A/35/PV.7 General Assembly
THIRTY-FIfTH SESSION
9. General debate I. Lord CARRINGTON (United Kingdom): Mr. Presi- dent, may I first congratulate you on assuming the presi- dency of the General Assembly at this thirty-fifth session. You have taken on a task which demands many qualities, not least stamina, firmness and tact. It is a task for which your distinguished record at the United Nations has shown you to be well qualified. I offer you the best wishes of the British Government and of its representation at the United Nations in the weeks and months ahead. 2. In.so doing, I wishalso to join those who have expressed their appreciation of the efficient and statesmanlike way in which your predecessor, Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, conducted the business of the presi- dency over the past year. 3. Since I last addressed this Assembly 12 months ago,' many terrible things have happened in the world. There has been much cruel and cynical defiance of the principles on which our Charter is based. It would be difficult to say that the world is a safer, more prosperous or happier place today than it was a year ago. Indeed, within the last few days the emergence of a fresh conflict in the Middle Eastern reg~on has given us further cause for anxiety. The tasks confronting all of us remain formidable. 4. But what has happened during the last 12 months has not all been bad. The great majority of the States Members of this Organization have observed the Charter. And things have happened to inspire us and to persuade us, if persua- NEW YORK sion were needed, that conflicts can be resolved; that peace- ful negotiations can uncover compromises on which warring parties can settle their differences; that persever- ance, goodwill and realism, here at the United Nations and elsewhere, can end wars and save human lives. 5. When I last addressed the Assembly, war was still rag- ing in that country which is now called Zimbabwe and which, last 25 August, was welcomed as the one hundred and fifty-third Member State of this Organization [resolu- tion S-llll]. That conflict had been going on for 14years- some, I suppm'ould say longer. But long, complex and, at times, painful negotiations succeeded in finding a basis on which it could be ended and on which the people of Zimba- bwe could be given the opportunity to decide for themselves how and by whom they should be governed. I should like to suggest that, as we enter this thirty-fifth session ofthe Gen- eral Assembly, the example of Zimbabwe should inspire us to search all the harder for peaceful, practical and realistic- and I cannot emphasize the last adjective too much- solutions to the major problems that confront the world today. 6. Before briefly surveying those problems, I should liketo say a word about the eleventh special session, devoted to development and to international economic co-operation, that has just ended. The United Kingdom supported that collective attempt to set a framework for development over the next decade. It was a positive act that accorded wellwith the ideals of our Charter. Britain accepts, as we all do, that many developing countries face immense social and eco- nomic problems. A common effort isessential to ensure that the world economic system evolves to meet the needsofall. But, in making that effort, we must not weaken the founda- tion of the world's trading, monetary and financial system which has been built up gradually over the years and which has seen an increase in world prosperity unprecedented in human history. 7. I am glad that the specialsession was able to agree on an International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade! and on a resolution concern- ing the least developed countries [resolution S-1114]. I am disappointed that it proved impossible to reach agreement on procedures for global negotiations. But discussions will continue during this General Assembly.'We shall work for a successful launch of the global negotiations on a generally acceptable basis. 8. Meanwhile, I should point out that, despite our own domestic economic problems, the aid programme of my own country is substantial. It is the fifth largest among the 9. I should now like to refer to some of the major conflicts which are on the agenda of this session and to offer some ideas, which I promise will be brief, about how, in the view of the United Kingdom Government, progress can be made towards peaceful solutions. 10. The Middle East conflict is, above all, one which, in our view, cries out for negotiations leading to a peaceful solution. The violence has gone on far too long. Negotia- tions are bound to be a lengthy and complex process, and they can hardly succeed unless a calmer atmosphere can be created than that which prevails today. Britain appeals again to all concerned to refrain from inflammatory acts and statements. Such restraint would be a major contribu- tion to the attainment of the goal of peace. 11. The British Government welcomes the news that the leaders of Egypt, Israel and the United States are to meet again before long., In the meantime Europe has not been inactive. Britain and its partners in the European Commu- nity committed themselves to search for common ground and to gain acceptance of the principles set out by their Heads of Government in the declaration which they issued at Venice on 13 June this year [A/35/299-S/14009]. We believe that these principles, and only these principles, can form the basis for a just and lasting settlement. 12. I said earlier that the great majority ofStates Members of the Organization had been faithful to the Charter. I wish I could say "all". We are pledged to respect the sovereignty of others. We are pledged to refrain from the threat or use of force in international relations. Nine months ago both of those principles were violated by a country which isa perma- nent member of the Security Council. I refer, of course, to the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union. One hundred and four Member States voted in this Assembly to condemn it. Nine months later, no end to the conflict is in sight. One million Afghans have sought refuge outside their own country. Tens of thousands of Soviet troops remain there; but they have failed to subjugate the people of Afghanistan. Here, too, let there be a political solution-a solution which will remove Soviet forces from Afghanistan. ,1 See The Courier. ACP-EEC. No. 58. November 1979. 13. The occupation of Afghanistan is not the only viola- tion of the United Nations Charter that we have seen in South-West Asia in the past 12months. The detention ofthe American hostages in Iran is another. International law and common humanity require their immediate release. I take this occasion to remind the Iranian authorities of their obligation under international law to protect the rights of all foreigners residing in their country. I am, of course, espe- cially concerned for those British subjects who are at present detained in Iran and to whom my country's representatives have been denied any access. 14. Speaking of violations of the Charter, the United Nations surely cannot ignore the grave situation that has developed in the past 48 hours between two Member States. Judging by what they themselves have announced, Iran and Iraq are now in a state of undeclared war. I share the view and the fear expressed yesterday by the Secretary-General that this conflict could have serious and unpredictable con- sequences and I echo his call for the utmost restraint, for an end to the fighting and for a negotiated settlement. This surely is no more than the United Nations has a right to expect from two of its Members. Therefore I welcome the fact that, on tile Secretary-General's initiative," the Security Council will be meeting in informal consultations here this afternoon. 15. Acts' of terrorism against diplomatic and consular premises and staff have increased alarmingly in recent years. They threaten the basic fabric of international relations. It is our common duty and our common interest to condemn such acts and to ensure that international terrorism, what- ever form it may take, is never allowed to achieve its objec- tive. The British Government is glad that this session's agenda includes proposals to enhance the safety of diplo- matic and consular representatives. 16. An increasingly worrying phenomenon in recent years has been the mass exodus of refugees from their own coun- tries. When the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees was set up [resolution 319(IVJ] as a "temporary" organization nearly 30 years ago, there were 1.2 million refugees in the world, mainly in Europe; there are now nearly 16million refugees and displaced persons, principally in Africa and Asia-three decades of achievement by the international community. We cannot undo the tragedies that have occurred, but it is not too late to remedy their consequences. 17. Let us take just one case, that of Cambodia. That country is a picture of the human misery that results if the Charter of the United Nations is not respected. The Vietna- mese invasion and occupation of Cambodia have created tension and conflict in South-East Asia. The stand taken by the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] has my Government's full support. We believe that there must be a political solution but that there 18. Meanwhile, the United Nations isdoing what it can to alleviate the plight of the people of Cambodia and of the refugees. I pay a tribute to the efforts of the United Nations agencies, the International Committee of the Red Cross [/eRe] and the many non-governmental organizations which have mounted the relief programme in Cambodia, often in conditions of personal danger. By the end of this year, the joint UNICEF/ICRC operation alone will have spent some $500 million, or $100 for each Cambodian. But there are limits to what we can achieve by humanitarian means. So long as there is no political solution, so long will the suffering continue. 19. Another area oftragic armed conflict is Namibia. Here too a political solution must be found by negotiation. But, unlike the position in the other area, here there already exists a plan approved by the Security Council and negotiations are already well advanced. The British Government remains firm in the beliefthat the United Nations plan provides the only sure route to a peacefuland democratic settlement with general international recognition. We shall continue to work with the Secretary-General and the African States most closely involved to achievethe long overdue agreement on implementation of this plan. 20. I have already referred to Zimbabwe's advance to independence and to membership in the United Nations. That has given my Government great satisfaction, which I know is shared by every Member of this Organization. But this new Member.of our Organization needs more from us than congratulations. It needs substantial aid to rebuild its economy from the ravages of civil war. My own Govern- ment has pledged $180 million of aid to Zimbabwe over the next three years. We have cancelled $53 million of official debt and rescheduled the remainder on favourable terms. 21. Although a number of other offers of assistance have been made, I do not believe that the international commu- nity as a whole has yet done enough to put Zimbabwe back on its feet. The damage resulting from years ofisolation and of war is enormous. The expectations raised by the peace settlement are high. An international effort to underpin the political and economic stability of Zimbabwe during its first few years as an independent State could secure its future prosperity and enable it to play an influential part in Africa. I believeit to be ofthe highest importance thatsuch an effort should be forthcoming in the months ahead. 22. As regards South Africa, the British Government's viewisclear. We consider apartheid to be morally indefensi- ble and politically unworkable. But if change is to come peacefully in South Africa, it will have to be a step-by-step process. We shall not achieve change, peaceful change, by increasing South Africa's isolation. or by ostracism, or by threats. We cannot know how fast changes will come to South Africa, but there are voicesinside the country calling for change and we should not ignore them. What the United Nations can and must do is to continue to remind South Africa that apartheid isa system repugnant to all Members of the Organization and incompatible with its ideals and those of the international community as a whole. 24. Mr. President, a few days ago you made an eloquent appeal for new efforts to halt the arms ra~e. As you reminded us, the hopes attached to the Disarmament Decade of the 19705 were cruelly disappointed: global mili- tary expenditure continued to grow and arsenals ofweapons multiplied. This is a field in which there are no short cuts. In arms control, above all, realism is called for. A comprehen- sive and step-by-step programme of attainable measures covering both nuclear and conventional weapons isthe only realistic approach. Declaratory measures are of very little value; what matters isconcrete results. The British Govern- ment will continue to work for agreements based on bal- anced and verifiable agreements. As we do so, we shall remind those with whom we negotiate that in military mat- ters the key to building confidence between nations often lies in a readiness to publish information on such matters as budgets and force levels. The more is known, the less is feared; the more is concealed, the more is suspect. 25. Arms control agreements depend on the existence ofa climate of trust; they cannot create it. That too isa matter of realism. Arms control must go hand in hand with security. This hard fact is reflected in the outcome of the Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.' I know that pro- gress in negotiations on nuclear disarmament has been slow, and that is frustrating. But I seeno reason whyourcommon interest in preventing nuclear proliferation should bedimin- ished in any way. The British Government remains fully committed to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII). annex] and is playing a full part in the search for solutions to theoutstand- ing problems and for a renewed consensus. 26. We remain committed too to the undertakings wegave in 1975 under the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe." We believe that the Confer- ence process can and should play a valuable role in the management of international relations in Europe. But popu- lar faith in this process has been shaken by the actions ofthe Soviet Union, not least its invasion of Afghanistan, which violated at a stroke all the principles of the Final Act. We approach the second review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, due to begin at Ma- drid in November, determined, first, to conduct a thorough- going review of the way in which the Final Act has been implemented and, secondly, to examine proposals for its future development. 27. It should be clear from what I have said that the British Government continues to believe that the United Nations has, an important role to play in the search for political solutions to the many problems that we all face. But if the Organization is to play that role, we must pay due regard to its structure and its management. We must be careful not to tamper with its institutions in such a way as to impair their ability to perform the functions assigned to them by the Charter. ~ Held at Geneva from 11 August to 7 September 1980. ~ Signed nt Helsinki 011 I August 1975. 29. It is easy to expect too much ofthe United Nation. and it is too easy to decry its achievements. The United Nations provides the forum where ideals and realities come face.to face. Our Charter embodies the ideals to which we should continue to aspire. The world supplies the yardstick by which to measure our progress. Our task is simple but gigantic: to seek year by year to bring the reality closer to the ideal.
' Mr. President. on behalf of the Government and people ofJapan Ishould like to extend our congratulations to you on your being elected President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I earnestly hope that under your able leadership this session of the General Assembly will prove to be a most fruitful one.
31. I should like also to express my deepest respect to the former President, Mr. Salim, for his leadership of the thirty- fourth session of the General Assembly, the sixth and the seventh emergency special sessions, devoted respectively to Afghanistan and Palestine, and the eleventh special session on economic matters that was recently concluded. The suc- cess of all those sessions was greatly enhanced by Mr. Salim's guidance, which was truly admirable in its strict impartiality and efficiency.
32. At the same time, I should like to pay a sincere tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has been undertaking extremely difficult tasks at a time ofgreat international turmoil. I earnestlyhope that he will continue with renewed vigour to fulfil the profoundly important duties that the Charter of the United Nations has entrusted to him.
33. Now I should like to take this opportunity to extend a most hearty welcome to Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as it becomes the one hundred and fifty-fourth Member of the United Nations. My country looks forward to promot- ing relations of friendship and co-operation with that new Member State, both within the framework of the United Nations and outside it.
34. Exactly 35 years have passed since the establishment of the United Nations. It is no ~xaggeration to say that the
. Mr. lto spoke in Japanese. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation.
35. Moreover, since last year the second oil crisis has spurred an incipient inflation and has resulted in a worsen- ing of the problems of recession and unemployment, which today pose a serious threat to the economy of every nation. Thus, in spite of the self-help efforts ofdeveloping countries and the increased assistance efforts of developed countries, the economic development to which all developing coun- tries aspire is being subjected to numerous ordeals.
