A/35/PV.8 General Assembly

Friday, July 4, 1980 — Session 35, Meeting 8 — New York — UN Document ↗

THIRTY-FlFfH SESSION
OfficialRecords
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Address by Mr. Siaka Stevens, President of theRepublic ofSierra Leone
During the middle of this year the heads of State and Government of the conti- nent of Africa conferred a singular honour on my country by graciously accepting our invitation to host the seventeenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], at Freetown, from I to 4 July 1980. They further conferred upon me the onerous responsibility ofchairing theirdeliber- ations and being at the helm ofthe organization's affairs for the current year. It istherefore with diffidence and humility, and conscious of the immense responsibilities and confi- dence bestowed upon me by my African colleagues and brothers, that I address this Assembly today in my capacity as the current Chairman of the OA U. 3. On behalfof the member States ofthe OAU and on my own behalf I extend to you, Mr. President, our sincere congratulations on your election to the high office of Presi- dent of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Africa has over the years maintained very dose relations with your country and weare grateful for the various techni- cal assistance programmes to developing countries which today benefit many African States. We in Sierra Leone have vivid evidence of your contribution to our economic devel- opment programme. 4. You yourself, Mr. President, have contributed immense- ly to the high regard of your country in the international NEW YORK community by your devotion to duty, your intellectual capacity, your integrity and sound judgement as an eminent diplomat and politician. We are confident that with these qualities you will discharge the responsibilities ofyour office with the honourand dignity many ofyour predecessors have displayed. This Organization stands in need of such quali- ties, particularly at this time when the many pressing prob- lems of yester-year cry out for urgent solutions in our day. 5. Africa, which represents a third of the States Members of this Organization, pledges every assistance to facilitate the successful performance of your task. 6. Permit me, Mr. President, to express my thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Salim A. Salim, for the exceptional compe- tence and patience with which he conducted the delibera- tions of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I extend my Government's appreciation for his immense con- tribution to the perennial search we make towards peace and security in our world. 7. I must at this juncture crave the indulgence of this body to pay my respects to.the memory ofone whose contribution to the freedom of man and the peace of our world has been universally recognized and will for long be remembered. I refer to no less a personality than Marshal Josip Broz Tito, President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. With his death the cause of the dignity ofman and the rights of nations has lost a champion. He was a redoubtable advocate for closer international co-operation. His life and actions will continue to be a source of inspiration. May his soul rest in peace. 8. In the same vein I pay tribute to my predecessor, the late President William Tolbert, President of the Republic of Liberia. whose untimely death we all mourn. We also express our deep condolences to the people of Angola for the passing away of our illustrious friend and brother, Presi- dent Agostinho Neto, whose valuable contribution and self- less devotion to the liberation struggle in southern Africa will always be remembered. All of them in their respective ways contributed to peace and security in our troubled world. Africa and indeed the world were equally distressed at the news of the death of the President of Botswana who was widely recognized as an international statesman. His contribution to the political. social and economic advance- ment of Botswana will remain in the historical records of that region. 9. For 35 years this fraternity of nations, born of the realization of the futility of war and the need to improve the human condition in an age fraught with tension, social inequalities. bigotry and rabid intolerance, has existed, sur- mounting the natural obstacles and man-made difficulties in its path. Throughout this period mankind has been engaged 10. This in itself isan achievement, for it marks the pledge made 35 years ago to free succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to harmonize a world tom by prejudice, mistrust and misunderstanding. These annual gatherings have therefore become yearly rituals to reawaken our con- sciousness of that thin line separating man from annihila- tion, and to renew our faith in our, pilgrimage to an age of peace and plenty. 11. The progress that has been made so far isconsiderable and wccannot deny that the prospects for bringing uscloser to each other are many, if only we are willing to explore them. 12. Yet ifthiscommunity ofStates istocontinuc to survive not us a fossilized institution of man-made curiosities, but vibrant, viable and relevant to our age, the whole edificeof international relations, hung with the trappings of hypocrisy and cloak-and-dagger intrigue must be torn down and in its place a new structure erected, infused with genuine under- standing and forthrightness-a testimony to our honest promise to put aside the instruments ofwar and carnage and embrace the tools of peace and progress. 