A/35/PV.69 General Assembly
THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION'
OffICial Records
Page
116. The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security l. Mr. DAUDLIN (Canada): At the beginning of this year an overwhelming majority of the General As- sembly condemned the g~ave breach of int~rnati0!1al peace which was committed by the Soviet Union through its armed intervention in Afghanistan. In reso- lution ES-6/2 the Assembly reaffirmed the fundamental principle of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Members of the Organization and called for the immediate, uncon- ditional and total withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. It is a matter of deep regret to Canada that, more than nine months after the States Members ofthe United Nations joined in condemning aggression against one of its Members, the Soviet military presence in Afghanistan continues, and so does the suffeling that it has brought with it. 2. The actions of the Soviet Union and its friends in Kabul over the last nine months would seem to have conclusively contradicted their own arguments justifying the military intervention. The introduction of so-called limited military contingents at the request of the Afghan leader allegedly to rescue Afghanistan from external aggression can now clearly be seen as a disguise for direct and massive intervention and long-term involvement. The leader who It.was cl~lme.d had requested assistance from the Soviet Union IS dead and hundreds of his' supporters have been removed from Government and, in many cases, have shared the same fate as their leader. 3. The level of Soviet military involvement, in spite of an announcement earlier this year of partial with- drawals, has not in reality been reduced and no~ numbers close to 100,000 men. The Government ID Kabul that was supposed to have been resisting external aggression with the help of Soviet Forces now finds the administration in many key positions being carried out by so-called advisers from the Soviet Union. In reality, either directly or indirectly, the administration of government in Afghanistan has NEW YORK largely been taken over by the Soviet Union and its agents. 4. The facts remain the same today as they have been from the outset of the Soviet invasion; that is, Soviet forces are not defending Afghanistan against anything. The Soviets are themselves the aggressors, and with each passing week the horrors inflicted upon the people of Afghanistan by this aggression are increased. 5. A stark indication of the near total rejection of both the Soviet presence and the compliant Soviet- supported Government in Kabul has been the inspiring resistance of the Afghan people to an alien army of occupation. In conditions of privation and often great danger, they continue their struggle. While the full extent of the fighting is not known, it is evident that through the use of sophisticated military hardware large numbers of civilians have been killed, villages destroyed and the economy hopelessly disrupted. 6. A further dimension of the tragedy is the spectacle of the flight of hundreds of thousands of refugees into exile. They are for the most part simple people who possess few of life's material benefits. They know, however, that they wish to live according to their own governmental, political and social system and to practise their own religion without interference. The current situation of those people, gathered in refugee camps and deprived of their means of livelihood, is a shocking reminder of the oppressive nature of the Soviet-backed regime in Kabul. 7. It must also be recogmzeu that the suffering of the people of Afghanistan constitutes a grim reminder for all those who live in the shadow of Soviet power. The invasion of Afghanistan has revealed that the Soviet leadership has been prepared to unleash its military might to intervene in a neighbouring country which could not possibly in any way threaten it-nor ever' has. Independent nations bordering that huge country are fully justified in their feelings of appre- hension. How can the future be faced by them, or indeed by any of us, with confidence if a powerful nation reserves to itself the right to subjugate its neighbours at will? We must work toget~er to e~sure that in the future the Charter of the United Nations, with its concerns for the protection of the rights of small States, will be honoured. 8. The consequences of the Soviet intervention for the people of Afghanistan and the threats to the coun- tries of the region are all too evident. Another con- sequence has been the dam~ge it has done to .the interests ofthe world community as a whole. A ternble price has been paid as a result of the generation of the atmosphere of tension and distrust which has come to permeate East-West relations. 9. Canada believes that for the peace and security of all the world it is of paramount importance that the 15. We take particular note of the reference in the draft resolution to the need to preserve the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and non- aligned character of Afghanistan. We also endorse the attention it directs to the plight of the refugees. We very much hope that the proposal that the Secretary- General appoint a special representative to work towards a political solution will lead to real progress. 16. Finally, we hope that the adoption of this draft resolution will cause the Soviet Union, mindful of its responsibilities as a great and immensely powerful nation, to think again, and to allow the people of Afghanistan to decide their own future, thereby reversing the backward step the Soviets have taken towards the re-establishment of colonialisrn-c-just as colonialism was disappearing from the face of the earth. 17. Mr. McHENRY (United States of America): Less than a year ago the conscience of the world was shocked by the grim events in Afghanistan: a massive invasion by Soviet armed forces, the overthrow of the Amin regime and the killing of its leaders, and the launching of a campaign of violence and terror against the Afghan people by Soviet forces and their Afghan surrogates. 18. There is nothing new in the Soviet Union's use of force to maintain its dominion over other nations. The pattern set in 1953, when Soviet troops put down the East German workers' uprising, was repeated in 1956 in the bloody suppression of the Hungarian revolu- tion and in 1968 in the destruction of Czechoslovakia's experiment in liberalization. Now, in 1980, the Soviet Union has gone beyond Eastern Europe to assault the independence of a non-aligned and Islamic nation-a nation intensely proud of its culture and religion. 19. Its attack and the cynical demand that client States recognize the reality of military occupation are in blatant violation of the most important prin- ciples of international law and the Charter: that a State must not use force against the territorial and political independence of another State; that a nation must settle international disputes by peaceful means; that all States must respect the principle of self-determina- tion; and that human rights must be respected by all Governments. 