36. Although prospects for the international community in the 19808 do not warrant optimism, there is no need for us to react with undue pessimism, because by no means does the international environment harbour only such discourag- ing elements. Having recovered from the devastation of the Second World War, mankind has over the past 35 years been painstakingly building foundations ofworld peace and prosperity which, in my view, are not so fragile.
37. In the contemporary world, the trend towards multi- polarization continues to grow, and interdependence and complementary relations among nations are deepening. In such a community of nations, the basis for the solution ofall kinds of problems lies in international co-operation. Indeed, no nation canexpect to enjoy peace and prosperity within its own borders unless there is world peace and prosperity.
38. Japan's fundamental diplomatic posture remains unchanged. It consists of the pursuit of peace, refusal to become a military power, and positive efforts to contribute to world peace and prosperity. Today, 35 years after the end of the Second World War, Japan's national determination not to become a military Power is deeply rooted among the Japanese people.
39. I hereby declare that in the 1980sJapan is determined to assume international responsibilities commensurate with its capabilities and its status in the international community by contributing more actively to the maintenance ofinterna- tional peace and to the development of the international economy.
40. On the basis of these fundamental perceptions of diplomacy, Japan will continue to make every effort to strengthen its relations with countries throughout the world and thus to work for the advancement of understanding and trust among nations.
41. For example, it is one of the fundamental tasks of Japan's diplomacy to establish a stable relationship, based on true mutual understanding, with the Soviet Union, onc of its important neighhours with a different social system. Unfortunately, however. because the question regarding the Northern Territories still remains unresolved, we have not
42. Next, among the problems confronting the interna- tional community, I should like to bring up those which I feel are particularly important with regard to world peace and stability, as well as international justice, and briefly to present the Government of Japan's views on them.
43. The problem which demands our most immediate attention is the situation in Kampuchea. There are two aspects to the problem. The first has to do with restoring peace in Kampuchea and helping to build a country accord- ing to the true self-determination of the people. The second has to do with providing reliefto the refugeesand the people of Thailand who have been afflicted by the flow of those refugees into their country. Itself an Asian nation, Japan is deeply concerned at the fact that the fighting in Kampuchea still continues, that hundreds of thousands of its people are still struggling for their survival and, above all, that the fighting has recently spilled over into Thailand.
44. One year has already passed since the General Assem- bly, in an effort to restore peace and fundamentally to resolve the problem, adopted by an overwhelming majority a resolution calling for, inter alia, the withdrawal from Kampuchea of all foreign forces and the exercise of the right of self-determination by the Kampuchean people [resolution 34/22].
45. Although the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, visited Viet Nam and Thailand last August in the hope of finding a solution to the Kampuchean problem, it is highly regrettable that not even a hint ofa peaceful solution has yet been found. Japan takes this opportunity to make a strong appeal once again to the international community and par- ticularly to all the parties to the conflict for the complete implementation of the resolution. Only in this way can peace be restored to the Kampuchean people who, trapped in devastating conditions, are suffering in the midst of the fighting or are being forced to flee to neighbouring countries.
46. I believe that the United Nations should take a new initiative to create an atmosphere in which a settlement as called for in the resolution can be realized. In order not to aggravate the instability of the region, our most urgent task is to prevent by all means the conflict in Kampuchea from spreading once again into neighbouring Thailand, Moreover. I earnestly hope that in the course of this session of the General Assembly there will be further concrete and useful discussions about such matters as the time, venue and
47. Last month, I myself visited the area along the Thai- Kampuchean border and witnessed with my own eyes the miserable conditions of the refugees and Thai people affected in the nearby areas. Thus, in addition to resolving the political problem, another urgent task of the interna- tional community is to bring humanitarian relief to the masses of people who have been victimized by the Kampu- chean conflict. Particular mention should be made of the' fact that life for the Thai people along the Kampuchean border is being threatened by the tremendous influx of Kampuchean refugees. The Government of Japan pays a high tribute to the considerable success of the co-operative efforts of the international organizations and Governments concerned in providing humanitarian relief to the refugees and people affected, and is determined to co-operate further in such relief activities.
48. However, in order to make the humanitarian assist- ance to the Kampuchean people more effective, it isurgently necessary to improve the distribution of relief supplies. Thus, I should like to renew our appeal to the international community regarding the need to establish demilitarized peace zones as proposed by the ASEAN countries and Japan. According to this proposal, in order to ensure the safe and effective distribution of relief goods, certain areas within Kampuchea should be designated demilitarized zones of peace, with consultations between international relief organizations and the parties concerned. I should like to urge that the relevant United Nations agencies promptly begin consultations with the parties concerned on the estab- lishment of such zones, and that all countries concerned transcend political differences, and, from a purely humani- tarian viewpoint, support the establishment ofthe demilitar- ized peace zones. It is essential that they co-operate to the fullest extent with the reliefactivities ofinternational organi- zations for the Karnpuchean people. I also hope that, in order to implement this plan effectively, the relevant organi- zations of the United Nations will play an active role in monitoring the demilitarized peace zones. The establish- ment of such zones, as well as the dispatch to Thailand of United Nations observer teams, which has been urged by the ASEAN countries and supported by Japan, are temporary emergency arrangements, but I hardly need stress once again that. in order for lasting stability to be achieved in South-East Asia, it is necessary to find a solution that goes to the very root of the Kampuchean question.
49. TIle military intervention in Afghanistan by the Soviet Union at the end of last year not only violates the main principles of non-intervention and non-use of force as con- tained in the United Nations Charter, it also seriously jeo-
50. The Government of Japan cannot but express its pro- found concern over the fact that, despite repeated appeals by the international community, the Soviet Union continues to station its troops in Afghanistan and to prevent the estab- lishment of a Government according to the free will of the Afghan people, thereby posing a threat not only to neigh- bouring countries, but to the entire world. We therefore strongly urge the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops imme- diately and to respect the Afghan people's right to self- determination. Moreover, I sincerely hope that, based on General Assembly resolution ES-6/2, the United Nations will adopt a new resolution containing concrete measures for a solution to this problem.
51. The problem ofthe Afghan refugees, which has been exacerbated by the Soviet military intervention in Afghani- stan, is no less painful to me than the Indo-Chinese refugee problem. I visited the refugee camps in Pakistan last month after my visit to the camps in Thailand in order to acquire a better understanding of the problems and to discover what measures Japan, as well as the international community, should take. The human conscience cannot ignore the plight ofpeople, whatever their nationality, who, in order to avoid the disasters of war, are forced to flee from their homelands with only the clothes on their backs and to wander in desperation, suffering from starvation .and disease. I firmly believe that the international community, while hastening to find a political solution to the underlying cause of the prob- lem, should also for purely humanitarian reasons extend a helping hand to these unfortunate people.
52. For its part, Japan has of its own volition provided relieffor refugees around the world through major contribu- tions to the Office of the United Nations High Commis- sioner for Refugees and to UNRWA, and is resolved to continue this assistance in the future. As an Asian nation, Japan is particularly concerned about the refugees in Indo- China and Afghanistan. We feel great sympathy as well for the difficulties which the Governments of Thailand and Pakistan are experiencing as a result of receiving the refu- gees. Japan sincerely hopes that, with the support of the international community, the Governments of both coun- tries will be able to overcome these difficulties.
53. I am profoundly disturbed about the fact that, even after such a long period of time, no solution has been found to the problem of the occupation of the American Embassy in Iran and the taking hostage of its diplomatic personnel. Not only is this incident a violation of established interna-
54. In addition, present indications that the conflict between Iran and Iraq is intensifying are a source of grave concern to me. I strongly hope that the fighting will cease immediately and that both countries will seek a solution of any conflict in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
55. The situation on the Korean peninsula. which lies in close proximity to Japan, is also a matter ofgreat concern to us.
56. New developments have been witnessed in the Repub- lic of Korea since last autumn. We sincerely hope that the stability of that country will be maintained and that its steady development will be achieved. It is our earnest wish that the parties concerned will continue to make strenuous efforts towards peace and the relaxation of tensions in the region. There still exist marked differences between South and North, but we strongly hope that, in order to achieve genuine peace and stability in the Korean peninsula, both sides will promote a dialogue and will gradually undertake exchanges in various fields with the aim of deepening mutual understanding.
57. I now wish to turn to the question of the Middle East. The solution of the question of the Middle East is essential not only to regional stability and development but to inter- national peace and ft"bility as well.
58. Japan's basic position on the Middle East question was clearly stated by its representative at the seventh emer- gency special session of the General Assembly on the ques- tion of Palestine? held last July.
59. In order to achieve a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, we believe that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) must be completely implemented, that Israel must withdraw from all the territories occupied since the war in 1967 and that the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including the right ofself-determination, must be recognized and respected in accordance with the United Nations Charter.
60. Accordingly, Japan supports the principles contained in, and the spirit of, General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX) of 22 November 1974and resolution ES-7/2 of 29 July 1980, which recognized the right of self-determination of the Palestinian people.
61. In order to ensure that these resolutions willconstitute a firm basis for achieving a just peace in the Middle East,
H United States Diplomatic and Consular Staff in Teheran. Judgment, 1.e.J. Reporti 1980. p. 3.
'I See Ofllcial Records of the General Assembly. Seventh En/Clgency Special Session, Plenary Meetings. 4th meeting.
62. We recognize the significance of the Palestine ques- tion. which is the core of the Middle East problem, and are convinced that in order to bring about a just solution of the question it is essential that Israel and the Palestine Libera- tion Organization [PLO], which represents the Palestinian people, recognize each other's positions and that the PLO participate in the peace process. We should also like to stress the necessity for the parties concerned to make concerted and sincere efforts to create an atmosphere conducive to a just solution of the question. In this regard, Japan is pro- foundly concerned about an impasse in the Palestinian autonomy talks and the deterioration of the .situationin the West Bank and finds it most regrettable that the primary cause stems from Israel's occupation policies, such as the establishment of settlements in the occupied territories and its steps to annex East Jerusalem. We sincerely hope that Israel will, with good grace, pay heed to the voice of the international community and demonstrate a courageous and flexible attitude towards the peace talks.
63. Japan supports all international endeavours for a just solution of the question and will vigorously co-operate so that the results obtained so far will not be jeopardized but will continue to be supplemented ana promoted. In accord- ance with its independent viewpoint, it is Japan's policy to explore actively possible solutions of the problem.
64. In southern Africa, the fact that the question ofSouth- ern Rhodesia, which had been a major concern of the inter- national community, was peacefully resolved through negotiations deserves our heartfelt congratulations.
65. The continued practice of racial discrimination in South Africa, however, goes against the trend of history towards establishing majority rule and must be strongly condemned. Japan, a country that has resolutely opposed racial discrimination in any form since the time of the League of Nations, strongly urges the Government ofSouth Africa to make efforts to eradicate racial discrimination.
66. Furthermore, it is utterly deplorable that the Republic of South Africa maintains an intransigent attitude which has prevented the establishment of the United Nations Transi- tion Assistance Group for Namibian independence. Japan has declared its readiness to participate actively in the United Nations Transition Assistance Group and earnestly hopes that it will be established in the very near future.
67. Disarmament is indispensable to the achievement of international peace. In this, the first year of the Second Disarmament Decade, we should renew our firm commit- ment to the promotion of disarmament. As a first step towards making the Second Disarmament Decade a "fruit- ful decade", I should like to make a strong appeal for the early conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty and a treaty prohibiting chemical weapons, for which the international community has long been waiting.
69. World peace is essential for the prosperity of the people of any nation; conversely, the prosperity of the people, which depends upon the stability and development of the world economy, is essential as a foundation for the true and firm establishment of world peace. In this connex- ion, as, on the threshold of the 1980s, we observe the world economy, we find that the economies ofcountries through- out the world are beset with numerous difficulties such as inflation, recession, unemployment ard balance of pay- ments imbalances.
70. One thing that is certain in the present world economy, however, is the fact that at this time of deepening interde- pendent relations, the economic prosperity of any country will not be attainable without the harmonious development and expansion of the world economy. Accordingly, it is essential that each country in the world assume its proper role and carry out its responsibilities in a spirit of interna- tional co-operation.
71. During the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which has just concluded, Japan stressed the notion of the shared responsibility of the North and the South in tackling various problems and in seeking and exploring mutually beneficial solutions," because it is our fundamental belief that such a responsible attitude on the part of the North and the South will be to the advantage of both sides.
72. Thus, I should like to welcome the fact that the special session was able in effect to conclude discussions on a new International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. It is vitally important that the North-South dialogue be patiently continued, and that truly harmonious relations between the North and the South be generated within a long-term perspective. Accord- ingly, I sincerely hope that, based on the results ofthe special session just concluded, preparations for launching the glo- bal negotiations will be finalized during this session.
73. In this connexion, and in light of the fact that, more than anything else, the rapid increase in the price ofoil is seriously affecting the entire world economy, including the economies of non-oil-producing developing countries, I should like to point out that the energy problem, including oil, is an area which deserves our urgent and priority atten- tion and with which both producers and consumers must deal seriously in a spirit of co-operation.
74. The co-operation extended by developed countries for nation-building, as well as for human resources develop- ment,' in developing countries is.essential for strengthening the foundation of world peace and stability.