13. Whatever progress can be made towards achieving a united world is only possible within the confines of mutual trust and the willingness to view issues honestlyand without duplicity. These arc basic conditions without which the realization of the objectivesof this international community is impossible. It is the lack of these conditions that has plagued our world for decades, rendering meaningless and ineffective the steps that have been taken time and again to improve the human condition. 14. But now there isa growing current of feeling sweeping across our planet that the human race isrunning out of time, that man is about to make an inevitable rendezvous with catastrophe. 15. These are not alarmist postures. They represent that inner awareness in every individual of the need to change to a new order in the face of the realization that our many political, social and economic ills no longer respond to the trusted conventional therapies of former decades. 16. Wc must. now be galvanized into concrete and sincere action to stem this headlong disintegration of order while there is still time. Wcmust demonstrate that the confidence which our people place in us as determiners of their fate is not misplaced. We must prove, even to ourselves, that wc arc capable of livingup to and discharging our rcsponsibili- tics. It is for this reason that I believe that a newconfidence in international relations must be built up or else we shall make hardly any headway in devisingsolutions to our many problems. 17. Allow me now to glance at the economic problems facing the continent of Africa. 1appear on this rostrum as a representative of the least developed continent, with the 18. I am representing a continent whose gross domestic product is only 2.7 per cent of that of the world, a continent with 18 of the 25 poorest countries, a continent of poverty and suffering. 19. The overdependence of the economy of the African continent on the export of basic raw materials and minerals has perpetuated the high susceptibility of our economics to external developments, with detrimental effectson the inter- ests of Africa. 20. The bulk of manufacturing in Africa isstill centred on import substitution and there arc some export-oriented operations almost exclusively related to the primary pro- cessing state of minerals, timber and agricultural products. Our industries have been growing more or less according to the trend of thc colonial economy which existed at the periphery of the metropolitan economy. 21. It was as a resultof that awareness that, forthe first time in its history, the OAU heldat Lagos,on 28ml(!29April this year, an extraordinary session of the AssemblyofHeads of State and Government, devoted solely to economic prob- lems in Africa, and adopted what arc now known as the Lagos Plan of Action and the Final Act of Lagos.' 22. The Lagos Plan of Action is an attempt by indepen- dent African States to cultivate a spirit ofself-relianceand to adopt a policy of organizing our own socio-economic pro- gress by raising that Plan to the level of a priority action programme. 23. The Final Act of Lagos recognizes the need to look beyond the artificial boundaries that separate African peo- ples. It looks at Africa in itsentirety within the framework of an African Economic Community. That Community aims at promoting collective, accelerated, self-reliant and self- sustaining development, as well as co-opcraticn among its members. 24. We are ful.y aware of the important role that will be played by the international community in the implcmenta- tion of both the Lagos Plan of Action and the Final Act of Lagos. We have consequently mandated the secretariat of the OAU to enlist the active support of the international community as well as of the relevant international organiza- tions. May I make a solemn appeal to ,,11 thoseconcerned to give maximum support to the OAlJ in this enormous task. 25. I should like to comment very briefly on the state of international negotiations. So far, very little hope has been given to those who liveindesperation and frustration. Look- ing at the years 1978 and 1980 alone, wc see interminable discussions at the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development; thc renewal of the Lome Convention between the European Economic Community I Scc document A/S·II! 14. annexes I and 11, 33. To that end, laudable efforts have been made by the OAlJ to establish and strengthen co-operation among member States. In order to harmonize educational objec- tives, programmes and diplomas, technical meetings of experts on different subjects are periodically organized. 26. For the past six years mankind has been engaged in drawing up a comprehensive convention under which the resources of the sea could be fairlyand equitably distributed ..IS the common heritage of mankind. 34. Conscious thatilliteracv constitutes a brake on Afri- ca's economic and social development, African States have made the education of the masses their major concern. With the promotion and utilization of the major widely used national languages in adult education, encouraging results have been recorded in many States in the fight against illiteracy. 