20. The Soviet intervention and occupation was also -and remains today-a serious threat to the security and stability ofan important and strategic region of the world. who oppose tyranny. But the cost of their struggle has been high. Even as we meet today, more Afghan freedom fighters are dying, and more fields and villages are being laid waste as Soviet forces use the tactics of terror to impose a Soviet peace. Their tragedy is unfolding in a country which, .since its independence I 'he Afghan nation has at no time been under any obligation to a foreign Government, nor will it ever be. The nation has always been free and will Those words ring even louder today than then, for we are now witness to this same stubborn resistance in defence of honour and.in defence of national rights. 32. Members of the United Nations have an obliga- tion to find a solution to this impasse in accordance with the principles of the Charter. The draft resolution weare nowconsideringoffers a constructive approach. Yet some delegations have attempted to characterize supPort of this draft resolution as an unfriendly act. The real unfriendly act was the invasion of Afghani- st"n. This draft resolution deserves the support of every Member of this body. It has three elements Which are essential for a solution and the United States is firmly committed to them: the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan; the right of the Afghans to self-determination, free from outside intervention; and the need for a peaceful solution of the problem based on the sovereignty, the territorial integrity and the non-aligned character of Afghanistan. 33. The draft resolution also addresses the tragedy of the Afghan refugees with an appeal for continued relief aid and a solution that will enable them to return to their homes. The flood ofrefugees, now more than 1.2 million in Pakistan and several hundred thousand more elsewhere, represents one tenth of the population of Afghanistan. Their flight is further dramatic evidence of the upheaval and suffering the Soviet invasion has caused. 34. Finally, this draft resolution goes a step beyond that of 14 January by expressing the hope that the Secretary-General ." ..' appoint a sSJecial representative with a view to prom..J~.4g a political solution in accord- ance withthe provisions ofthe presentdraft resolution. 35. In the past the Soviet Union has shown no willing- ness to discuss a political, settlementexcept on the basis of formulas of its own which ignore the need for the prompt withdrawal of Soviet troops. Such fonnula- tlons, which essentially seek to preserve the present Ka~ut r6gime, are no solution to the plight of Afghanistan. They offer neither peace nor freedom for the Afghan people. Nor do they offer any prospect for meeting the security interests of the region in question or oft~ rest of the world,. or indeed the security interests bf the Soviet Union. 36. In cont(ast, the approach of the draft resolution we are now considering offers a new opportunity for' Moscc>w to change its course and re meet its international obligations. It points the way towards a genuinely independent, non-aligned and neutral Afgha..'\istan, free of foreign troops, free of foreign intervention and with a Government acceptable to the Afghan people. Such an outcome would deliver Afghanistan from its present ordeal and it would pose no threat to the legitimate interests ofthe Soviet Union in the security of its borders. The United States sup- ports a political settlement based on those principles. 39. The recourse to force, interference in the internal affairs ofa State 'and violation of its territorial integrity, not to mention the aftermath ofsuffering and grief for the Afghan people, constitute intolerable and unjustifiable aggression that threatens not only the stability of the region but also international peace and security. 40. However, in the face of all that, on those occa- sions we expressed the hope that the Soviet Union would fulfil its respo.nsibilities within the international community, put an immediate end to its intervention and withdraw its forces from Afghanistan in order to enable the Afghan people freely to decide its political, religious, economic, and social future free of interference of any kind. We waited and hoped in vain. It is neatly a year since, under the unbelievable and tragically absurd pretext of a treaty of friendship that permitted military assistance aimed at over- throwing the very Government that was supposed to have requested it, Afghanistan was invaded. In the course ofthe months since then approximately 2million Afghans have had to flee their occupied country. In their poverty and their grief, deprived of everything, they bear: poignant witness to a people crushed, a people that. some wiJh to humiliate. 41. We shall vote in favour of draft resolution A/35/L..12because we wish thus to reaffirm our reiec- tion ofSovit'" Aggression, because we believe that the text of "~pt "taCt resolution contains the positive and constructive elements necessary for a peace r 4Jj settle- ment of ~he present situation in Afghanastan and because it represents an appeal for respect for the elemen~ principles ()fjustice and international law, the penistent violation of which threatens the fragile balance.in .internatio.nal relations and blatantly flouts thelegitimatt desire ofpeQples for a policy ofdialogue and consultation. 2 See OjJ1cial Records0/the GeneralAssembly. Sixth Emergency Special Session. Plenary Meetings. 5th meeting, paras. 174-180. 46. In this connexion the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, Mr.·Shah Mohammad Dost, in his enlightening statement at the 65th meeting ofthe Assembly, expressed,hiscountry's most categorical opposition to this regrettable Under- taking,·which he quite rightly considered to beflagrant and deliberate interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. We entirely share his viewpoint. 47. That is why we agreed with him and other delega- tions to oppose from the very outset the man~uvres being carried out by imperialist, hege~onistic and international reactionary forces that,have attempted artificially to create a problem concerning Afghanis~an 48. Self-respecting non-aligned countries, whatever their religious faith, should not allow themselves to be involved in the irresponsible adventure being carried out by the imperialists, hegemonists and other re- actionary circles, an adventure that sooner or later may well work against their own interests. ' 49. The Lao People's Democratic Republic, which was for many years a victim of the deceit and aggres- sion ofthe imperialists and which carried on a stubborn and self-sacrificing struggle against those forces until final victory, fully understands and completely sup- ports the heroic struggle of the brotherly Afghan people, underthe leadership of its legal Government, presided over by Mr. Babrak Karmal, to eliminate all the consequences of feudalism, which was closely linked with international reaction and imperialism, thus ridding itself of obscurantism, poverty and all the evils that have stemmed from the retrograde regim~ of the past. 50. The victorious revolution of April 1978, which is the finest 'page written in the history of the Afghan People, was the inevitable outcome ofa lengthy process ofheroic struggle by the Afghan people for democracy, genuine national independence and major economic and social transformations in Afghanistan, which has made a considerable contribution to strengthening peace and stability in that sensitive part of the world. 