75. In the firm belief that it is the responsibility of devel- opedcountries to respond to the legitimate expectations of developing countries, Japan has been co-operating to the
10Ibid... Eleventh Special Session, Plenary Meetings. 5th meeting.
77. Secondly, with regard to the expansion of trade in developing countries, I should like to call attention to the noteworthy progress that has recently been achieved in the field of primary commodity exports for the benefit of many developing countries. I am referring specifically to the Agreement establishing the Common Fund for Commodi- ties which, after many years of effort, was finally adopted at Geneva on 27 June 1980,at the United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Pro- gramme for Commodities.n Recognizing the Common Fund's importance to the economic stabilityof many devel- oping countries, Japan has worked unceasingly fer its early establishment and intends to contribute a total ofmore than $60 million to the Fund, which includes the largest contribu- tion to be provided to the Fund's second window.
78. I should now like to turn to the question ofthe mainte- nance of peace, and to present a few concrete ideas concern- ing measures which would enable the United Nations better to fulfil its fundamental purposes as contained in the Char- ter of the United Nations.
79. First of all, it is essential that Member States demon- strate maximal respect for political resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council in the field of the maintenance of peace. It is extremely regrettable, in this connexion, to note the tendency in recent years for parties directly involved in a conflict to disregard, and in certain cases openly to challenge, important political resolu- tions which are supported by the overwhelming majority of Member States of the United Nations and, which, as such, reflect the collective will of the international community. I should like to appeal to those parties to show utmost respect for the resolutions of the United Nations.
80. Secondly, I should like to refer to some concrete meas- ures for enhancing the fact-finding functions of the United Nations which my Government proposed during the gen- eral debate of this Assembly last year," namely that, when- ever a serious dispute arises, a representative of the Secretary-General would be stationed at the scene for a certain period of time in order to investigate the facts of the
II Document TD/IPC/CF/CONF/24.
12 See Offlcia! Recordsofthe GeneralAssembiy, Thirty-fourth Session, Plenary Meetings. 8th meeting, paras. 179 and 180.
81. Thirdly, I should like to take up the question oflimit- ing the veto power in the Security Council. Although we recognize the necessity of maintaining the veto system itself, it would certainly enhance the peace-keeping functions of the Security Council if abuse of that power could be res- tricted as much as possible. Thus we shall follow with interest future deliberations on that question at such forums as the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization.
8~. I should like to confine myself to making, just as an example, a specific suggestion concerning the function ofthe Security Council in connexion with the fact-finding func- tions of the United Nations as a whole, which I have just mentioned. Since Article 34of the Charter. which attributes to the Security Council its important fact-finding function, has been interpreted as being subject to the veto of the permanent members, the Council has been unable to per- form that function in major international conflicts where a permanent member may in some way be involved. We therefore believe that the United Nations should, as soon as possible, take measures which would result in preventingthe permanent members from exercising their veto power, at least in decisions relating to the Council's fact-finding func- tion under Article 34. We are convinced that the smooth functioning of the Security Council in the fact-finding field would enable it to cope more effectively with situations as they develop, and thus help to strengthen dramatically the peace-keeping functions of the United Nations.
83. The international community can never maintain peace by remaining idle in today's world. where there is a tendency openly to challenge the law and order of the international community and where such challenges can result in a fait accompli which eventually simply pushes aside international justice. It isessential that each member of the community of nations share the common responsibility for pursuing world peace, in the conviction that its own peace cannot be maintained unless peace prevails in the rest of the world. It is precisely such efforts actively to fulfil our responsibilities towards peace that will determine whether we shall be successful in handing down to future generations an international environment that is a little more peaceful and a little more congenial than that which we experience today.
84. In concluding my statement. I should like to confirm once again that. for its part, my Government is ready and eager to carry out even more positively Japan's proper responsibilities towards the construction of a peaceful inter- national community.
86. I should like to pay a deserved tribute to the President of the thirty-fourth session, Mr. Salim of the United Repub- lic of Tanzania. Mr. Salim's fair and efficient management of our affairs during the past year has earned him universal acclaim and admiration. One of his more remarkable accomplishments which, I am glad to see you are trying your best to maintain, is that he has cured the United Nations of the disease of never starting its meetings on time. It is also my pleasant task, as a fellow member of the Common- wealth, to welcome Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership in this Organization.
87. In his report on the work of this Organization during the past year, the Secretary-General has correctly summed up that year as one which has provided us with some reasons for celebration and many for anxiety. The Secretary- General pointed. to the negotiated agreement which paved the way for the independence of Zimbabwe and the impor- tant breakthroughs which occurred at the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea [see .1/35/1, sect. lJas two of the silver linings in a sky fullof dark clouds.
88. Dark clouds still hang over southern Africa, the Mid- dle East, Afghanistan and Kampuchea. In southern Africa very little progress has been achieved in the struggle for the freedom of Namibia and to dismantle the evil policy of apartheid. We pledge our support to our African brothers in their struggle to free Namibia from the illegal embrace of South Africa and in their campaign against racial discrimi- nation in South Africa.
89. In the Middle East, the peace process of the Camp David accords has made little progress for some time now. Singapore has always stated unequivocally that Israel has the right to exist. We agree that Israel is entitled to exist within safe and secure boundaries recognized and accepted by its neighbours. However, if there is to be peace between Israel and its Arab neighbours, Israel must be prepared to do three things. First, Israel must give back to the Arab countries the territories it occupied as a result of the June 1967war. Secondly, Israel must be prepared to recognize the right of the Palestinians to self-determination and to a homeland of their own. Thirdly, Israel must rescind the illegal measures it has taken recently to alter the character and status of the city of Jerusalem.
90. It is a matter of great concern to us that the Israeli Government has enacted legislation incorporating East Jer-
91. The majority of us here, Members of the United Nations, gained our independence from Western imperialist Powers in the last 35 years-the years since the end of the Second World War. Most of us were colonies or protecto- rates or subservient to imperial Powers in one way or another. Those who gained their independence early helped others to gain theirs. We sought and obtained help from many quarters in this struggle for independence and national dignity. We had the support of liberals within the imperial countries. We had the support of socialist States like the Soviet Union. The material and moral support We received from those various forces will not be easily forgot- ten by us. It is natural that, because of our history, for most of us suspicion of and antagonism towards the Western imperial Powers are not far below the surface ofthe friendly and amicable relations we have established since indepen- dence with most of the colonial Powers.
92. Singapore .is a small country that gained its indepen- dence only 15 years ago. Since we are small, it is in our interest to be friendly, not only with our immediate neigh- bours but with all countries. It is not at all in our interest to be caught in the press of power contests, be they contests between super-Powers or regional Powers. However, when the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of other small nations are violated by bigger nations we feel that our own security isendangered. This is why, for the past two years, Singapore has spoken out clearly against certain of the policies ofthe Soviet Union and Viet Nam. We are not anti-Soviet or anti-Viet Nam because they have chosen a system of government and economy that is different from ours. What internal policies they follow is entirely their business. But, when their external policies impinge on our security and set precedents which can be used against us, we have no alternative but to do all we can to cause them to change those policies.
93. It is in this context that I ask this Assembly to conside: our views on the events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. They arise from a deep concern for what those events por- tend for us who belong to the third world. Singapore is not alone in its concern. Many other countries, especially the small non-aligned nations, share this concern. Like Singa- pore, they too have been alarmed by the implications for themselves of these events. The 91 countries that voted in the United. Nations General Assembly in November last year to call on Viet Nam to withdraw its forces from Kampuchea did so for this reason. Likewise, 104countries voted in the United Nations General Assembly in January this year to call on the Soviet Union to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan.
94. The Soviet Union and Viet Nam have dismissed those resolutions. They argue that those countries were pressured
95. The majority of us in the United Nations, especially those of us in the third world, have taken a clear and unequivocal position on the issues of Aghanistan and Kam- puchea. We will continue to oppose the actions ofthe Soviet Union and Viet Nam in those two countries. Ifwe show that we acquiesce in, compromise with or condone the actions of those two countries, we in the third world will surely pay the price, as the next victim will come from our ranks.
96. The Soviet Union and Viet Nam claim that they were invited to send their military forces into Afghanistan and Kampuchea and that this is a sufficient and legitimate rea- son for them to intervene militarily. A brief review of the events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea will show that this was never the case.
97. In Kampuchea, the formation of a group called the National United Front for the Salvation of Kampuchea was announced by Viet Nam on 2 December 1978. Three weeks later, on 25 December 1978, Vietnamese forces invaded Kampuchea. By 1I January 1979, the large Vietnamese forces had overrun the country. They then set up a puppet regime headed by one Heng Samrin. On 18 February 1979, nearly two months after the invasion, a so-called Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Co-operation was signed between Viet Nam and the puppet Heng Samrin regime. It was subsequently claimed that under the terms ofthis Treaty-a Treaty signed two months after the invasion-Vietnamese troops were invited into Kampuchea. Today, Vietnamese troops numbering more than 200,000 remain in Kampuchea.
98. Similarly, in Afghanistan, Soviet airborne troops landed at Kabul on 25 and 26 December 1979. On 27 December, they attacked and captured governmental instal- lations, killed Amin, the head ofGovernment, and disarmed Afghan army units. They brought in one 8abrak Karmal, who was not even in the country during the Soviet invasion. They installed him as head of a new Government and then announced that they had been invited under the Treaty of Friendship, Good Neighbourliness and Co-operation of 5 December 1978 between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union.
99. While the ostensible reason advanced by the Soviet Union and Viet Nam is that they were invited by the Governments of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, the real rea- sons have since begun to emerge. One need only read the various publications of the Soviet Union and Viet Nam for evidence. Today they are increasingly admitting that their real reason for intervening militarily in those two countries is that events in the neighbouring States threatened their own security. In fact, one Soviet commentator, Alexander 8ovin, went so far as to say that "We [the Soviet Union] knew that we would cease to be a great Power if we refrained
100. In Afghanistan, the Soviet Union considered that a revolt by the people of Afghanistan against their communist Government was a threat to the security of the Soviet Union. In Kampuchea, a Government that refused to accept the leadership of Viet Nam in an Indo-Chinese federation was considered to be a threat to Viet Nam's security. The pattern ofinvasion was the same in both countries. Having concluded that its security was involved, the aggressor nation first invaded its neighbour with massive military power, then established a puppet regime and then got the puppet regime to acknowledge subsequently that it had invited the foreign forces.
101. Most of us have no wish to become partisans in the rivalry and contests between the big Powers. We wish to avoid the fate of becoming cannon fodder in the conflicts between the great Powers. This is why many of us chose to be non-aligned. For many years we have held the view that non-alignment is our best safeguard. For many years the Soviet Union supported the concept of non-alignment to such an extent that some members ofthe non-aligned move- ment even championed the Soviet Union as the natural ally of the movement. Today, events in Afghanistan and Kam- puchea have shown that non-alignment by itself no longer offers us protection. Both Afghanistan and Kampuchea were non-aligned nations. Both professed the communist ideology. In both cases the national integrity has been vio- lated, in the case of Afghanistan, directly by the Soviet Union and, in the case of Kampuchea,by Viet Nam with the aid and support of the Soviet Union.
102. Did the Soviet Union support non-alignment all these years as a cover, to persuade countries to dissociate them- selves from and weaken links with Western Powers until the Soviet Union was jn a position to bring them within its orbit? That question is not as far-fetched as it sounds. Today the Soviet Union already has allies and proxies in the non- aligned movement which are completely in support of its policies. Viet Nam, for example, declared on 15 July 1980 that "solidarity with the Soviet Union has always been the basis of our foreign policy". With such allies and proxies within the non-aligned movement, the Soviet Union can be assured that there will be no clear consensus among non- aligned countries.to oppose its moves against a non-aligned nation.
103. What is most distressing is that Viet Nam, a member of the movement, a nation that has suffered the ravages of war for 30 years, should have betrayed the non-aligned movement and the ideals for which it sacrificed so much. The Vie'ramese underwent an heroic struggle for their inde- pendence. They should therefore understand how dearly their neighbours value their independence. For 15 years Viet Nam fought against the United States in a war which the United States claimed was aimed at containing China and preventing the rest of South-East Asia from falling into communist hands. With that experience, the Vietnamese should know the fallacy of overrunning a small nation on the grounds that that is intended to counter the threat of
104. The events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea have great significance for us small nations. Precedents and prin- ciples are being established which have profound implica- tions for us. Unless we resist and reject them now, one of us may become the next victim.
105. In both Afghanistan and Kampuchea, we are being asked to accept a certain code of international relations. The elements of that code have been clearly expressed in numer- ous Soviet and Vietnamese publications and broadcasts, such as the Vietnamese commentary entitled "From Phnom Penh to Kabul" broadcast by Radio Hanoi on 31 January 1980, an article in the Soviet New Times ofJanuary 1970and an article by one Alexander Bovin in the Soviet newspaper Izvestia of 22 April 1980. Those are only a few examples.
106. What are the elements of this new code of conduct that we are asked to accept?
107. First, we are asked to accept that a country has the right to invade another country and set up a puppet Govern- ment if the invading country considers its security threat- ened or if it disapproves of the internal policies of the neighbouring Government.
108. Secondly, we are asked to accept that it isthe interna- tionalist duty of the Soviet Union and communist States to provide military aid to elements in other countries which seek to overthrow their Governments by force and establish communist and pro-communist regimes.