27. Africa, asan integral region within the Group of 77, has played an active and important role in those negotia- tions, to the extent that the Council of Ministers of the OAll, at its thirty-fifth ordinary session, held at Freetown from IX to 2X June this year. adopted a Declaration on the Law of the Sea Isi'!' A/35/463. annex l, CM/ST/lll which succinctly stated Africa's position on the main issues of the Conference. That Declaration in fact affected the negotia- tions at the resumed ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which resulted in the preparation of a third revised informal composite nego- tiating text of the Conference.' 35. In Ihe field of culture, the periodic organization of national and pan-African cultural festivals has had a happy effect on the affirmation of our cultural identity. The pro- motion and revalorization of our cultural heritage arc inspired by the African Cultural Charter, supported byan African Cultural Fund. 28. The text, which is to form the basis for further negotia- tions at the Conference, is on the whole acceptable to Afri- can delegations as a compromise text, except that in some areas, particularly the transfer of technology, the text has fallen short of our expectations. Technology that does not include processing, marketing, transportation and the train- ing of personnel is not in the interest of African States. Africa has on a number of occasions emphasized the impor- tance it attaches to this matter. W,,' entertain the hope that this requirement, on which the whole framework of the convention on the law of the sea is based, will be reflected in a subsequent revised text of the convention in a manner consistent with the OAU Declaration on the law of the sea. 36. The OAU gives a place of honour to the child, the youth and the woman. 37. After having actively organized events dedicated to the International Year of the Child. the African heads of State and Government, at the sixteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Beads of State and Government of the OAU held at Monrovia from 17to 20July 1979,adopted an historic Declaration on the Rights and Welfare of the African Child. 4 38. African Ministers of Social Affairs will meet at Addis Ababa next month to prepare for the International Year for Disabled Persons, in conformity with General Assembly resolution 31/123 and the resolution adopted by the OAtJ on the issue.' The OAU attaches particular importance to the promotion of women, especially to the efforts made for their integration in the development process. To that end a programme ofaction for the promotion and integration of women in development was inserted in the Lagos Plan of Action adopted at the second extraordinary session of'the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Lagos on 28 and 29 April 1980.11 29. The decision by certain developed countries to declare unilateral legislation on deep sea-bed mining last spring came as a disappointment to many African States, particu- larly beeause negotiations arc still going on towards the adoption of a United Nations convention on the law of the sea. Such a decision is evidence of a lack ofgood faith in the negotiations and in the efforts that arc being made to finalize a universally acceptable convention. 30. It is regrettable that, despite all protests against such an act, when it became obvious that there were moves in that direction, some States decided to ignore those protests as if international opinion or condemnation had no direct effect on their decision. 39. The second World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, held from 14 to 30 July .this year at Copenhagen, in which the OAll and African women's organizations participated actively, did not fully meet our expectations. The activities during the first half of the Decade for Women were inadequate. 1'114' international community should contribute more resources towards the attainment of the objectives laid down for the promotion of women.. 31. We hope that those States have realized the adverse effects of their actions on the negotiations and a future convention on the law-of the sea, to the extent that they will endeavour to adhere fully to the United Nations convention when it is finalized and adopted. 40. We arc pleased with the declaration by WHO ofglobal eradication of smallpox.' 32. Conscious of the fact that education and culture con- stitute the surest means for African peoples to make up.for their technical backwardncss, African States give high prior- -'i'-s~~(;;'~i-ACP-FEC'c<lIlwntionof tome. signed on 31 October 1979 at l.ome. Scc 71". Courier, ACP-EEC, No. 51l. Novcmbcrl979. "~I'. Geneva, 5-23 May 1980. Verbatim Records of Plenary Meetings, Reports of Committees. eighth meeting. 4 Scc document A/34/552. anne: 11. AHG/ST.4 (XVI). \ lbid.