5I. Countries neighbours of Afghanistan which them- selves carried out their own revolutions by beheading several -of their former Heads of State who they regarded as having practised an erroneous policy harm- ful to their national interests were perfectly entitled to do so, and at that time neither the Afghan people nor any of the international community intervened in their affairs. Ope. wonders why today those countries, on the fallacious pretext of respect for principles ot Interna- tionallaw and the Charter, are attempting, in collusion withimperialist, hegemonistic and reactionary interna- tionalcircles; to deny the Afgha.n people its sacred and inalienable right to carry out its own revolution. 52. Purthermore, why are those countries, which are so vociferous about respect for international 'law and the Charter, giving assistance to the so-called rests- tancemovements in Afghani&tan, which in reality, to use the words of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Afghanisl,an, are 'nothing but bands of counter-revolu- t~onary terrorists, by arming, organizing and training those bands in their own territories and then sending them into Afghanistan to engage in destructive and sub- versiveactivities against the peace and security of the Afghan people? 53. In this connexion, the media of a number of Western countries and more specifically the "Green B~k" distributed last Monday by the Afghan delega- tion to a.1l members of the Assembly leave no shadow ofdoubt about the reprehensible doingsofthe countries mentioned in that book. whichaccording to the definitionadopted by the United Nations [resolution 3314 (XXIX), annex] are to be regarded as typical acts of aggression. We fully sup- port the proposals made on 14 May 1980 by the Govern- ment of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan [see A/35/238-SI1395J] that a settlement of the situation prevailing in South-West Asia should be sought by means of negotiation with its neighbours. 71. It would also be unacceptable for any country in the same situation as Afghanistan to accede to demands by its neighbours for an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the limited Soviet contingents from Afghanistan without having previously received a serious guarantee that subversive activities directed against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan from their territories would be effectively stopped. 72. With the regard to the withdrawal of the limited Soviet contingents, the joint Soviet-Afghan statement of 16 October! contains extremely reasonable con- ditions according to which this withdrawal can be contemplated only within the context of a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan. It is quite obviously for Afghanistan's neighbours to undertake immediately a dialogue with the Govern- ment of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan if they sincerely desire, as they have proclaimed, a reduction of the tension in that region and the restora- tion of an atmosphere of good-neighbourliness and co-operation. It isonly by sitting around the negotiating table, we believe, as has been repeatedly proposed by the Government of Afghanistan, that all the problems, includingthat of the refugees, can be properly resolved, Rhetoric in this body or elsewhere will only result in a new resolution which, whatever majority has sup- ported it, will remain a dead letter and, furthermore, wiIJ be prejudicial to the United Nations. 73. We are profoundly convinced that what Pakistan and the other neighbours of Afghanistan desire is not that but, rather, peace and security for their region and for their respective peoples. If this is so, then let us lose no more time. Let us proceed to act, to negotiate. In this way and only in this way can the Islamic countries, which are respected and esteemed for their wisdom, demonstrate to the world their great political maturity and their desire to live together as independent and free nations without foreign inter- ference. 74. Before concluding, I should like to say something about the draft resolution now before the General Assembly. This draft resolution, which the broad- 79.. For all the reasons I have just mentioned, my 8S. It is clear that the centralelement of any lasting delegation will vote emphatically against this draft political settlement in Afghanistan must be the with- resolution. drawal of all foreign forces-that, coupled with uni- 80. Mr. FRANCIS (New Zealand): More than 30non- versal recognition of the sovereignty, political inde- aligned ations asked for inclusion of this item pendence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of ••... the complete cessation of allforms of external interference directed against the Government and the people of the Democratic Republic of Afghani- stan and the provision of reliable and firmguarantees that it will not be repeated in any form is considered by the two Parties as an indispensable prerequisite of the political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan, including the solution of the question ofthe withdrawal of the Soviet militarycontingent." , , 97. The outlined approach of the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic to the substance of the issue also determines the position of the Czechoslovak delegation in respect of draft resolu- tion A/3S/L.12. That text is of a blatantly anti-Afghan nature and is therefore absolutely unacceptable to the Czechoslovak delegation. 98. Amongother things, the draft resolution proceeds from the demand for "the immediate withdrawal of the foreign troops from Afghanistan" without relating it in any, way to the necessary cessation of the armed incursions against Afghanistan and the interference in its internal affairs. The termination of that external aggression and interference must be guaranteed in the first place. The appeal for a political solution con- tained in that draft resolution is addressed to ••all parties concerned". But the term "parties" in the obvious interpretation of the authors of that text also includes counter-revolutionary organizations. Does that not follow the obvious aim of returning Afghani- stan to the period of feudalism and reaction? 99. The draft resolution furthermore does not envis- age a normalization of the relations between Afghani- stan and its neighbours, Pakistan and Iran. By rejecting direct negotiations between the States, which is the only realistic way to a political settlement, the text clearly reveals a lack of interest in the normalization of the situation around Afghanistan-not to mention the fact that the draft resolution quite openly attempts to involve the United Nations in interference in the internal affairs of Afghanist~n against the will of the Afghan Government and thus also in violation of the principles of the Charter. 100. The Czechoslovak delegation rejects the draft resolution and calls on all Member States which are genuinely interested in a settlement of the situation around Afghanistan to proceed likewise. ' 101. Is it not high time to ponder for a moment: to whom is it beneficial and what are the true objectives
The situation in and around Afghanistan has cast, for the major part of this year, a long shadow on the international political horizon giving rise to complex scenarios of political pressure and diplomatic power-play.
