa. These include the prestigious Cornell University of New York State, the University of Wisconsin and the five colleges of Amherst, Massachusetts, with pressure mounting at hundreds of other universities. ill. In November i978 more than 1,300 delegates assembled at New YQrk University under the auspices of the North-East Coalition in Support of Liberation in South Africa to co-ordinate strategy on the divest- mentcarnpaign and other solidarity work. A former United, States Ambassador to Ghana, Franklyn Williams,observed: •'The most articulate social protest movement since the Viet Nam war is accelerating from coast to coast... the drive to force American business out of South Africa." 112. The Pretoria regime is mindful of the fact that it was in the university campuses in the United States and elsewhere in the West that the most formidable movement against the United States war of aggression in Indo-China was built up. Indeed, South African propaganda offices in these countries are flooding not only universities but also high schools with glossy merits in the Western countries to adopt meaningful ,policies against' the South African apartheid regime. ,The divestment 'movement in the Western countries ..would be assisted too if African countries adopted punitive measures against multinationals with invest- iments in South Africa. Nigeria, for example, has nalready given notice that it will blacklist foreign :companies which have investments in South Africa. .J13. The drying-up of 91 per cent of Pretoria's oil supply following the decision of the new Government .in Iran to ban the, sale of oil to the racist regime has fuelled the campaign for the imposition of an oil embargo against South Africa. The effect ofthe Iranian decision is described by Rotberg as follows: "In 1979 the, loss of Iranian oil supplies cost mostly'white consumers dearly. Their gasoline became among the m9stexpensive~$~.4S a gallon-in the world. Speed limits were cut back and gas made unavailable on weekends." The regime hastily enacted legislation prohibiting publication of any information relating to the existing supplies or future sources of oil. 114. A study completed by two British researchers, Martin Bailey and Bernard Rivers, in 1978,before the fall of the Shah, concluded that South Africa was vulnerable to oil sanctions and that such sanctions could beeffectiveiy imposed. Their calculations were that South Africa's 1978 oil supplies could hold out only for up to 30 months, with enormous economic disloca- tion long before the reserves were exhausted. The fictitious five-year stockpile of oil was exposed by the calculations which showed that it would require 6~0 million barrels at a cost of $9.9 billion at 1978 prices to stockpile that amount of oil. 115. The oil crisis in South Africa not only. affects civic transport, factories, mines and agricultural industries but also gravely affects the mobility of the security forces-the police as well as the army, navy and air force. The investment of millions of dollars in exploration for oil on land and in the sea-bed has, thus far proved fruitless. While South Africa admittedly has the largest known deposits of coal in Africa, the decades-old expensive attempts to meet the country) oil needs through the conversion of oil.....-oflate vigorously aided by the Fluor Corporation, based in Los Angeles~will by 1982 provide just 13percentofthe country's oil needs. The Government- funded magazine, To The Point, openly admitted that South Africa would have to rely on clandestine means to secure oil. 116. An international seminar on an oil embargo against South Africa was held in Amsterdam, from 14 to 16 March this year and at the thirty-fifth session of the Council of Ministers of the OAU, held at Freetown from 18to 28 June a resolution was adopted calling for the strict imposition of oil sanctions against South Africa [see A/35/463 and Corr.l , annex I]. A committee of experts has been appointed to examine ways and means'of effectively implementing the oil embargo imposed by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC]. 119. The election of P. W. Botha as the successor to Vorster as leader of the ruling National Party and hence Prime Minister ushered in a period of rhetoric about change, exemplified by Botha's admonition to the white population that they would have to either "adapt or die". In keeping with this thesis, Botha has proceeded to embark upon what has been termed a "total strategy" for continued white rule. This envisages the abolition of racial discrimination in certain spheres, the integration of blacks into the economy with a view to promoting a black middle class with strong interests in capitalism, and hence in defending the status quo, and the establishment of structures to promote collaboration between the Government and those blacks whom it chooses. This was described by Rotberg in an article entitled "South Africa under Botha: how deep a change" in the spring 1980 issue of Foreign Policy: "Botha wants to encourage economic opportu- nities for blacks removing barriers to their advance- ment in industry, dismantling obstacles to the accumulation ofblack commercial power in the black cities, and generally limitingdiscriminatory practices in economic spheres. Botha's economic adviser, Simon Brand, recently made this point: " 'Blacks must be allowed to take part fully in the free enterprise system if we want them to accept it, defend it and make it their own' ". 