109. We are also asked to accept that if a people of a non-aligned country wants to change its Government from a communist or pro-communist to some other type of Government, then it can be prevented from doing so by another communist Power under its internationalist obliga- tion to safeguard the gains of revolution.
110. We are asked to accept that communist Powers are not under an obligation to uphold the principles ofindepen- dence, territorial integrity and sovereignty and that commu- nist imperialism and interference in the internal affairs of other States are morally justifiable and acceptable since they promote socialism and not capitalism.
Ill. To accept that code of conduct would be to spell our doom. We must reject those propositions and make it clear that we are against all forms ofimperialism and domination.
112. We must make it abundantly clear that, just as we fought to dismantle capitalist imperialism, we will resist communist imperialism or any other form of imperialism. Wc must make it clear that we reject the right ofany nation to violate the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of another nation to impose or preserve commu-
lB. We have to reject all forms of imperialism for our own preservation. We are not anti-Soviet or anti-Viet Nam. We wish those Governments wellin whatever way they want to pursue the happiness and well-being of their own people, so long as their foreign policies do not endanger our security.
114. How do we reject and oppose those moves? First, on Kampuchea we must resist any attempt to unseat Demo- cratic Kampuchea from the United Nations. To allow Dem- ocratic Kampuchea to be unseated would be to endorse and encourage the policy ofaggression by Viet Nam. Weare not here to decide on the merits ofthe Democratic Kampuchean Government in its dealings with its l" \-.". people. We did not create. the Government of Democratic l<ampuchea nor did we sustain it. Viet Nam nurtured and sustained it and defended its internal policies until 25 December 1978. It was only after Viet Nam invaded Kampuchea that it seemed to have suddenly discovered that the Government of Democratic Kampuchea was a barbaric and genocidal Government.
liS. Here in the United Nations weare faced with a simple question. Are we going to allow the legitimate Government of a country, which is fighting against a foreign invader, to be unseated just because the foreign invader has been suc- cessful in establishing a puppet regime in the capital city?
Some are advancing the idea of leaving the seat of Kampu- chea vacant here in the United Nations. That would only punish the victim and reward the aggressor because an empty seat is a prelude tothe puppet regime's making a bid for the empty seat.
116. Secondly, we must continue to insist that foreign occupation forces must be withdrawn from both Kampu- chea and Afghanistan, and that the people of Kampuchea and Afghanistan be allowed to chart their own destiny. The root cause of the present problem in Afghanistan and Kam- puchea is the occupation of those countries by foreign for- ces. Both the Soviet Union and Viet Nam would have us believe that the root cause ofthe problem isthe resistance by the people of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. They would have us believe that the way to solve the problem is for resistance to cease. Are nationalists fighting against foreign invaders for their nationhood, their dignity and self-respect to be told by us that they are wrong? Does that not go against the very principles which united us Members of this Organization? The least we can do is to stand by the nation- alists of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. No effort or great sacrifice is demanded of us. All we are asked to do is to vote for their just cause. The moral force ofsuch a vote willmean a great deal to people fighting against the invaders at desper- ate odds. It is the least we can do for a just cause.
117. Thirdly, through our stand here on those two issues we must show clearly to the super-Powers that we will have no truck with the policies of their proxies. If we condone Vietnamese action in Kampuchea it will be a clear signal to the super-Powers that they have our licence to canvass for
Allow me first of all, Sir, to offer you my sincere congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. For my country, it is a special plea- sure to welcome a distinguished representative of a neigh- bouring country with which we have the closest and most friendly relations bilaterally and within important regional organizations. I see your election, Mr. President, as an obvious recognition of your eminent personal qualifications and of the important contributions which for more than 30 years the Federal Republic of Germany has made to peace, reconciliation, co-operation and security among nations, especially in the context of East-West relations.
120. Next, I wish to extend a most cordial welcome to Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as new Members of the United Nations family. Their presence here today offers proof that the world is, after all, still moving forward.
121. We need such proof, for in other respects the present world situation does not give much cause for optimism. In fact, the international situation at the opening of the thirty- fifth session is marked by a number of sinister problems and perspectives, politically and economically, which it will take our most strenuous and constructive efforts to cope with.
122. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan represented a breach of fundamental principles. It recreated uncertainties which we had hoped belonged to the past. The continuing and growing tension in the Middle East constitutes a serious danger to peace. The detention of American diplomats in Iran, in flagrant violation of international law, poses serious risks. TIle situation surrounding the grave and unacceptable invasion of Kampuchca by Vietnamese forces remains unchanged. South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and its abhorrent apartheid system continue to make the area onc of the powder kegs of the world. Let me add that the reported military clashes between Iraqi and Iranian forces constitute a new clement in the fragile world situa- 123. The world-wide economic recession has become a critical factor. This is even more true of the growing gap between the rich and the poor nations of the world, the so-called North-South problem, which my Government regards as one of the most serious challenges to the interna- tional community in the years ahead. The solution of the North-South problem not only is a prerequisite for a more just world economic order but has a crucial bearing on the basic problem of international security and, in turn, on the safeguarding of world peace. Let me, finally, mention the suppression of democracy in various parts of the world and the mounting problems of refugees, hunger and iII- treatment of human beings. 124. I could mention many more problems giving cause for taking a pessimistic view of the current international situation. Many of these problems can be solved only through concerted efforts by all our countries. Where do we find a body that is more suitable for such endeavours than the United Nations? In times of problems, crises and con- frontations, we must use the world Organization more, not less. But, in making use of the unique machinery of the United Nations, we must adhere strictly to the purposes and principles of its Charter. We must, therefore-and Iempha- size this-firmly reject all attempts to alter the all-important principle of universality of the United Nations. 125. In the midst of all the difficult old and new problems facing us, the most positive development during the past year has no doubt been the negotiated settlement of the conflict in Zimbabwe. At long last the people of Zimbabwe has been enabled to exercise its right of self-determination and to elect the Government in a democratic way. To Denmark, which has a long-standing tradition of active support for the elimination of colonialism and racial dis- crimination, this development is indeed most welcome. 126. Against this background, it is all the more regrettable that the negotiated settlement of the conflict in Namibia has not yet been implemented. The responsibility for this lies squarely with South Africa. In spite of its acceptance of the United Nations plan for free elections in Namibia, South Africa has obstructed and defied the decisions of the Secu- rity Council and the willofthe international community as a whole. South Africa should have learned from the Rhode- sian experience that a so-called internal solution excluding the national liberation movement is no solution. South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia must be brought to an early end. 127. My country remains fully committed to supporting the ongoing efforts to achieve early implementation of the Security Council resolutions on Namibia. The United Nations offers us the instruments for securing, in a peaceful manner, the freedom and independence of the Namibian people. Denmark, for its part, is prepared to assist, on the practical levelalso, in the implementation ofany agreement worked out within the framework of the United Nations. 129. The conflict in the Middle East continues to have serious repercussions on relationships not only in the Mid- dle East but also in the rest of the world. Despite all the efforts that have been made, the past year has seen growing tension in the region. My Government welcomed the agree- ments reached at Camp David by Egypt and Israel," with the help of the United States.and the peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel 14as important steps towards a comprehen- sive solution of the Middle East conflict. Unfortunately, we have not so far seen a broadening of the peace process towards a comprehensive settlement. 130. Two essential elements are involved in such a process: clear acceptance by all of the right of Israel to continue to exist as a sovereign State within secure and recognized borders and recognition of the fact that fullaccount must be taken of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, including their right to self-determination. 131. In this perspective, the nine member States of the European Community issued the Venice declaration on the Middle East in June this year and decided to make the necessary contacts with all the parties concerned. We are convinced that the members of the Community are making a constructive contribution towards establishing the under- standing and the. climate required tor bringing about a comprehensive solution to the Middle East problem. 132. However, this goal will remain a distant one as long as the cycle of violence is allowed to continue in the area, not least in Lebanon. Renunciation of the use of force by all the parties involved is a pre-condition of real progress. 133. Other serious obstacles to the peace process are the Israeli settlements and the unilateral Israeli initiative to change the status of Jerusalem. We urge all the parties concerned to exercise maximum restraint in word and in deed, in order not to hamper the endeavours to bring peace and security to the region. 134. The armed Vietnamese intervention in Kampuchea nearly two years ago and its implications for the neighbour- ing States remain a matter ofserious concern to the world at large. Like the majority of the States Members ofthe United Nations, Denmark deeply deplores this development and has emphasized the right of all peoples to determine their own future without outside interference. 11 Framework for Peace in the Middle East. Agreed at Camp David, and Framework for. the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel. signed at W;_shington on 17 September 1978. 14 Treaty of Peace. between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel, signed at Washington on 26 March 1979. 136. As I mentioned in my introductory remarks, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan during the last days of 1979 has caused a regrettable deterioration in international relations. , 137. At its sixth emergency session, held from 10 to 14 January this year, the General Assembly adopted by an overwhelming majority a resolution urging the Soviet Union to abide by the purposes and principles ofthe United Nations Charter and promptly put an end to its military intervention in Afghanistan. It is deplorable that today, nine months after the adoption of that resolution, there are still Soviet troops in Afghanistan. 138. Various initiatives aiming at a political solution ofthe crisis have seen the light of day in recent months. But, regrettably, Soviet reactions have so far generally been nega- tive, and they provide no basis for optimism as to an early solution. 139. Denmark believes that the countries in the region, the Islamic countries and other non-aligned countries in partic- ular, can offer important contributions to the search for a comprehensive political solution. 140. The challenge to East-West relations posed by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan presents a very real and significant problem. It is imperative that all efforts be devoted to preserving what is realistically possible of the achievements of the 19708, and especially the practice of East-West contacts and dialogue, which has become part of everyday life. 141. Arms control and the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe are examples ofareas in which it should be in the interest of both sides to secure detente based on a genuine two-way process. We must concentrate our efforts on continuing this East-West dialogue. 142. The continued world-wide arms race is fraught with such dangers and entails such a drain on the world's resour- ces that it must impose on all States of the world a responsi- bility to contribute to international disarmament efforts. In our age a nuclear conflict would simply mean the eno of modern civilization. In this context the ongoing broad dia- logue in the United Nations on these central problems is essential. 143. All nations share a profound common interest, trans- cending all ideological and national boundaries in avoiding war-not just a major war, but also local conflicts which might escalate into a major war. I <See document A/34/627 and Corr.l . 145. It is deplorable that the Second ReviewConference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons failed to achieve consensus on a substan- tive final document. It should not be overlooked, however, that the Conference did much useful work. 146. In the longer view, the political willon the part of the nuclear Powers to halt the arms race will be a pre-condition of the preservation and, it is to be hoped, the strengthening of the present international non-proliferation regime. For that reason, among others, Denmark urges early ratification of the SALT 11 Treaty." We also urge a resumption of the negotiating process on the limitation of strategic arms in order to secure substantial future reductions in nuclear weapons as part of a new SALT III treaty. :47. We warmly welcome the latest developments regard- ing the beginning in the very near future ofpreliminary talks on arms control concerning long-range theatre nuclear for- ces. We expect that such talks may pave the way to early and realistic negotiations, thus making it possible to avoid a new and dangerous nuclear arms race on the European conti- nent. Permit me also to re-emphasize that the Danish Government attaches decisive importance to the conclusion of a comprehensive treaty banning all nuclear tests in all environments. 148. So far I have mentioned only nuclear weapons, but the efforts to halt the arms race must cover all types of weapons, including conventional weapons, which account for more than 80 per cent of total world military expendi- ture. Issues surrounding conventional weapons should be given urgent attention as well. 149. In the course of the second substantive meeting ofthe United Nations Disarmament Commission in May and June 1980, Denmark highlighted the problems and princi- ples of conventional disarmament." The debate showed that there was wide support for the Danish idea of an in-depth study of the entire range of issues involved in conventional disarmament. We intend to pursue those ideas during the present session of the General Assembly. 150. As I have indicated, we are faced with a number of serious political problems, but also as regards economic Ih Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 151. Denmark strongly believes that it is in the common interest of all countries to develop a new and more equitable international economic order. We therefore regret that the eleventh special session of the General Assembly did not make as much progress as we had hoped. Weascribe that to the fact that the global negotiations in themselves represent a new venture which is both ambitious and difficult. Let me make it clear, however, that Denmark is in favour of those global negotiations. That was also reflected in our willing- ness to accept the compromise text concerning the proce- durefor the global negotiations" which emerged during the last days ofthe special session. Weare prepared to join in the efforts to reach a final agreement concerning the procedure and the agenda for the global negotiations during this ses- sion. Our aim is to set the global negotiations in motion as planned early next year. We see the global negotiations as a first step towards implementing some of the recommenda- tions of the Brandt report.'? My Government fully sub- scribes to the thrust of that report. We hope that its findings will be taken duly into account and that they will make an important contribution to the coming round of global negotiations. 152. My Government welcomes the successful conclusion at the eleventh special session of the negotiations regarding the new development strategy for the 19805. We are now looking forward to the final adoption of the strategy at this session of the General Assembly. 153. Denmark continues to put the strongest emphasis on extending official development assistance to the developing countries as the best expression in practical terms of the solidarity ofall industrialized countries, including the social- ist countries, with the third world in its struggle for eco- nomic development and social progress. Itherefore strongly urge all industrialized countries to regard the targets of the strategy as commitments substantially to increase official development assistance so as to reach the 0.7 percent target within the next few years. However, our ambition should not stop there; I per cent must be reached within the foresee- able future. 