104. While the reality' of the situation in the region still remains grim, the developments of the past months have seriously affected the entire climate of interna- tional relations and set back the process of detente, limited as it was, so sedulously cultivated during the past few years. Indeed, Afghanistan today has become a flashpoint in a virtual return to the polemics and paranoia of the cold war. Successive efforts aimed at defusing'the situation have been frustrated by the con- tinued adoption of unrealistic attitudes and inflexible positions.
105. This continued impasse has caused deep concern and anxiety to India. We are all the more disturbed because the developments in Afghanistan have had the effect of reversing a trend of events in the sub- continent which had earlier given rise to a degree of optimism. The nations of the subcontinent had begun to experience a period of relative relieffrom the climate of distrust and hostility and were gradually embarking on relationships based 011 reciprocity, common benefit and a developing faith in bilateral negotiations as a means of settling outstanding problems. All the coun- tries in our region having become members of the non- aligned movement, it was our hope that the entire area would be free of tensions and could engage purposefully in the challenging tasks of national reconstruction and the socio-economic advancement of our peoples.
106. The events of the past year have, if anything, interrupted that process and, in some respects, assumed more ominous proportions owing to.factors most of which are not mdigenous or germane to the immediate issues facing the region. Yielding to the impulse to resort to arms and confrontation could only prove detrimental t" confidence building and to the evolution of stahility through mutual co-operation among the countries of the region. Suspicion gen- erated by the harbouring and encouragement of dis- sident elements and the consequent buildup oftensions
119. Our purpose during the thirty-fifth session. of the General Assembly should above all be to determine the appropriate procedures and machinery to facilitate the establishment of a just and lasting settlement. During its emergency ,special session, the. General Assembly in fact identified the basic p,rinciples which would underlie a settlement of the Afghan conflict.
120. At this stage it isessential to find ways and means ofencouraging the efforts to reach a political settlement which have already been initiated bya number ofcoun- tries and groups of countries. My delegation takes this occasion to reiterate its support for the.peace efforts undertaken by the Organization of the Isl~mic Conference, the members ofthe non-aligned movement and other nations. Those efforts must continue, for the search for peace is a collective undertaking requiring the participation and commitment of all people .of goodwill. .
121. The United Nations, the main purpose of which is to preserve peace, should make' its contribution. By reason ofits universality and its numerous activities in the field ofpeace-keeping, the,Organizationprovides genuine pOssibilities in the area.of mediation or good offices. It is our hope that all Members ofthe Organiza- tion will give thought to those possibilities and will be in a position to support a greater United'Nations role in the search for a peaceful solution to. the Afghan problem. The Organization is highly competent tc hold discussions with the various interested or con- cerned parties, be they political movements, or organizations. ' ,
" , 122. The Afghan conflict undoubtedly has regional and international dimensions, but that should not cause us to lose 'sight of it$ national dimension; All peace efforts ~bould be d~ct~d'~tfind~ng' asolu~~on
whicJt'~k~s: due ~countof tb.e na~ional aspect of this problem, ifonly by'creating to~djtions'that will make it poss.i"le for the Afghan ~ople' freely. to' choose its pOlitical, economic and social system:" , , . , '!. • " . , , '~ • • 123. Tbe,dfaftresolution submitted is 'motivated by the considerations I 'havejust set forth and is designed to find an honourable political'solution to ,the ,Afahan conflict. It is 'our hope that' all countires will take an ' open and positive attitude on it.