• annex I. CM/Rcs. 724 (XXXIII). to Scc document A/5-11/14. annex I. chap. XII. , See World Health Organization, Thiny-third World Health Assem- 42. Since 1973 a relentless drought seems to have settled almost permanently in the States neighbouring the Sahara and the desert areas of Africa. Furthermore, in those same countries the encroachment of the desert is becoming more and more alarming. The joint effects ofdrought and deserti- fication affect the agricultural resources of those countries. In spite of the laudable efforts made by those countries to control these disasters, they continue to suffer important food grain deficits leading to serious famine and losses of their livestock. According to FAO estimates, the food assist- ance requirements of African countries for the next five or six months will reach at least 1.2 million tons ofcereals. The Sahelian area needs 140,000 tons of emergency relief and at least 150,000 tons to re-establish its food security. Mali, Senegal, Mauritania, Cape Verde, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia and Uganda, among others, are undergoing the most serious food shortages. 43. One bright spot in the continent's long and resolute struggle to rid Africa of the scourge of colonialism, racist arrogance and naked imperialist exploitation has been the heroic achievement of independence by Zimbabwe, after seven long years of courageous struggle. The OA U was proud to welcome Zimbabwe as the fiftieth member of that organization during the second extraordinary economic ses- sion, held in April 1980 at Lagos. We all join in the well- deserved congratulations already extended by all delegations to Zimbabwe on its recent admission as the Oi1e hundred and fifty-third Member ofthe United Nations family. 44. This historic victory by the Zimbabwean people is an eloquent lesson that the forces of justice will inevitably triumph over the organized might ofoppression, that liberty is a birth-right which can never be extinguished by bigotry and massed weapons, however sophisticated, and that the destiny of Africa will be determined by its indefatigable sons and daughters. In the hour of triumph, however, the people of Zimbabwe, under the leadership of that indomitable fighter, Comrade Robert Mugabe, have displayed excep- tional magnanimity towards their former oppressors, to whom they have extended the hand of co-operation in the task of building the new nation. This isa demonstration that the struggle for freedom and independence is motivated not by lust for revenge but by the unquenchable thirst for lib- erty, which for centuries has motivated African freedom fighters in their sacrifice ofall they have, including their own lives, in resisting waves of oppressors or aggressors. As we celebrate with our brothers and sisters in Zimbabwe, let us not forget to pay a deserved tribute to the martyrs Who paid for freedom with their own lives. We hope the futility of resisting the struggle of a proud people for its freedom will be fully appreciated by the remaining bastions of racism and oppression in southern Africa and that there will be a dis- continuance of the slaughter in our tormented continent. 50. Paripassu, it is but right that I should indicate that, in accordance with the resolution recently adopted at Free- town on Namibia [A/35/463, annex J, CM/Res. 788 (XXXV)] and in the light of the negative and obstructionist attitude of South Africa, African States will not hesitate to call on the Security Council, if necessary, to convene urgently to take effective enforcement measures against the racist South African regime and to impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. It is our earnest hope that no permanent member of the Security Council will exercise its veto power to block the imposition of economic sanctions. An exercise of veto power might be interpreted as collusion with the racist regime's dilatory obstructionist policies, designed to perpetuate its illegal occupation, for their mutual economic gains. In such an eventuality a special session ofthe General Assembly should be convened to decide on effective meas- ures to bring independence to Namibia-including Walvis 45. I take this opportunity ofcongratulating Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its admission to the United Nations. 47. Africans, and indeed the entire international commu- nity, totally reject any a.tempts to circumvent the fact that true self-determination for Namibia can be achieved only through the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the true and authentic representative ofthe Nami- bian people. If the South African regime desires a peaceful solution to the Namibia problem, it must be prepared to accept that it can achieve that only by negotiating with SWAPO and not with such bogy men of its own creation as the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance. 48. Wc commend the gallant freedom fighters and their leadership in SWAPO, who have intensified their armed struggle in Namibia and who have been dealing telling blows at will at the aggressive racist regime and its puppets. We commend the steadfastness of these fighters and the front- line States for their immense sacrifice in defence offreedom. We call upon the international community to express soli- darity with them, not only in mere sentiments but also in concrete material, financial and military assistance to help them cope with this unwarranted aggression. 