154. As I have mentioned, the preparatory work on launching the global negotiations is before the Assembly at this session. I am thinking especially of the agenda, which conveys all the major elements on which global economic growth is dependent. Jq North-South: A program for survival: report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues under the Chairman- ship of WillyBrandt (Cambridge. Massachusetts. The MIT Press. 1980). 156. The establishmentofa Common Fund for Commod- ities represents a significant achievement ofthe North-South dialogue. It is to be hoped that the Fund will soon become operational and thus give an impetus to the global round negotiations on how to cope with the many outstanding questions and problems in the commodity field. 157. One of the most important questions on the agenda for the global round is, ofcourse, the scarce supply ofcertain natural resources. It is therefore essential that the glohal- round negotiations should bring about a common agree- ment on trends and predictability in the energy market. In this. connexion, it is of great importance to agree on the establishment of a permanent energy forum within the framework of the United Nations system. I should also like to emphasize that the Danish Government attaches impor- tance to the upcoming United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy. 158. Many other items. will be discussed during the global round of the negotiations. It is impossible to mention all of th -m, but I should like to point out that the growing food problems and other important matters in .connexion with development are among the key problems to be solved during this decade. Let me point out, as a more imminent and pressing question, that in .order to restore a high and sustainable rate of economic growth coupled with price stability we must find an effective solution to the problem of recycling-a solution that takes into account the interests of all parties concerned. 159. I have already dealt with a number ofissues that have implications for human rights. During the past decades the United Nations has in particular contributed substantially to a growing appreciation that lasting world peace and security must be based on a world with social justice and respect for human rights. We have all seen how violations of fundamental human rights in many parts of the world cause social unrest, political disturbances or even armed conflict. In such circumstances, individuals whose human dignity and integrity are disregarded are left with only one choice: to take refuge elsewhere. 160. The United Nations has often considered the prob- lems of the millions and millions of refugees in the world. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other relevant organs of the United Nations have made strenuous and persistent efforts to find solutions to these problems. Denmark has taken and will continue to take an active part in the international humanitarian endeavours to relieve the plight of refugees, and the Danish Government sincerely hopes that all Member States of the United Nations will make a truly constructive contribution to these endeavours. 162. A special feature ofdiscriminatory practices is that of sex discrimination, which exists almost everywhere. In this respect, it is important to recall that since its creation the United Nations has agreed that the Organization should be instrumental in both national and international efforts for the advancement of women all over the world. To date, the main achievements of the United Nations in this field are the World Plan of Action" adopted by the World Conference of the International Women's Year, held at Mexico City in 1975, and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which the General Assembly adopted last year [resolution 34/180, annex). 163. The World Conference ofthe United Nations Decade for Women, which was held at Copenhagen from 14 to 30 July 1979, provided further impetus for the implementation of both of these international instruments. 164. Denmark signed the Convention at the Copenhagen Conference, and we find that by far the greater part of the Programme of Action adopted at the Conference" repre- sents a most valuable action-oriented contribution to the advancement of women all over the world, and especiallyof the least privileged groups of women. 165. Within this framework, the Danish Government will be active in contributing to the implementation of the Pro- gramme of Action for the rest of the Decade. 166. The proposal of the five Nordic countries concerning effective measures to enhance the protection, security and safety of diplomatic missions has been elaborated upon by my Finnish colleague. In this connexion,l should also like to mention the reference to this subject in the Secretary- General's report on the work of the Organization [see A/35/1, sect. X]. 167. Denmark strongly supports the efforts of the Secretary-General to turn the United Nations into a more efficient tool for negotiation, accommodation and co- operation among all peoples and States of our globe. I have noted with great interest Mr. Waldheim's pertinent remarks on this point. I completely agree that the success of these efforts depends on the will of the Member States. Denmark, for its part, is prepared to show that political will. 168. Mr. COLOMBO (Italy) Unterpretation from French): Allow me first ofall to address to Mr. von Wechmar, on behalf of the Italian Government and on my own behalf, warmest congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and to convey to him the expression of our deep satisfaction at seeing the conduct of the work ofthis august body entrusted ~(J Report of the World Conference ofthe lnternational Women's Year (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.76.IV.I), chap. 11, sect. A. ~I Report of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality. Development and Peace (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.80.IV.3), chap. I. sect. A. 169. Allow me also to stress once more the importance that my Government attaches to the tireless activity of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Wald- heim, in seeking solutions to problems that are among the most serious and most intractable of our era. 170. May I also extend a sincerewelcometo the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, which has just been admitted as the one hundred and fifty-fourth Member ofour Organization, thus bringing us closer to the ultimate goal of the universality of the United Nations. 171. The achievement of this priority objective of making the United Nations effectively universal, which the Charter itself set for us more than 30 years ago, no longer appears unduly distant. However, although the 1970s have brought us close to this important success, the 1980s that are now opening before us are still full ofchallenges to be faced and goals to be pursued. 172. Even more than in past decades, the United Nations must therefore strive to increase its importance and effec- tivenessas a forum at the serviceof individuals, of peoples, of States, and of the whole international community, in order to contribute to the achievement ofa world of greater solidarity and security. 173. Above all, our Organization has a paramount responsibility to work to serve individuals whose dignity it must safeguard and whose rights it must protect. In this ect, the membership of nearly all the States of the world confers a special legitimacy on United Nations action, pre- cisely because the Organization is the expression of the universal conscience and, at the same time, of the diversity of cultures. 174. We must listen to the voice of all who are suffering unjustly and who are being persecuted, tortured or forced to abandon their own country because the authorities inpower are unable or lack the will to provide adequately for their needs. In this area, Italy is ready to co-operate fully with the world Organization, for, whenever the value and dignity of the individual are threatened, no obstacle can stand in our way. No country can henceforth take refuge behind the principle of non-interference in internal affairs when human dignity is at stake. 175. The numerous international legal instruments-both global and regional-already in existencefor the protection of human rights remind us of the vast amount of work that has been accomplished in identifying the fundamental prin- ciples involved. A large part of the credit for these achieve- ments must go to our Organization. In the years to,come, however, we must close the gap which in too many cases separates affirmations of principle from the practical recog- nition of these rights. 177. Millionsof men and women are stillturning towards the United Nations in the silent hope that it can tackle and improve the situations which unfortunately still exist in many parts of the world and in which they remain prisoners of misery. No one will believe us if W~ do not take into account that the sphere of freedom isvery broad and that it is right to seek not only freedom of thought and movement, but also freedom to own a home,to educate one's children, to receive medical care and, first and foremost, for millions of human beings, not to die of hunger. Italy is profoundly convinced that no State, no responsible authority and no individual, can find peaceor can slacken their efforts so long as such tremendous problems as imbalance betweenpopula- tion consumption and resources or the deterioration of the environment continue to facethe peoplesofthe globe. These problems require from the United Nations, from all coun- tries and from the wholeinternational community the adop- tion of joint strategies, the union of forces and a genuine solidarity of the whole world. Future generations will judge us by the results of our efforts today and by the successes or failures that we register. On this depends our future and the quality of life that we can transmit to our children. 178. The conclusions of the recent special session of the General Assemblydevoted to the problems of development have emphasized, inter alia, the objectivesto bepursued and the expectations which exist in regard to them. 179. Admittedly, it has not yet been possible to reach complete agreement on all the questions on which wewere called upon to take wide-rangingdecisions, but nevertheless the special session was able to achieve substantial progress, which we should not underestimate. 180. I am referring not only to the agreement reached on the definition of the new International Development Strat- egy, which we hope will be duly adopted at the end of our work. I should like, above all, to stress the efforts made to re-establish-as Italy had fervently wished-the climate of trust and co-operation that isessential to revitalize relations between the North and the South in the present extremely delicate political and economic situation. 181. A highly significant political result, which we must include among the positive features of the special session that has just ended, was therefore the unanimous reaffirma- tion of the need to continue vigorously the close dialogue between industrialized countries and developing countries that began at the special session. We should not allow ourselves to be discouraged by difficulties. On the contrary, we must take advantage of the moral awareness generated by the special session in order to deepen and intensify that dialogue during the present session, in the conviction that it is essential to ensure the stability of international relations and to enable us to tackle without delaythe urgent problems of development. 183. The joint participation of all members of the interna- tional community is essential to the success of the efforts being made by the United Nations to reduce and eliminate the conflicts, crises and sources oftension that exist through- out the world. 184. Here I should like, first of all, to refer to the crisis that began nine months ago with the intervention of Soviet military forces in Afghanistan, and in this regard I should like to recall the pertinent and timely resolution adopted by this Assembly last January at the end of its sixth emergency special session [resolution ES-6/2]. I fully agree with the analyses and assessments which, in respect to the serious problems arising from this new source of tension, have already been made here by the current President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, the Min- ister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, Mr. Thorn, on behalf of the nine member countries ofthat Community [6th meetings. Already, last February, the members of the Com- rnunity stated that the crisis could only be ended by a political solution based on the withdrawal ofSoviet military forces and the exercise by the population of its right to sell-determination, thus leading to the establishment of a neutral and non-aligned Afghanistan, removed from the rivalry among the major Powers. 18~',. This perspective, from the very moment in which it was formulated by the Community was neither exclusive in character nor intended to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan or in the' necessary balance of power in the region, Precisely tor this reason, the initiatives taken by the Islamic Conference appear to us to be particularly appropri- ate" because what Italy wants (or the Afghan people, in full agreement with the overwhelming majority of this Assem- bly, is that Afghanistan should not indefinitely remain a victim of a fait accompli. 18t), During the whole of this year we have followed with close attention and deep concern the difficulties that still prevent the implementation of United Nations proposals for the peaceful attainment ofinternationally accepted indepen- dence for Namibia, the consequences of the continued denial of the rights of the majority of the South African people, within the framework of a political, legal and eco- nomic system unacceptable and abhorrent as the system of apartheid, and the continuing risks of destabilization in the whole of South-East Asia and the sufferings of its martyred peoples. 187. The international community has been able tojoin in an effort of solidarity to save the people of Cambodia from annihiliation. But the refugee problem today has a global dimension and afflicts other regions in Asia and Africa with extremely serious consequences. It is our fervent hope that the operations which, both through the United Nations and at the bilateral level, aim at putting an end to the tragedy to which we bear witness, the tragedy of millions of innocent people condemned to die of starvation, may be further developed. tions based on the principles of the Organization of African Unity [OA UJ and the United Nations. 189. On another continent, Latin America, to which Italy is linked by ties offriendship whose roots run deep in history and culture, we have witnessed this year positive develop- ments in that a number ofcountries, recently including Peru, have restored democratic forms ofgovernment. But we have also noted with concern that in other countries hotbeds of grave tension persist or have been freshly ignited. These have taken the form, on the one hand, ofthe degeneration of the political system into an authoritarian regime, and,on the other hand, of the massive exodus of tens of thousands of people abandoning their native lands and their homes. These events, which involve risks of destabilization and . which endanger the basic principles of civil co-existence, have been firmly deplored and condemned by the Italian Government. 190. For an assessment of those problems and of all the current international crises, I have already referred to the statement made on behalf of the European Community by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg. Indeed, the nine countries of the European Community are con- stantly increasing their joint actions in the international field to further at the global level, in a spirit of solidarity and peace, their priority objective, which is to contribute to the achievement of an ever better political, economic and social balance among the peoples of the world. 191. Italy, therefore, has set for itself the major political goal of building a Europe ofcommunity, open in the broad- est way to all fruitful forms ofco-operation. The European Community has already given concrete proofthat this is not a selfish and autarchical endeavour designed to defend privi- leged positions. 192. Our Community, which, through the European Parliament which is elected by direct universal suffrage, henceforth guarantees in particular the participation ofthe peoples in its institutional machinery, will be further strengthened by the entry of Greece on I January 1981 and by progress in the procedures under way for the admission of Spain and Portugal. 193. Italy, which is situated in the sensitive Mediterranean area,looks with special interest at these developments ofthe European Community because it realizes that it is responsi- ble for reaffirming and interpreting authoritatively the polit- ical will of the Community in that region. 194. Thus, no one is more thoroughly convinced than my country of the importance of the stability of the Mediterra- nean region for peace, security and economic and social development. This is why Italy's foreign policy is particu- larly aware of and devotes very careful attention to develop- ments in the situation in this area, whether it is a question of the problems and conflicts which unfortunately still remain or one of co-operative efforts for consolidating peace. 196. Italy is deeply aware of the basic questions that have to be resolved: that of the implementation of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians; that of the security of Israel; that of Jerusalem, for which no unilateral decision is acceptable; and that of Lebanon. Italy, therefore, actively <ontributed to the drafting of the Venice Declaration and took part in defining the position of the Community on the Camp David accords, which were considered a first step towards breaking the deadlock which had arisen in the search for a solution of the problems of the Middle East. 197. But Italy is not losing sight of the realities of the situation. It is well aware that the desired comprehensive peace settlement can be achieved only ifall the fundamental principles defined by the international community are accepted and implemented by all the parties to the negotia- tions on the attainment of a comprehensive solution: that is, by Israel, by the Arab countries and by the PLO. Italy is aware of the need to ensure the effective exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination as a means of solving its tragic problems. Italy isalso aware that, in conformity with the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force, all the States of the region, Israel and the Arab countries alike, have the right to live in peace within secure, recognized and guaranteed borders. 