125. More than 10 months after the adoption of that resolution, the Afghan crisis has not taken the slightest positive turn, Soviet forces continue .forcefuUy to operate in Afghan territory; the resistance by the indigenol,ls population becomes ever more organized and stronger, while the mass exodus of refugees grows with each passing day. 126., All this is a source of concern to the Members of the Organization, first as to the value of resolutions adopted in this forum, and then as to the sense of responsibility and duty ofmembers ofthe international community with regard to the principles ofthe Charter and the norms of international law. It is no less regrettable to note the lack of success achieved by authoritative international organs which have joined the Organization in seeking to make reason prevail and informulating specific proposals aimed at resolving the Afghan crisis. 127. Motivated by the spirit ofsolidarity whichunites its members, and in a number of respects pursuing the same objectives as those embodied in the Charter, the Islamic Conference held two successive sessiens, in January and in May 1980 at Islamabad in order vigorously to express its anxiety over the situation obtai~ling in Afghanistan and to advocate a just and honourable solution to the crisis. A Committee was established;' its mandate was to undertake all qece'ssafy contacts with the parties directly involved in th~ crisis-to try to arrive at an agreed process leading to a negotiated solution. Unfortunately, its efforts have y.i~lded no tangible results; moreover, its failure comes as no surprise. • 'I •. , 128." The appeals issued from all sides during these past 10 months calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan have been rejected by' the So\'~ef Union. In the face of this grave attitude of defia~c~,my d~legationcannot but express its concern andpreoccupatio,n: preoccupation over the role of the Organization''In this conflict, especially since the Security.Council-by virtue of the rule of unanimity among its permanent members-has been prevented from,'disc~arg;ng its main responsibility for the main- tenanee ,of international peace and security; and c9ncernOver developments in the world situation and bve" 'the deterioration in international relations, con- tributed to in large measure by the Afghan crisis.. 1'29. Peaceful coexistence and detente seem to have given way to competition and to shows of strength; strive, within the Organization and outside it; for the establishment of that new order. '. 131. My country strongly opposes the Intervention of foreign troops in Afghanistan because' the 'right of countries and peoples tochoosetheir own g~v~mment and regime is, in our view, the very" essence of sovereignty and independence. Regardless of the socio-political' considerations that may be invoked, they cannot justify the intervention of foreign troops in the territory of a sovereign country against the will of its leaders and people.' 132. Non-interference in the internal affairs of States is one of the most important principles in intemational relations. The last 10 months have 'provided us with irrefutable proof that the Afghan people is firmly committed to these principles. No other explanation could be found for the course of events in Afghani- stan: the hardening of resistance within the country and the flow of refugees towards neighbouring coun- tries, refugees whose number has now reached 1.7 million. This is stark proof, if such were needed. 133. Tunisia considers that the pretexts invoked to justify the intervention in Afgha!1istan cannqt with- stand scrutiny. Furthermore, their use constitutes a serious practice, which may have very harmful con- sequences for the independence and sovereignty of States. 134. Because of their VUlnerability, small and medium-sized countries are the most exposed to this evil. In a matter of two years two countries have already fallen victim thereto and both have been plunged into disorder and suffering. If the United Nations and the ~llternational community tolerate faits accomplis, a serious precedent, will have been established. 135. My delegation considers that the quest for any solution of the Afghan crisis calls, first and foremost for a return to the unanimously recognized principles of freedom, justice and law: 136. To claim to impose a solution by. force, to refuse to take account of ,the aspirations "of. ~oples to freedom and justice or ,tola~lmeil'!be~s'orthe resistance as faithless and lawless bandits 15 to fall into a trap and reveal a mistaken·vieW of reality and an ignorance of history, ,'which is rich in.,ertinent examples. 137. In a political crisis whose scope and;&ravity are unquestioned, a political solution must be found which takes into account the views of aUthe parties involved and which is based, in particular, on't~e ptinciples of the non-use of force against the sovereignty and the political independence ofStates and on the inalienable 139. The role which the United Nations could play in that regard would be especially valuable. 140. It would fall to the Organization, in the first instance to restore a climate of confidence among all the parties concerned or interested in the situation in Afghanistan, and particularly the super-Powers, and to contribute to creating conditions likely to promote the process of dialogue and negotiation. In those condi- tions, it would be possible to conceive of an AfghilDi- stan that could once again enjoy calm and unity and perhaps even a form of neutrality that would enable it to establish with its neighbours and with the rest of the world new relations based on trust and co-opera- tion; an Afghanistan whose viability would have, in one form or another, the necessary international guarantees. 141. To that end, it behoves us to be aware and in particular it behoves the great Powers to persuade themselves that in this case we are not dealing merely with peace in Afghanistan but also with peace and stability in Pakistan and in Iran, in the South-West Asian region, in the Gulf and in the Indian Ocean. For if South-West Asia were to sink into a cycle of violence and unrest, it would serve the interests of no one. 142. In the world context in which we live, while the era of.detente already seems a memory, given the renewed tension and the awakening of the demon of war, it is up to us to evince the greatest courage and a certain kind of imagination to understand the problems with which we are faced in such a global and drastic manner and to decide to find global and definitive solutions to those problems. That is the price that must be paid to ensure the preservation ofinterna- tional peace and security. ' 143. Draft resolution A/3S/L.12, which theAs~mbly is considering today and whkh Tunisia joined in sponsoring, represents, in this framework, a startin.- point for reaching a just and lastin. solution of the Afghan crisis. Castin. a vote in favour of that draft resolution would mean precisely acting in accordance with history, upholdin. the principles ofjustice and law and, in the final analysis, acting in conformity With the Charter. 144. 'Mr. KRAVETS (Ukrainian Soviet, '~cialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): Pespitethe weighty and cogent objections expres~d' by ~ sovereign Member of the United Nations, ·the Demo- cratic 'Republic of Afghanistan, the so-calledAfgh~" question has nevertheless been brought before. the General Assembly for discussion. This· is not to the creditof the Organiution. Intervention in the internal affairs of a State--and imposing the consideration of a ;situation, in a country against the clearly expressed will of its legitimate Government cannot be called by ISO. Armed incursions from outside, as was con- vincingly-shown in the statement made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, Mr. Dost [65th meeting], and in a number of other statements, started long before December 1979. The accomplishments of the revolution were pait to a severe test as a result of Amin's treachery and . S~~iet l!nion ~norder. to repul:ie the ever growing military mcursions. Faithful to Its' treaty obligations an~ the principles ofinternational solidarity, the Soviet UOIon gave such help. The counter-revolutionaries' trick was trumped. Any hope that a regimeto the liking of United States imperialism would be set up in Afghanistan was shattered once and for all. And that was when we first began to hear the hysterical wailing of American and Chinese "peace-lovers" about so- called Soviet aggressiveness. Unfortunately a number of other countries also fell prey to that demagoguery. 