120. All the changes envisaged by the regime are aimed at creating for blacks an illusion of power while control is retained in white hands. A perfect example of this is the constitutional proposals made by a " ... Botha's strategy has a limited likelihood of success. It may bring real benefits to Africans, but to them it still represents too little too late. They are no longer content with the modest modernization of social and economic apartheid. They want fun- damental alterations in the very structure of society of a kind that Botha is not yet ready to concede. "Vocal blacks ... want to participate fully in the process ofGovernment. They want a voice inmatters that affect their lives and the destinies of their children". 123. While recognizing the need for change in order to "avert black' revolution", Botha has also been at pains to reassure his white populace that he is not about to let power slip from white hands. As a consequence, his conciliatory rhetoric has been accompanied by arrests, detentions and the enactment of repressive legislation. For instance, hi response to a plea from the "Coloured" Labour Party for equal citizenship rights for all South Africans, he angrily replied that there would never be "one man, one vote" in South Afric> Similarly, his response to the campaign for the relea ~ of Nelson Mandela, the leader of ANC serving a life sentence on Robben Island, was that Mandela would never be released. 127. Legislation has been enacted making it illegal to publish the names of detainees except with the approval of the r', ":. The effect of this legislation is that persons mea)' simply disappear from society. During the uprisings in the western Cape in June this year, journalists were prohibited from entering areas where there were confrontations between the police and blacks; instead, the police permitted only local journalists who had been "vetted" by the police Directorate of Public Relations to enter. 128. Botha's idea of a "constellation of southern African States" was partially a recognition of the geo- political changes which have occurred in the sub. continent as well as a response to the pressures for change which the liberation of Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe precipitated. Under this scheme, Pretoria held out the promise ofeconomic co-operation with and assistance of independent African States wimng to enter into such an economic and military alliance with the white racist regimeand its bantustans. 129. While offering peaceful coexistence and eco- nomic co-operation, Pretoria has not hesitated to commit aggression against. neighbouring States ;and to threaten action against African countries offering sanctuary to freedom fighters. Witness the aggression committed against Zambia and Angola, which has caused millions of dollars' worth of loss of property to those countries and at the same time has resulted in regime has demonstrated that while engaging in rhetoric about the need for "reform", it is determined to pursue its policies of apartheid, which have been declared a crime against humanity. At the present 133. The Quail Commission showed that half of all the Ciskei's children of two and three years old were malnourished. Dr. Trudi Thomas, who helped to conduct the survey, described their plight: "Most were just stunted like mealie plants in a drought-stricken field. One in 10 in the towns and one in six in the country were actually suffering from kwashiorkor and marasmus. 134. The South African press in recent weeks has focused upon the severe drought which has brought hardship to the Ciskei and other bantustans. The drought, which extends to areas in the eastern Cape and Natal which normally have good rainfall, has highlighted the rural poverty in the bantustans, but it has not caused the problem in the first place. The destruction of maize crops, the drying up of traditional water supplies, and the emergency "importation" of both food and water all testify to the serious situation confronting the inhabitants of the bantustans. 135. Migrant labour, one of the pillars on which the modern economy was built up, has had a detrimental effect on agriculture in the bantustans, depriving them of able-bodied men and disrupting life generally. Professor Jill Natrass, of the University of Natal says that "It has contributed to the underdevelopment of the African... areas." The extent of their underde- velopment can be delineated by a few relevant figures: urban black incomes are nearly four times as high as those of rural blacks; per capita national output in the bantustans is less than in all but 10independent African countries, according to the Pretoria-based Bureau for Economic Research; and an infant mortality rate of 240 per 1,000 in the Transkei must be set against 60 for urban blacks and 12for whites. 136. The pursuit of apartheid has been accompanied by detentions, bannings and banishments under the repressive laws of the regime, rationalized on the grounds of "national security". During the past 12 months which, as we have indicated have been characterized by heightened resistance, leading opponents of the regime have been banned; for example, the 75-year-old veteran Helen Joseph, leaders of the Black Consciousness Movement like Curtis Nkondo, former President of the Azanian People's Organization, and Fanyana Mazibuko of the Council for Higher Education have been banned. Opponents of racism in sport like M. N. Pather of the non-racial South African Council on Sport have been harassed and intimidated; in fact, Mr. M. N. Pather had his passport confiscated on the eve ofhis departure for New York where he was to take up a consultancy with the United Nations Centre against Apartheid. co~munity to play, and therefore we make this appeal to It. 143. Mr. NIKULIN (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): The question of racial discrimination in South Africa has been examined by the General Assembly since its first ses- sion. The United Nations has frequently condemned the policy ofapartheid practised by the South African authorities as a crime against humanity and a policy which is incompatible with human rights and human dignity and the principles of the Charter and a serious violation of international peace and security. 