198. It is essential that the people of Israel and the Pales- tinian people find the way to genuine co-existence. How long will it be before these two peoples, one martyred yester- day, one today, will be able to carry on a dialogue and to understand one another? How long will it be 'before all nations, big and small, will work actively towards this goal without mental reservations, opportunism or ulterior motives? History teaches us that solutions built on force and violence, which trample underfoot basic rights such as the right of all peoples to preserve their own identities and to be able to express them freely, nearly always remain precar- ious, if not ephemeral. It is indispensable that all the protag- onists be deeply convinced that the present precarious balance is essentially unstable and dangerous and that the only path open to all the parties concerned is that of negotiation. 200. The hope and trust which Italy places in the United Nations peace-keeping activities naturally extends to another delicate problem in the Mediterranean area. I am referring to Cyprus, where the unremitting activities of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, have recently brought the two communities back to the negotiating table as part of the effort to normalize the situation in the Republic of Cyprus, in which Italy continues to take a legitimate and natural interest. 20I. The continuing detention of American diplomatic hostages in Iran is certainly not merely a bilateral problem. It also violates the conditions necessary for the safeguarding of justice and for the respect of clear international obliga- tions. The release of the hostages without further delay is therefore necessary primarily to enable all members of the international community to re-establish normal relations with Iran, whose people have begun a new phase in their history, having made a choice which we fully respect. In their own interest, the hostage problem must be settled as a matter of urgency so that Iran may begin to play the role to which it is entitled in international affairs. 202. In Italy, where the conviction that there are no prob- lems that cannot and should not be settled through negotia- tions is deeply rooted, we have viewed with grave concern the developments in relations between Iraq and Iran, which have now taken the form of armed conflict. This isa conflict that is linked to a territorial dispute over frontiers, which makes it even more urgent to put an end to the use of force and to hasten the search for a negotiated settlement, in accordance with the United Nations Charter. 203. The history of my country, our recent history, so interwoven with extraordinary changes and sublime moments of unity, but also with cruel episodes which are an affront to the conscience of our citizens, sometimes discon- certs even those most convinced of the primacy of democ- racy over all other systems. That history, by undermining the confidence of those who are the most dubious, could induce us to take an indifferent view of recent events in Turkey, a country long stricken with political intolerance, and to hide from ourselves the gravity of the military coup d'etat, the sudden suspension of the parliamentary system and the arrests of prominent advocates of democracy. The events in that great country, to which we are linked by such strong ties, cannot however leave us indifferent. If we were to remain aloof, our guilt would be great. But it is our hope that the people of Turkey may rapidly recover the full enjoyment of their democratic rights and frcedoms. We therefore say to the military leaders: restore power as soon as possible to the legitimate representatives ofthe people of Turkey. 205. On 15September, the Italian Government reached an agreement with Malta which guarantees a priori Italian recognition of the neutral status of that island, in line with the policy of non-alignment followed by the Government of Malta. The declaration of neutrality which will be made by Malta will list the corresponding commitments by that country, which exclude participation in alliances, the admis- sion on Maltese territory of foreign military forces or bases and the repair in Maltese shipyards of units belonging to the American or Soviet fleets. 206. The declaration to be made by Italy. will not only recognize the neutrality of Malta, but willalso call upon all other States to respect it and willcommit us immediately to proceed to consultations in the case of that neutrality being threatened or violated. Those commitments will be accom- panied by measures to promote the economic development of Malta during the first years of its neutrality as wellas, in the case of Maltese neutrality being threatened or violated, measures to guarantee that neutrality and aid to the island, measures that Italy could adopt ifit deemed it necessary. We naturally hope that other Mediterranean countries, both European and Arab, which are neighbours of Malta, will make declarations similar to ours. 207. The commitments that will be entered into by Italy and Malta in this context were conceived with explicit refer- ence to the provisions of the United Nations Charter and with full respect for them. The text of the agreements between the two countries, as soon as it is ratified by the respective constitutional organs, will be deposited with the United Nations Secretariat, in accordance with Article 102 of the Charter. 208. In the present international situation, it is crucial to maintain the balance of forces, even in seeking ways to strengthen international detente in other parts of the world besides Europe. From that point of view, participation in the Atlantic alliance-a regional factor for security and the defence of peaceful East-West relations-remains an impor- tant aspect of Italian policy. 209. The increased difficulties in the international situa- tion must not hinder the continuation of efforts to promote realistic negotiations on disarmament, on the basis of the decisions taken by the General Assembly at its tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, held in June 1978 [see resolution 8-1012], decisions which, in our view,remain fully valid. 210. The work done this year at Geneva by the Committee on Disarmament," even in the international climate prevail- ing in the wake of the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, has shown that the possibility and the will to continue disarmament negotiations exist. The substantial progress 211. In referring in this context to the expectations related to the control and limitation in Europe of long-range nuclear weapons, I must point out with satisfaction th~t recently some progress was made. In fact, the offer to begin negotiations on achieving such control through c?mm~>n agreement between East and West, which 1t~ly and Itsall.les made in December 1979at Brussels, met With a responsive reaction from the Soviet Union and its allies for the first time at the beginning of July. It is a positive fact that it h,as consequently become possible to put forward to the Soviet Government the proposal, which isin line with Italy's expe~ tations and with the action it has taken at all meetmgs and m all international forums towards their fulfilment, that the opening talks of those negotiations effectively begin next month. 212. Within the framework of the initiatives aimed at promoting global disarmament, my Government a!s~ at- taches great importance to the proposa.ls and negotlatl<?ns that relate specifically to the geographical areas of which Italy is a part: the European continent and the Mediterra- nean basin. It is obvious in this context that any formula or initiative must be aimed at the limitation ofweapons and the maintenance of security in the field through the attainment of increasingly low levels in all weapons sectors. But any formula or initiative can be considered realistic only in so far as it takes into account the whole political and military situation throughout the world. 213. Constructive negotiations on disarmament, the con- trol and limitation .of weapons and the reduction of forces can take place only if all nations are encouraged by their interdependence to create conditions ofgreater unde~stand ing and trust. This is the framework which Italy considers to be essential for strengthening detente. It is therefore neces- sary that the possibilities, the political space and dimensions which individual countries occupy on the world scene should induce each one of them to begin with faith and, I would say also, with courage, a constructive and permanent dialogue. This is the only means which can in the first place set in motion international co-operation and, on a more complex but more complete level, allow detente to develop throughout the world. 214. The serious events in Afghanistan and their negative repercussions on the general situation have shown that detente can only be global and indivisible and that every attempt to reduce it toa regional or sectoral p~enome.non may initiate a process which threatens to make It reversible. Even if the prospect of negotiations for the control and limitation of long-range strategic nuclear weapons rcorc- sents a significant step forward. there isclearly a need tor the full re-establishment of detente and for a political solution to the Afghan problem. 216. At Madrid, where the preparatory meetings are already in progress, Italy will participate, in a constructive spirit, in the review of the implementation of the Helsinki provisions and in the efforts to make further progress towards security and co-operation among the 35 participat- ing countries. Italy will do so in the knowledge that only a serious and detailed exchange of ideas can lay the founda- tion for the recovery of detente in a situation adversely influenced by repeated violations of human rights by certain countries and by the serious events in Afghanistan. 217., Italy reaffirms that it is ready to contribute to the building of the foundations of a more balanced and more open world in which there is no longer room for the old temptations of hegemony and where these temptations yield to the appeal for solidarity. This is in fact a peaceful battle that we must all fight together, whatever differences exist between us, because it is a battle for the peace of the world. 218. The United Nations and. its principal body, the Gen- eral Assembly, will always constitute a valuable instrument in this battle. We hope that in the 1980s conflicts will be prevented and that means of mediating and settling existing ones will be found in this forum. 219. My appeal from this rostrum, rightly described as the forum of the world, is thatthe essential solidarity between us all should not fail, that the United Nations should increas- ingly assist the international community to win the battle for peace and that all States should do their utmost to promote the free circulation of people, ideas and hopes so that all of us understand more clearly how closely linked are the inter- ests and aspirations of all peoples.
Mr. Elvir Sierra (Honduras), Vice-President, took the Chair.
It gives me great pleasure to express the satisfaction of my delegation at the election of Ambassador Rudiger von Wechmar as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. His profes- sional skill and wide experience in the United Nations sphere are well known to all of us and they justify our confidence that this Assembly will be wisely guided. I wish him and the other members of the Bureau luck in their very important task.
221. May I also add the voice of the Swedish delegation to the voices of all those who have expressed thanks to the former President, Ambassador Salim of the United Repub- lic of Tanzania, for the excellent way in which he conducted the work of the thirty-fourth session. Furthermore, I wish to welcome the new Member of our Organization, Saint Vin- cent and the Grenadines, who by its accession to member- ship has strengthened the representation in the United Nations of the Caribbean region.
222 'JlIC 19HOs have begun in an atmosphere of crisis.
221 The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan has tipped the scale Imm detente to distrust in the relations between the
224. Not only is the world thus moving deeper into crisis, but our collective will to deal with the situation seems to be faltering.
225. International disarmament negotiations have come to a virtual standstill. The United States Senate has failed to ratify the SALT 11 agreement. The Second Review Confer- ence of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons ended at Geneva without agreement.
226. The eleventh special session assembled to deal with development and international economic co-operation was unable even to agree on the formula for starting the so-called global round.
227. Why all those failures?
228. There is no simple answer to this question. Nor are there any easy solutions to the complex problems the world is facing. There is no shortcut to peace, no simple remedy for the world's economic crisis. But one thing isclear. TIle issues we are facing ultimately concern our survival.
229. A failure of international economic co-operation is a question of life and death for millions of people in the third world. If we fail to curb the arms race and prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, there is a danger that nobody will survive. Only if those simple truths are brought home can we hope for the spirit of compromise between ideologies and interests necessary to make headway in the difficult negotiations before us.
230. Let us begin by looking at disarmament efforts.
231. TIle armaments situation has many contradictory features. Thus, for instance, all countries agree that more armaments create a situation in which the security of all nations is diminishing. Yet almost all countries arc trying to improve their security merely by increasing armaments.
232. All countries also agree in principle that the best way to improve security is to curb the arms race through negotia- tions. Yet those who play the decisive role in the disarma- ment negotiations always seem very careful to see to it that what comes. out of those negotiations will not affect their own military capabilities. That reluctance is year by year bringing the world closer to the brink of disaster. 111at is particularly clear when one looks at the situation in Europe.
233. Both East and West agree that war in Europe may lead to a nuclear holocaust. Political leaders in both East and West also agree that the limitation of armaments in Europe is the way to reduce the {hanger of the ultimate catastrophe.
234. We are at presentdiscussing the holding of a confer- cncc dealing With disarmament in Europe, a' continent where the enormous military forces of East and West stand
236. The .Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe which will be held at Madrid could be the forum used for laying the groundwork for such a compromise. In the view of my Government, a possible basis for a com- promise would be to allow for different time-scales for different disarmament measures.
237. We should like to have the Madrid meeting decide on certain confidence-building measures and formulate a con- crete and precise mandate for a European disarmament conference.
238. The first phase of such a conference should aim at agreement on further and considerably more substantial
co~fidence-buildingmeasures. A mandate adopted at Ma- drid should also deal with limitations of conventional and nuclear arms, to be discussed as soon as sufficient progress has been made in the negotiations in other forums concern- ing troop reductions and limitations of strategic and theatre nuclear weapons. Thus, even if actual negotiations take place in other bodies, a European disarmament conference would play a significant role by monitoring the state of negotiations on conventional and nuclear arms.
239. The purpose of the conference should be to establish a system where all the nations concerned can state their views on how European disarmament should be achieved
~nd put pressure on those which bear the main responsibil-
It~ for the arms race. If that formula is adopted, a European disarmament conference would naturally unfold in consecu- tive phases, each dealing with the measures which seem realistic at the time. That would give room for stock-taking and for formulating new objectives appropriate for later stages.
240. Let us go forward step by step but never lose sight of the final goal: a Europe where the nuclear threat has receded and stability and confidence reign.
241. The nuclear arms race is of concern not only to the super-Powers and the European countries.
242. In the strategic thinking of the nuclear-weapon States, it is frequently suggested that nuclear wars can be fought and that nuclear wars can be won. But a recently concluded United Nations study [AI351392] initiated by Sweden two years ago shows that even the effects of a so-called limited nuclear war would be disastrous. In addi- tion it seems highly unlikely that either side in a nuclear conflict will be able to exercise the restraint assumed bv strategic planners in peace-time. .
244. It is highly regrettable that the Second Review Con- ference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons could not agree on a final document. The outcome of that Conference cannot, however, detract from the vital importance of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. We must continue the struggle to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We must strengthen and broaden the scope of safeguards formulated by IAEA. We must search for common approaches to nuclear co-operation and achieve more reliable assurances as regards both supply and non-proliferation.
245. In the field ofeconomic eo-operalion, those who hold power seem to be captives of their own conventional thmk- ing and unaware of the fact that the international economy ofthe 19805 is very different from any we have experienced in the past.
246. If the armament situation is dangerous-and indeed it is-so is the world economic situation.
247. We know that the South badly needs to import the goods necessary to develop its resources and infrastructures. We also know that the North suffers from unemployment and idle industrial capacity. Furthermore, we know that large sums arc available in the international capital markets which are not being put to productive use.