152. However, we are convinced that in the course of time most of the States Members of the United Nations will share our conviction that to deprive the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan of support in conditions characterized by continued aggression from outside would not only be to imperil the gains of the April revolution in Afghanistan but the actual existence of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan as a sovereign State. 153. May I now speak briefly on the question of how to find a political settlement of the situation that has arisen around Afghanistan. The socialist countries and many non-aligned countries have. appealed for a politice] r: 'ttlement of the situation, and demagogic peroratio. ' that effect have been heard iri the West. However, there are different approaches to the question of how to bring about a political settlement and ~o~that concept should in fact be interpreted, and It IS precisely here that we can see the dividing line between those who are genuine friends and these who are merely j .•utative well-wishers of the Afghan people, between t.iose who genuinely wish to stabilize the situation in South-West Asia and those who are wagering on heightened tension in the Persian Gulf area for their own selfish ends. 154. The socialist countries believe that a political settlement is possible on the basis of the constructive programme that was put forward by the Democratic Re~ublic ~f Afg~anistan on 14 May of this year, whichenvisaged bilateral Afghan-Pakistanand Afghan- Iranian talks in order to normalize relationships and the drafting of agreements on good-neighbourliness and co-operation, which would include specific obliga.. tions not to allow military or any other hostile activity among the parties. Apart from those bilateral agree- ments, the necessary international guarantees should bean integral part of the political settlement. Thus the key to a political settlement consists in a lully guar- anteed cessation of armed aggression and indeed of all forms of hostile activity directed from abroad against the Government and people of Afghanistan. In other words, an end must be put to armed incur- sions into Afghanistan from the territo.« s of neigh- bouring States by mercenaries in the pay of imperialist and hegemonistic forces. Effective steps must be taken to prevent infiltartiofi by gangs of bandits, and an end 158. The question of Afghanistan, with which this world Assembly must deal, is indeed not a simple one since it is a matter of life and death for a people known for its fierce love of freedom, which gained its independence in 1917 after a heroic struggle against the British imperialists. 159. We are now dealing with a continuing war between an invading army of a super-Power and the people of a nation which happens to be a Member of the United Nations and of the non-aligned movement. 160. We have tried to take the justification by the Soviet Union for the invasion as seriously as it deserves to be taken, since we acknowledge that the Soviet Union has a valid and legitimate right to be concerned with that is happening across its borders. The repeated arguments presented by the Soviet Government in defence ofits attitude towards Afghani- stan, however, suggest undercurrents of a return to centuries-old ways which were already wellestablished when the armies of Peter the Great and Catherine the Great marched against the Persian and Turkish empires in the South. . 161. The often-used arguments tojustify the interven- tion, that the military forces were sent to Afghanistan to rescue that country from "bandit raids" from across its borders, seem to echo the preamble to the 1772 Treaty of St. Petersburg when it stated that the amputation of part of Poland was necessary to restore order in that country and to bring to it a political existence more in keeping with the interests of its neighbours. "All States enjoy sovereign equality. They have equal rights and duties and are equal members ofthe international community, notwithstanding dif- ferences of an economic, social, political or other nature." 179. I could go on to quote the language of other resolutions, such as resolution 34/99, concerning the development and strengthening of good-neighbour- liness between States, resolution 34/103, concerning the inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations, resolution 3070 (XXVIII), con- cerning the importance of the universal realization of the right of people to self-determination, resolu- tion 34/102, concerning the settlement by peaceful means of disputes between States, relevant United Nations resolutions on measures to promote trust in international relations, and many other relevant United Nations texts. 180. All we are asking the Soviet Union to do at this time is to respect these stipulations that it has violated, which are now part of international law and which are binding on all States, because they are consistent with the aims and objectives ofthe Charter. The present exercise we are embarked upon is designed to do just that. 181. All of us here are aware-those who say so, those who do not say so and those who say so in veiled terms-that the USSR has violated those stipula- tions and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law, notwithstanding the sympathy which many of 'us have for this friendly Power. 182. Our purpose in requesting that that great Power unconditionally withdraw its troops from Afghanistan is to help it to rid itself of a serious problem which has extremely detrimental consequences both for -for a number of reasons-and for the international community, and hence, to protect its image and its prestige in the world, for we must not forget that the USSR is an important element of the international balance. 183. Whatever that unconditional troop withdrawal might cost it quite understandably in terms of self- 188. Our vote on the draft resolution will be de- termined by the considerations I have just set forth.
Mr. Mashingaidze (Zimbabwe), Vice-President, took the Chair.
For a small country like Panama -which has no weapons or shields other than those provided by codes, treaties and conventions, as well as by the ethical principles which should govern interna- tional relations-the case of Afghanistan has been, and continues to be, cause for deep concern. For that reason, we advocate an end to the presence of foreign troops inside the borders of that country, which has not known true peace for many, many years.
190. The small nations of the world cannot admit the machiavellian dictum that necessity knows neither legal norms nor moral reasons. The truth is that the international community had believed that after the interventions of past years-in Europe as well as in
196. In the light of these old and new considerations, my delegation can understand the imperative need to
201. My country, which has always defended and respected t~e basic principles of international coexis- tence as embodied in the Charterofthe United Nations, appeals today for the Afghan people to be allowed to exercise their right to choose theirown form ofGovern- ment and way of life, without outside interference or internal intrigues, since it is the people who are called upon to solve their own problems and to determine their own future.