144. Nevertheless, the situation in South Africa today quite rightly gives rise to the indignation and concern of ~he entire ~orld community. The Pretoria regime, which has raised apartheid to the level of a state policy and ideology, continues the mass suppression of the elementary human rights of millions of native Africans. SharpeviJIe and Soweto have become synonyms for bloody reprisals against the native population of the country and racist attacks by the Fascist South African racists. In their oppression of the non-white population of the country the South African authorities resort to typically Fascist methods. Thousands of opponents of apartheid are thrown into prison without trial or investigation. Peaceful demon- strations are splattered with lead, and patriots and leaders of the Anti-Apartheid Movement are threat- ened by prison terms and death penalties. 14S. The General Assembly and the Security Council have frequently demanded that an end be put to the criminal policy and practice of apartheid. However, the Pretoria regime continues to follow the same path ofintensifying its policies and stepping up its Draconian measures against the native African population of the co~ntry and carrying out the policy ofbantustanization, which has been condemned by the United Nations. 146. The proclamation of so-called independent bantustans has as its obvious aim dividing the African people. and depriving them of their land and property, legalizmg the establishment of territories without rights which are dependent on and under the authority of South Africa and hindering the growth of the national liberation movement. On the other hand bantustanization creates a cheap source of manpowe; that facilitates the over-exploitation of the native population by South African and Western monopolies and ensures that the latter can extract their super- profits. 147. The United Nations has condemned the creation of South African bantustans in the Transkei, Bophu- thatswana and Venda and declared it to be unjustified itse.I~, not one State has recognized those puppet .ennnes, ' .l48. As previous speakers have already pointed out, J~he Pretoria regime carries out its policy of apartheid ,lllso in Namibia, which it occupies illegally. Despite 'the demand of the Security Council and the General Assembly that it put an end to its illegal occupation af t:'la~ibian territory, the apartheid regime of South Africa mcreases and intensifies its massive repression bf the Namibians, and in particular the members of ~WA~,. It is Increasingly activating and stepping up Its ~Ihtary prese.n~e in the country and is using the territory of Namibia as a stagmg area for aggression against neighbouring sovereign African States. While seeking to conceal this with hypocritical statements to the effect that it is ready to seek a political settle- ment in Namibia, the Pretoria racists are attempting t~ ~et up and co~solidate a neo-colonialist puppet regime In that Territory. 149. There is no question that South Africa could not continue its criminal policy of apartheid and its illegal occupation of Namibia or carry OIUt acts of aggression against sovereign African States, ignoring the decisions of the United Nations and the demands of the world community, if it did not enjoy the continuing comprehensive support and assistance of the principal Western countries, the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO). The maintenance of that nucleus of colonialism and racism in southern Africa serves the long-term selfish political, strategic and economic interests of certain imperialist States, which see in South Africa a bastion of racism, a base for the struggle against independent Africa and a military staging-area and beach-head in the South Atlantic and Indian Oceans. ISO. The very existence of the apartheid regime would be impossible without the support of the West. It is precisely thanks to the support and assistance on the part of certain Western countries that the military potential of the apartheid regime continues to grow. As a result of the co-operation of the NATO countries with the Pretoria regime, the nuclear potential ofSouth Africa is also developing, and this poses a threat not only to the African countries themselves but also to international peace and security. 151. There is no need to go into great detail on the comprehensive and increasing co-operation with South Africa by the principal Western Powers and their monopolies. It is sufficient to note that foreign invest- ment ir South Africa at the end of 1978 was $27 billion, and South Africa's foreign trade was more than $13.5 billion. It is characteristic that the principal trade partners of South Africa are the same Western countries which in the United Nations speak of con- tinuing the so-called dialogue with the South African racists, which only plays into the hands of the Gov- ernment of South Africa. 152. Western banks finance the South African racist regime. The availability of international credit and