248. Properly co-ordinated, those three negative compo- nents can be transformed into positive action. What is needed for that is co-operation between rich and poor, between the developed and developing regions ofthe world, between oil-producing and oil-importing countries, between the industrialized countries of the old establishment and newly industrialized nations. That co-operation should aim at achieving a more equitable distribution of the world's resources, thus creating jobs and well-being for us all.
249. The recent report of the Brandt Commission elo- quently elaborates that reasoning. Its most remarkable fea- ture is that it is submitted jointly by a group of members with widely different backgrounds and political persua- sions. It is now for the Governments to discuss to what extent the consensus in the Brandt Commission can be transferred to the intergovernmental level and transformed into agreement.
250. A summit meeting early next year might well be needed to acknowledge that North-South relations must receive attention at the highest political levels.
25). Interdependence was also a theme underlying th... eleventh special session that ended just a week ago. It is
252. The present international economic order ischanging only slowly, and the change meets with resistance from those who see their interests threatened. While this may be understandable in a short-term perspective, our common interests in a longer perspective should dictate a more forth- coming position even if this appears to imply giving up positions of power.
253. Since the special session failed, it is all the more important that this session come to agreement on a global round of negotiations. The Swedish Government believes that such a new effort is essential to bring about concerted solutions to problems which are of concern to everybody.
254. Sweden will make every effort to contribute to an agreement on the procedures and the agenda in the course of this session. The resultsachieved so far should serve as our basis.
255. The consensus on the International Development Strategy for the.Third United Nations Development Decade was an important step forward during the eleventh special session. Its very existence is an important basis for further efforts to be made by the international community to com- bat poverty and starvation in the coming decade. We have the tools at our disposal for this, but we do not have much time. To put it as the President of the General Assemblydid in his speech of acceptance a week ago:
"The need to create anew, morejust and balanced international economic order ... is much too urgent to permit any substantial further delay. For millions, it could literally mean the difference between lifeanddeath." [1st meeting, para. 47.]
256. The arms race and the world economic crisis are global phenomena which have implications for the security of all nations. The tensions and problems in the Middle East, South-East Asia and southern Africa may have local roots and causes, but if they remain unresolved they may have world-wide repercussions as well.
257. Viet Nam, once the symbol of the peoples's fight for independence, has now itself embarked on the road of armed intervention. Sweden has condemned the Pol Pot regime's unparalleled cruelty to its own citizens, but Pol Pm's reign of terror can never justify the continued occupa- tion of Kampuchea by Viet Nam. The Vietnamese troops must be withdrawn and the Karnpuchean people be allowed to determine their own political future without foreign inter- ference. Only then can Karnpuchea begin the gigantic task of reconstruction after years of war, terror, invasion and famine.
258. Unanimous reports tell of a constant and increasing military build-up along the border between Thailand and Kampuchea. This build-up has already led to armed clashes between Thailand and Viet Nam in June this year, when Vietnamese troops reportedly crossed the border.
260. In southern Africa, the struggle for freedom and justice has led to an important victory. Zimbabwe is a forceful reminder to all that southern Africa is moving irresistibly towards majority rule. Judging from past expe- rience, we could not expect the South African regime to draw the right conclusions from this development. Through the years it has resisted pressure from a united world opinion and remained impervious to both humanitarian considera- tions and the arguments of reason. However, we do expect other, more enlightened, States to play their part in efforts to abolish apartheid.
261. The instruments of peaceful action at our disposal are economic sanctions as envisaged by the United Nations Charter. It is, therefore, the duty ofthe permanent members of the Security Council to consider what means may still contribute to a peaceful dissolution of apartheid in South Africa. We appeal to them not to shirk this responsibility.
262. It has been argued that negotiations on Namibia would be hampered by Security Council action against South Africa. My Government believes the contrary to be true.
263. Measures against South Africa must be taken, and taken now, if negotiations are to yield results. Using delay- ing tactics and pretending to be co-operative, the South African regime continues to exploit these negotiations for two purposes: first, to gain time to build up an administra- tion of its own choice in Namibia; secondly, to avoid the pressure of international sanctions. The negotiations them- selves must not be allowed to serveas a means ofpostponing the freedom of Namibia.
264. Over the years South Africa has, by its illegaloccupa- tion of Namibia, by its armed attacks on neighbouring States and by itsapartheid policy, accumulated an appalling catalogue of oppression and blatant violations of interna- tional law and human rights. It is high time the Security Council took action to implement its own plan for a peace- ful transition to majority rule and to a free and independent Namibia.
265. By their well co-ordinated and responsible policy, the front-line States are playing an increasingly strong and con- structive role in developments in southern Africa, thus exert- ing an inspiring influence on the majority of the people of South Africa. The Swedish Government will continue to provide development assistance to the front-line States and humanitarian assistance to liberation movements in south- ern Africa. It will also favourably consider contributing to the regional economic co-operation.
266. For all too long, the peoples of the Middle East have been deprived of the right to live in peace and dignity, free from. fear and want. Recent disturbing events and acts of
267. The peace agreements reached between Egypt and Israel were, in our view,an important step towards breaking the vicious circle of violence and hatred in the Middle East. Today we have less reason for optimism. Tension is again rising. Israel is adding to it by its settlement policy on the West Bank, its raids into Lebanese territory and itsattempts to change the character and status of Jerusalem through unilateral action. All friends of Israel-e-and Sweden is among them-must note with sorrow that Israel iscurrently pursuing a policy which not only contravenes international law but also runs entirely counter to principles whichshould be fundamental to a democracy like Israel.
268. It is no less tragic that the Palestinians, in the pursuit of their legitimate national rights, should resort to violence. As has been so woefully demonstrated, violence inevitably breeds counter-violence.
269. A political settlement can be achieved not by force but through concessions and compromise by Israelis and Palestinians alike.
270. The Palestinians must recognize Israel's right to exist within secure and recognized borders. Israel must recognize the legitimate national rights of the Palestinians, including the right to establish, should they so wish, a State of their own, living in peace, side by side with Israel.
27I. Israel must also realize that it is meaningless to try to reach an agreement on the Palestinian question without negotiating with those who represent the Palestinians. A comprehensive and lasting peace is possible only if all par- ties concerned participate in it--and that is to say that Israel must negotiate with the PLO.
272. A solution must, furthermore, determine the status of Jerusalem and guarantee freedom of access for one and all to the Holy Places.
273. I want to take this opportunity also to express my Government's deep concern over recent reports of armed hostilities between Iraq and Iran. My Government urges the parties to refrain from further military action and to settle their differences peacefully.
274. Today it is more important than ever to remind the super-Powers of their duty to adhere to the United Nations principles on non-intervention and the right to self- determination.
275. The resolution on Afghanistan adopted by this Assembly in January [resolution ES-6/2] was important in this respect. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was a fla- grant violation of the United Nations Charter and must be condemned as such.
276. Eight months have now elapsed since the Assembly adopted its resolution calling for the immediate, uncondi- tionaland total withdrawal offoreign troops from Afghani- stan. But Soviet troops are still stationed in Afghanistan; they are engaged in a cruel combat to force the Afghan
277. The Soviet Union has said that the Soviet troops will be withdrawn as soon as it has guarantees against aggression from the outside. But the onlyaggression from the outside in this case came from the Soviet Union itself.
278. Only an independent Government which has the sup- port of the Afghan people has any reasonable hope of achieving internal peace and stable relations with all its neighbours, including the Soviet Union. We must therefore once again urge the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops immediately, totally and unconditionally.
279. At the beginning of the 19805, the most dangerous trend for world peace is the transition in relations between the two nuclear super-Powers from detente to distrust. The security of all nations hinges on how the two super-Powers handle their relations and what forms their rivalry willtake.
280. By reason of their nuclear arsenals, the super-Powers are holding the fate of the entire world in their hands. All States therefore have the right to demand that they improve their existing lines of communication. Even if we cannot now have detente, we must urge the super-Powers to con- tinue their dialogue. Their channels ofcommunication must always remain open and function effectively in order to avoid misunderstandings, over-reactions and dangerous miscalculations.
28I. Hence we note with satisfaction that the Foreign Ministers of the United States and the Soviet Union are going to meet here this week. Let us hope that this meeting will be the beginning of a more stable pattern of contacts between the two super-Powers and lead to constructive results in the interest of world peace.
282. Mr. JORGE (Angola) iinterpretattonfrom French): I wish to begin by conveying to the President, on behalfofthe People's Republic of Angola, our warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. This signifi- cant choice is undoubtedly a recognition ofhis distinguished personal and diplomatic qualities and merits. We wish him the greatest possible success in the exercise of his difficult task.
283. I should also like to convey to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim our deep appreciation for his brilliant performance as President of the thirty-fourth session and reaffirm to him our pride at the far-sighted and dignified manner in which he performed his task, thus enhancing the prestige not only of the United Republic of Tanzania but, above all.of the African continent.
284. Furthermore, we wish to express to the Secretary- General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our most profound gratitude for his tireless efforts to find the
285. At this time, as the thirty-fifth session is beginning its work, the world is in an extremely complicated, delicate and dangerous situation because there is considerable aggrava- tion ofdirect confrontations between numerous peoples and those who support imperialism, nee-colonialism, colonial- ism, expansionism, zionism, apartheid and the exploitation of man by man.
286. Two years ago, from this very rostrum" we declared that the disturbing situation at that time might get even worse and deteriorate indefinitely as long as the Govern- ments of certain Western Powers well known to us failed strictly to respect the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Charter of the OAU and the principles of non-alignment; as long as they continued to foment colonial wars and to perpetrate acts ofaggression of all kinds, directly or indirectly, against independent States; as long as they continued to proliferate plots against the sovereignty and security of States; as long as they continued their economic pillage of the underdeveloped countries and persisted in preventing a gradual reduction of the gap that is ceaselessly growing between the affluent ordeveloped coun- tries and the poor or underdeveloped countries; as long as they imposed military bases in the farthest corners of the globe, bases generally maintained against the will of the peoples concerned; as long as they persisted in thwarting the serious efforts of the socialist and progressive and demo- cratic forces to bring about detente, general and complete disarmament and a comprehensive ban on the manufacture and use ofweapons ofmass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons, including the neutron bomb; as long as they failed to comply with resolutions adopted by international bodies that clearly stipulated that it was imperative to make the Indian Ocean an effective zone, of peace; as long as they continued to devote astronomical sums to the arms race instead of judiciously setting aside those same sums for the economic and social development of the developing coun- tries; and as long as they strove to thwart the establishment of a new international economic order in spite of the princi- ples already enunciated by the non-aligned movement.
287. Today we note with the gravest concern that those positions remain unchanged and that consequently there must be coherent unity ofaction against those who alone are responsible-that is, the Western Governments and their allies-for the growing tragedy of all human beings sub- jected to exploitation, oppression and injustice.
288. Thus, it is time for the millions of human beings still without freedom or the right to choose their own future to be able to avail themselves of ways and means of fighting servitude, humiliation, tyranny, poverty, hunger, ignorance and disease.
289. It is time for all developing peoples to take resolute action in the fight against imperialism, colonialism, neo- colonialism, zionism, expansionism, apartheid and the
~l [hid.. Thirty-third Session, Plenary Meetings. 25th meeting, para. 6.
290. In a word, it is time-and perhaps all that is necessary is for all the non-aligned countries without exception deci- sively to put into effect the final Declaration and the Pro- gramme of Action for economic co-operation approved at the historic Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Govern- ment of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana, from 3 to 9 September 197924 for the serious problems besetting the world today to be properly resolved. That is our hope and our conviction.
291. Permit us to dwell at rather greater length on the problems of detente. disarmament, the nuclear threat and the arms race, because these are the major concerns of the countries that love peace and justice. Once again we are obliged to repeat ourselves. Considerable and praiseworthy efforts have been made, particularly by the socialist coun- tries, to bring about detente and disarmament, to stave off the nuclear threat and to halt the arms race. If detente, which is so ardently desired.Is to be meaningful and effective it is indispensable for it to lead to the eliminati- . "'f all sources of tension and the halting ofaggression, fo iterference and the political and economic exploitatio.. VI the weakest countries, as well as to the adoption of serious and concrete measures by all in the field of disarmament.
292. In so far as concerns general and complete disarma- ment, it is imperative for negotiations to continue towards the establishment of treaties or conventions designed to save mankind from the disastrous consequences of an unbridled arms race as well as major or minor wars. Once and for all, all nuclear Powers in particular must undertake to embark upon the gradual destruction of their arsenals of nuclear weapons and to adhere to and respect the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
293. We all know that the international situation is one of extreme tension. Over and above the factors I have men- tioned, we must bear in mind the escalation of the cold war started by the United States Administration following the important victories Won by the struggling peoples which have frustrated its shameful policy of domination and
24 See A/34/542, annex. sects. ,I and V.
294. That climate of tension was to encourage a certain number of States to engage in an arms race, which is some- thing that has always been of benefit to the Governments of imperialist Powers because of the fabulous profits they earn through their military consortia; and, apart from that, it served certain electorial interests, particularly in the United States of America.
295. Within the same context, certain representatives of Western Powers have frequently donned the mantle of champions of human rights, but that has always been a matter of opportunism, transient interests or the. needs of their constituents.