202. In conclusion, we reiterate our conviction that the Afghan problem should be solved in accordance with resolution ES-6/2 and pursuant to the tenets of the meeting ofthe Islamic Conference which, under the presidency of Pakistan, was held at Islamabad from 17 to 22 May of this year.
The bellicose escalation and forced march
216. In our opinion, two essential factual contentions underlie this debate. One is that there are foreign troops' in Afghanistan and that their presence there violates the Charter. The other contention is that external aggression against the territorial integrity of Afghanistan has been stirred up from and is still going on in Pakistan,contrary to the Charter. Because those contentions have created a situation which affects world peace, how are we in the General Assembly to react to'them?
217. Is there subversion in Pakistan against Afghani- stan? The Government of Pakistan has repeatedly denied this. Many of us rely on Western media for information on what i~ going on in that area of the world. But at the same time that Vie are told in this debate that Western media spread lies, we are referred to the same media .presumably to rely on them when they report an incident suggesting that no heavy resistance to the presence offoreign troops in Afghani- stan is occurring within that country.
, ' I 218. Clearly, there is some confusion and doubt in many people's minds regarding the facts surrounding this problem, but regarding the question of the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan, no such doubts or confusion arise. The whole world knows the troops are there. These who despatched the troops declared that tbey, are, there.' .The authorities in Afghanistan admit that the troops are there. Indeed, both the senders and the recipients of the troops have proclaimed that the troops will remain in Afghanistan until the situation of destabilization that led to their going there has been ended and guarantees given that such efforts at destabilization will not recur. Since no one admits to 'such 'destabilization activity, no guar- antee can be expected. Hence; the foreign troops are' not likely soon to be removed from Afghanistan.
219. Many small States, like ours,' which believe in the United Nations security system on which alone we can depend for the safeguard of our sovereignty, maintain that when disputes of this type arise if they cannot be resolved within a regional context, they should be brought to the United Nations. Weare happy that the spokesman from Kabul by implication appears to share this view, because in his speech to the Assembly a few days ago he suggested that this matter might have been brought to the Security Council but because there would have, been an ilnproper.u~of the veto by certain opposin&,members of the Council the matter was not brought there. That reasoning by the spokesman from Kabul suggests to us that there
misus~ of ,the veto as the reason for ignoring the collective security system of the,United' Nations and
prefe~ng the protection of one of the super-Powers not o~ly further weakens the collective security system
ofth~' United Nations but takes us back to the old days of colonial domination and spheres of influence by major Powers. In any case, the threat of misuse of the, veto in the Security Council does not excuse Member States from obligations arising under the Charter. Two wrongs do not make a right; therefore, even the improper use of the veto in the Security Council, much less the threat of such misuse; does not absolve States, from the obligation to settle" their disputes peacefully. Moreover, in this particular case the requirement to submit to the Security Council the,issue of the presence of foreign troops in Afghani- stan is not a discretionary matter where States may do as they please. Referral of tile matter to the Security Council is an essential requirement under the defini- tion of self-defence contained in Article SI of the Charter. Since this requirement has not been met, the contention that the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan constitutes self-defence within the meaning ofthe Charter cannot be sustained. 221. But since the contention by the representative from Kabul that the situation in Afghanistan has not been brought to the attention of the Security Council because of the likely abuse of the veto power there suggests that he would respect' world opinion and international law, why does he not follow the course already suggested by an overwhelming majority of the Member States -in the General Assembly ever since last January? Why does he not have recourse to the non-aligned movement, of which, Afghanistan is a member? Rather, he appears to brush aside both the United Nations and the non-aligned movement and to choose instead to accept the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan. 222. For Afghanistan and its freedom-loving people, peace is today shattered, as it is for its neighbours and, indeed, for all small States. The events in Afghanistan fill us with great fear, and we shall not and cannot feel secure so long as actions of this kind by a m;uor Power are allowed to stand. 223. Since it is the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan that has contributed to the sharp rise in international tensions, only the removal of those troops will causethose tensions to ease. Until that is done, the climate under which negotiations can take place between Afghanistan and its neighbours for the restoration of harmonious relations lsetween them and stability in the region cannot exist. That is why the renewed call in draft resolution A/3S/L.12, sponsored by some 40 States, for the immediate withdrawal of the foreign troops from Afghanistan and for the appointment by the Secretary-General of a special .representative whose task willbe to see that such with- drawal takes place has received the whole-hearted support of my delegation. It is the belief of my delega- tion that, in the selection of this special representa-
a small third-world! State decides to exercise its "right to speak or vote in the General Assembly, no' real friend of peace or of the third world would seek to intimidate that State with regard to the manner in which its sovereign right should be exercised. 225. It is precisely this type of domination that has caused the problem in Afghanistan and raised interna- tional insecurity and tension in the world today to a high and dangerous level. Would any Power which attempts to frighten small countries from exercising peacefully and harmlessly their sovereign rights in the Assembi,' be likely to despatch nearly 100,000 troops to foreign soil simply to guarantee another small State the exercise of its sovereign rights? My delegation thinks that such inconsistent conduct would be most unlikely. Therefore, no country engaging in such conduct can really expect anyone to take it at its word when it claims to be anxious to protect the freedom of small States. 226. Protection of this kind is precisely what we small States have. been fighting to end in the world today .. This is what our fight for self-determination and independence is all about. Protection which depends on the goodwill of the protector serves only the protector's interest. When those interests are not served, the protection not only may be ended but the self-assumed mission to protect becomes the pretext for aggression. This is why we small States I' if our independence is not to be left to the mercy of the powerful States, have no alternative but to support and strengthen systems of collective security, the best potentials for which are offered to us within the United Nations. 227. The alarm which has been felt throughout the world over the situation in Afghanistan does not spring only from sympathy and concern for the people of that country, whose liberty and independence are being trampled underfoot. Could it not be that the alarm is so great because it is tinged with disappointment that a super-Power, which even now still claims to be the natural friend of the third world, is showing itself not to be a friend of small countries, the United Nations, the non-aligned movement or similar organizations in which the weak and poor countries of the world have placed their last hopes for a new world order based on justice, freedom and peace? 228. The PRESIDENT: One representative has asked to exercise the right of reply. May I remind Members that, in accordance with General Assembly decision 34/401, statements in exercise of the right of reply shall be limited to 10 minutes and shall be made by delegations from their seats. I now call on the repre- sentative of Afghanistan. 229. Mr. ZARIF (Afghanistan): The attempts of representatives of countries such as Pakistan, China,
231. The Islamabad authorities not only provide all the necessary facilities for the counter-revolutionary bands on the territory of Pakistan, but organize and co-ordinate their subversive activities. Pakistani army officers and servicemen and Chinese, Egyptian and American instructors not only are directly engaged in the training of mercenaries but take part in their terrorist raids.
232. The Pakistani frontier troops and their head- quarters staff also take part in protecting the illegal clandestine traffic ofall sorts ofweapons and ammuni· tion across the border to Afghanistan. For instance, in August 1980 alone dispatch of arms across the border was carried out by the headquarters staff of the Tochi frontier region-II camels with weapons and ammunition-and of the Badjur frontier region- 2,000 units of American weapons for the Gulbeddin band in Khanabad. On 25 August weapons were dispatched to the Democratic R.epublic of Afghanistan by Pakistani helicopters, which landed in the Hazaman gorge, ln the province of Kunar.
233. Islamabad even resorts to military blackmail against my country. In early November military exercises were carried out by the Pakistani Air Force in the north-west frontier province, in great proximity to the territory ofmy country. Those exercises had the code name "Jetstream". The command of the exercises was located in Peshawar, which is well known as a main centre of subversive activities gainst Afghanistan. It is precisely from there that dozens of armed bands are sent weekly to Afghanistan. It is clear that the Pakistani air force exercises were intended to boost the depressed morale of the anti- Afghan mercenaries.
234. Pakistani authorities also provide finances to the counter-revolutionary ringleaders. For instance, by the end of March 1980 the so-called refusee fund established by the President of Pakistan amounted to $240 million, donated by various Pakistani reac- tionary religious organizations. That fund is used mainly to buy arms, ammunition and other supplies for the terrorist bands.
235. The Govemment of Pakistan itself takes part in the financins of subversive activities &pinst my country. In June 1980 it took a decision to pay com· pensation in the amount of 500 rupees to each"of the families of Pakistani military men who "voluntarily" joined the bands of antt-Afghan mercenaries and were killed while in combat in Afghanistan.
236. As far as the training of mercenaries is con.. cerned, the direct involvement of Pakistani officers is confirmed by many terrorists captured by the Araban army. One of the terrorists, a certain Shirak Jan, captured by the Afghan security forces in the Paktia
255. On 17 November and again today, speaking on 260. As regards the allegation that the refugee camps behalfof the Kabul authorities, a representative of the are being used for the training of Afghan insurgents ruling People's Democratic.Party of Afghanistan has the falsity of that allegation is evident from the fact reiterated the familiar allegations against my country, that those c.znps are open to international inspection. which were also repeated by the Soviet representative. They are visited frequently by 64 UNHCR officials Specifically, the Kabul spokesman said that Pakistan stationed in Islamabad, Peshawar and Quetta, officials had allowed its territory to be used by so-called Afghan of various international agencies such as the World counter-revolutionaries to carry out subversion in Food Programme, UNICEF and WHO, and numerous Afghanistan; that Pakistan was a conduit for American, foreign correspondents. Those camps can be visited Chinese and other foreign weapons going to the by anyone who wishes to verify for himself the insurgents; and that Afghan refugee camps in the falseness of the allegation and to witness the hardships northern part of our country were training camps for of those unfortunate people suffering the privations Afghan insurgents. of life in exile. To describe them as counter-revolu- 256. The statement of the Kabul spokesman in sup- tionaries and bandits only betrays the extreme cynicism port of those arguments contained fabricated details and utter disregard of human values ofthose who have and wove into a fictional account the names of intel- been responsible for their exodus.
264. Finally, I would say that propaganda cannot obfuscate the reality of the Afghanistan situation, which is that of a tragedy inflicted upon the Afghan nation by foreign armed intervention. That interven- tion has met with the strong resistance of the valiant people of Afghanistan and has evoked universal condemnation by the Afghan compatriots outside their tormented motherland. .
265. The objective reality ofthe events in Afghanistan is affirmed by the verdict.ofthe people of Afghanistan, their compatriots abroad and the overwhelming majority of nations represented in this world body.
The meeting rose at 6.55 p.m,