296. If, from the point of view of credibility, the words they have uttered reflect a coherent attitude of action and determination on the part of their Governments to defend human rights, we would venture formally to call upon them to render every kind of assistance to the Namibian peoples and to the South Africans, the Sahraoui, the Palestinians, the Mauberes of East Timor, the Chileans, the Uruguayans, the Salvadorians, the Kampucheans and the Puerto Ricans, as well as all other fighting against tyranny, oppression, exploitation, social injustice and racial discrimination; and we would call upon them at the same time to denounce the
regimes that are oppressing those peoples; to lift the eco- nomic blockade imposed upon Cuba and denounce the pressure exerted on and the threats uttered against the Cuban revolution; to halt all economic and military support for dictatorial racist and Fascist regimes; and to reduce, considerably and steadily, their military budgets and thus to help the peoples of the underdeveloped countries to combat famine, poverty, disease, illiteracy, unemployment and so on.
297. In reviewing the situation that prevails in the African continent, we note with regret that one of the fundamental objectives of the OAU has not yet been achieved-the total liberation of Africa.
298. Who is to blame for this? Not the OAU. Once again, the responsibility lies with the imperialist Powers, inasmuch as they are pursuing their aggressive policy to perpetuate or extend their domination and exploitation of the African nations and to destabilize States that oppose their plans. In the context of southern Africa, one people, that of Zimba- bwe, has also just seized its independence after a fierce armed struggle. Today, Zimbabwe is a sovereign State, a member of the OAU, of the United Nations and of the non-aligned movement. The People's Republic of Angola rejoices at this happy event and reiterates its congratulations to the people and leaders of Zimbabwe, who have fought so valiantly and have thwarted all manoeuvres designed to set up a puppet regime.
299. In the same region another people, that of Namibia, is awaiting the historic moment when it will regain its inaliena- ble right to freedom and independence within the territorial integrity of its own country.
30I. Ever since the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia in May 1967 [resolution 2248 (S-~] as the legal Administering Authority of Namibia until its inde- pendence and as the decision-making organ of the United Nations for that Territory, the Pretoria regime and its accomplices have striven to obstruct the fulfilment of the Council's mandate and have arranged a series ofmanoeuvres designed to delay for as long as possible the inevitable independence of Namibia. Throughout all these years, the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], it sole and legiti- mate representative, has been carrying on an armed struggle for national liberation and has achieved considerable success.
302. What is the situation today? If, on the one hand, the United Nations, and particularly its Secretary-General, the OAU, and particularly the front-line countries and the non- aligned countries, as international organizations, have bent every effort to finding a just solution to the Namibian problem, on the other hand, the racist and Fascist Pretoria regime, which not only enjoys the support of certain West- ern Powers and Israel in the economic, military and nuclear fields, but which also, and consequently, takes advantage of their lack ofdetermination, their selfishness and their hypoc- risy, has continued insolently to defy the international com- munity, to be intolerably rude and arrogant towards the Secretary-General of the United Nations, to intensify its criminal aggression against countries bordering on Namibia, in particular the People's Republic ofAngola,and to set up a so-called Ministerial Council, loyal to it, in order to keep SWAPO out of the process of independence.
303. Since the efforts ofall of us seem to be directed more clearly towards the search for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian question under the auspices of the United Nations, we must necessarily and unambiguously give all the necessary support to the Secretary-General so that he may have every possibility of ensuring the earliest possible implementation of the plan established by the United Nations in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
304. However, if the South African regime, by its stub- bornness, frustrates the solution of the Namibian question by means of negotiations, that will mean the choice of war, and as a consequence that regime and certain Western Powers will bear the very heavy responsibility for the disas- trous consequences of such a choice. Whatever the circum- stances, our support for SWAPO will be unswerving.
305. Allow me to remind this Assembly that the material damage to the People's Republic of Angola caused by the
306. The People's Republic of Angola reaffirms its deter- mination to co-operate closely with the United Nations Secretary-General to ensure that the parties to the conflict, namely, the South African regime and SWAPO, resolutely' undertake to seek a negotiated solution to the Namibian question.
307. The firm and hard line we have taken may seem surprising, but it is difficult, if not impossible, for us to translate into diplomatic language the feelings of genuine revulsion of the heroic people of Angola in the face of the enormous sacrifices it has already made and the extremely high price it is still paying, almost alone, in thousands of human lives lost and in material damage, in order to fulfil its international duty and to comply with the relevant resolu- tions of international bodies with regard to Namibia, that the people of Namibia may also become free and independent.
308. In South Africa, as everyone knows, the internal situation is gradually getting worse, thanks to the persistent fight being waged by the numerous and valiant militants of the African National Congress against the last bastion of imperialism in the African continent. At the same time, the internal contradictions ofthe apartheid regimeare becoming aggravated because of this very struggle for nationallibera- tion. What we need then is concrete and growing solidarity with the valiant fighters of the African National Congress.
309. In Western Sahara, the heroic Sahraoui people under the leadership of the POLISARI026 Front, its sole and lawful representative, is continuing its relentless struggle against Moroccan occupation to recover its inalienable right to self-determination,independence and national sover- eignty. The recognition of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic by a considerable number of countries, especially African countries, makes it abundantly clear that final vic- tory is near.
310. Thus it is with justified hope that weawait, within the framework of the OA U and in co-operation with the United Nations, through the Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State and Government on Western Sahara, thenecessary political solution following the recent deliberations held by that Committee, which met at Freetown from 9 to 12September this year [see A/35/529]. TheSahraoui people will triumph.
26 Frente Popular para la Liberacion de Saguia el-Harnra y de Rio de 01"0.
312. In the Asian and Latin American continents, we find a proliferation of sources of tension fomented essentially by North American imperialism.
313. With regard to the development ofthe situation in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, it isour belief that the concrete proposals contained in the statement ofits Govern- ment made on 15May 1980provideavalid means ofseeking the necessary solution, that is to say a negotiated political solution. The taking into account of these points by the neighbouring countries, namely, Pakistan and Iran, pursu- ant to the principle of the settlement ofdisputes by peaceful means, would make it possible to normalize relations among the three non-aligned countries and to promote a climate of harmony and stability in the area.
314. For its part, the valiant people ofthe People's Repub- lic of Karnpuchea has since last year scored some very important and indisputable successesin the consolidation of its revolutionary process and control over its territory, as wellas in the fieldsofagriculture, education and health care. The circulation of the new national currency isalso a signifi- cant step for the economy of the country. The gradual recovery from the shock caused to the Kampuchean people by the murder of 3 million of its people, its compatriots, committed by the criminal regime that was overthrown, deserves all our admiration, which we wish to convey to the leaders of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.
315. It is, however, regrettable and unthinkable that the legitimate representatives of the Kampuchean people should still not be occupying their proper place in all inter- national bodies and that in the meantime we, the non- aligned countries, have not been able to gain the endorsement at the United Nations of the decision taken at Havana at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, namely, to keep the seat empty until it has been determined to which of the two parties that empty seat belongs. Sooner or later,justice will be done.
316. In spite of the persistent efforts of the heroic Korean people to reunify their country by peaceful means and with- out any outside interference in their internal affairs, it iswith indignation that we note the continuation of imperialist manoeuvring aimed at establishing two Koreas. Wedemand the unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops stationed in the southern part of Korea, the replacement ofthe Armistice Agreement" by a long-term peace agreement and the dis-
317. With regard to the situation prevailing in East Timor, it is deplorable and unacceptable that foreign troops belong- ing to a member of the non-aligned movement should have continued to occupy part of the territory-the capital, as a matter of fact-of the Democratic Republic of East Timor ever since the proclamation of its independence in 1975 following the withdrawal of the former administering Power, without the legal and political status of the territory having been established. For five years the people of East Timor, under the leadership oftheir lawful representative, FRETILIN,28 have been waging an armed struggle to re- cover national sovereignty and territorial integrity, although in extremely difficult circumstances marked by a lack of external logistic bases, a lack of replacements of heavy weaponry and modern anti-aircraft weapons" a lack of financial assistance and the incomprehensible inaction of the progressive community,
318. In order to prove, should proof be needed, the grad- ual development of the armed struggle of the Maubere people against the Indonesian military occupation, it is sufficient to refer, by way ofexample, to a large-scale attack carried out by 300 FRETILIN fighters on the night of 10to 11 June 1980 at Dili, the capital of the country. In six hours of fighting, the television station was damaged and two military barracks were taken by storm and occupied for several hours. Three days later, the Indonesian leaders landed at Dili 40 tanks and a large contingent of marines and commandos.
319. East Timor is obviously a problem ofdecolonization. Like the Palestinian and Namibian peoples, the Maubere people are still prevented from exercising their right to independence because of Indonesian military occupation, in spite of the resolutions adopted by organs of the United Nations and by the non-aligned movement.
320. A few days ago the Portuguese Government decided to shoulder once again its obligations and responsibilities with regard to East Timor, and it formally reaffirmed the right of the people of that country to self-determination. We would venture to hope that the Portuguese Government will undertake effectively and with determination and courage to make every effort to put an end to the Indonesian military occupation and to ensure the transfer ofpower to the people ofthe Democratic Republic ofEast Timor. There is no other way. It is now the duty ofall countries and all international organizations which identify with the struggle of peoples to render every kind ofassistance to the people of East Timor,
321. In the Middle East, the data of the problem remain unchanged, although the consequences are becoming ever more serious for the Arab peoples. As long as the legitimate rights ofthe Arab people of Palestine to recover its country, usurped by Israel, and to establish an independent State are not duly recognized by everyone, as long as Israel does not withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, as longas it
!H frcntc Revolucionaria de Timor Lcste lndepcndente.
322. We reaffirm our unswerving support for the Pales- tinian people and its sole legitimate representative, the PLO.
323. We should also like to take this opportunity to express our unswerving support for the people and the Government of the Republic of Cyprus in their just struggle to safeguard their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment.
324. In Latin America, substantial and positive changes have taken place thanks to the valiant struggle being waged by its peoples,The Cuban revolution has been firmly consol- idated and constitutes an undeniable source of inspiration for all struggling peoples, in spite of the economic blockade imposed by the American imperialists and the unjustifiable maintenance of the naval base at Guantanamo, It is time to put an end to these constant threats and acts of aggression against Cuba.
325. The revolutionary process in Nicaragua is proceeding towards the building ofa future in keeping with the interests of the Nicaraguan people and we rejoice at their brilliant successes in national reconstruction.
326. We warmly welcome the victories won by the people of San Salvador and by its vanguard organization, the Revolutionary Democratic Front, as well as those of the Puerto Rican and Chilean peoples in their struggle against imperialism and its agents so that power may be transferred to those peoples and they may freely choose their own future. We denounce vigorously the manoeuvres of North American imperialism aimed at destabilizing regimes in power, particularly in Jamaica, Grenada, Guyana and Pan- ama, and we reaffirm our militant solidarity with them in their struggle against these neo-colonialist designs.
327. What else remains to be said, without repeating our- selves, about the grave economic crisis of the capitalist system or the urgent need to establish a new international economic order?
328. We venture to deplore the fact that, following the awakening of Africa to economic questions which marked the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and' Government of the OAU held at Lagos on 28
334. The struggle continues. Victory is certain.
We have heard the last speaker for this afternoon. I now call on the representative of Viet Nam, who has asked to speak in exerciseofhis rightof reply. May I remind Members that, in accordance with General Assembly decision 34/40I, state- ments in exerciseof the right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes and should be made bydelegations from their seats.
329. Nevertheless, we hope that in the future we shall be better able to defend the economic interests of the African peoples or help them prevail.
330. The Angolan people is preparing enthusiastically for the celebration of the fifth anniversary of the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola.
At today's meetings, certain delegations, in their statements, made false allegations that are in no way in keeping with the reality of the situation in Kampuchea. Everyone knows that it wasJapan which,during the Second World War, engaged in aggression against the three coun- tries of Indo-China and caused the famine that resulted in 2 million deaths in Viet Nam. It was the territory of Japan which served as a spring-board for American aggression in Viet Nam. Singapore and the Philippines provided a plat- form forthe American war machine against the three coun- tries of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea.
331. During those. five years, considerable results have been achieved in the consolidation of the Angolan revolu- . tionary process, in the establishment of Party structures over the whole of the country, in the strengthening of national unity and defence and in laying the foundations of a socialist society. At present, the Angolan people, faithful to the teachings of the immortal guide of the Angolan revolution and founder of the nation and of the MPLA30- Workers' Party, the late President Agostinho Neto, and under the far-sighted leadership of Comrade Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, President of the MPLA-Workers' Party, Presi- dent of the Republic and Commander-in-Chiefofthe armed forces, are totally involved in the preparation of the first special Party congress and in the electoral process in all the provinces of future members of the People's Assembly, which is an emanation of the power of the people which will come into being shortly.
337. The hypocritical statements of those who claim to be the great defenders of the right of self-determination of the people of Kampuchea cannot absolve them of their crimes in the service of American policy against the countries of Indo-China, nor can they cover up the plots perpetrated against the security and independence of these three countries.
332. At the same time, considerable efforts. have been made in the fieldsofeducation, agriculture, industry, health, fisheries, transport and construction, which hold considera- ble promise for the economic and social development of the People's Republic of Angola.
338. The delegation of Viet Nam totally rejects the slan- derous allegations against its country and reservesthe right to state its position on the problem of Kampuchea at the proper time.
2Q Document A/S-II/14. annex I.
10 Movimento Popular de Libertacao de Angola,
The meeting rose at 7.25 p.m.