49. The efforts of the United Nations to achieve a nego- tiated settlement have led to nothing but frustration, because of the chicanery and delaying tactics adopted by South Africa. It is manifest that South Africa has no inten- tion of implementing the United Nations plan for elections. Notwithstanding this, we hope that the further negotiations which have been called for will be speedily held and will result in success. 51. In South Africa itself, the racist regime continues to refuse to see the writing on the wall and to enter into meaningful dialogue with the majority of the population on the total eradication ofthe apartheidsystem and the creation ofa truly representative multiracial society. Apartheid, as an entrenched system of national oppression, institutionalized racial discrimination and Fascist terror against the black majority of the people, remains the corner-stone ofthe racist regime's policy. 52. At the same time, the archdeacon of the regime, Pre- mier Botha, has embarked on a cunning but shallow and frantic propaganda offensive designed to hoodwink interna- tional public opinion, mollify the guilty consciences of his collaborators in the West and make them believe that he is doing everything possible to create a new and just system for the entire population. In this campaign he has gone as far as stating that South Africa does not have any moral justifica- tion for the humiliation and .oppression of the apartheid system and that South Africa is committed to the achieve- ment of equality for both the Coloureds and the black majority. 53. The people of South Africa have clearly demonstrated that there is no 1(lore time for racist discrimination and exploitation. Through the boycott ofclasses by schoolchild- ren, strikes for better working conditions by workers' move- ments and demonstrations by church leaders of all faiths, the people have spoken with one voice and defied bullets and police dogs to demand parity of treatment and of rightful expectations. The liberation movements are contin- uing to strike blow after blow at the very nerve centres of industry. While the regime is far from finished, it is clearly losing its nerve. Yet it continues to offer mere palliatives instead of entering into serious dialogue on the necessary fundamental changes. 54. At its session at Freetown in July this year theOAU expressed its total commitment to the struggle against apart- heid. We intend to press strongly for total economic sanc- tions, including an oil embargo, under the mandatory provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, while taking into due consideration the needs of States in southern Africa. such as Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland, which are almost totally dependent on South Africa for their eco- nomic life. We intend to intensify our collaboration with all anti-apartheid movements, and to this end the OAU called upon its member States to participate fully in the Interna- tional Conference on Sanctions against South Africa of the OAU and the United Nations [see AI351221Add.3- SI/4/561Add.3]. 55. With regard to the eradication ofthe aparthetdsystem. African States demand that the international community demonstrate its commitment by concrete action and not by mere empty exhortatory denunciations. The time has now come for the international community to make a clear choice between the interests of the African continent and support for the apartheid system. 56. This year our continent has continued to experience many crises which have resulted in untold human suffering 57. In its efforts to contain the civil war while seeking to find a peaceful and durable solution to the conflict, the OAU intends to set up a neutral peace-keeping force for Chad. Unfortunately, up to now no conclusive action either to set up the force or to raise the $62 million required to finance such a force has been taken. I intend to call on the Secretary-General of the United Nations during my visit here to explore. possible and feasible means of assistance from the United Nations system. 58. Another crisis situation in Africa is in Western Sahara, where the incomplete task of decolonization has left a situa- tion fraught with tension and the potential of developing into a major confrontation not only affecting the States in the region but also endangering international peace and security. Having displayed commendable courage and fore- sight, Mauritania decided to withdraw its forces from the southern part of the Territory it occupied and signeda peace treaty with the POLlSARI08 Front, recognizing the right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination and independence. 59. Unfortunately, that encouraging step in the right direc- tion did not lead to the restoration of peace, as Morocco promptly proceeded to occupy the part vacated by Maurita- nia. Armed conflict continues to rage between Morocco and the POLlSARIO Front, despite strenuous efforts by the OAU and its Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State on Western Sahara to try to bring about a cease-fire and organ- ize a referendum giving the people a chance to exercise its right to self-determination in a free and fair manner. 60. During the seventeenth ordinary session of the Assem- bly. held at Freetown. the Heads of State and Government of the OAU authorized me to convene the AdllocCommit- tee once more with a view to reconciling the parties to the conflict and seeking a peaceful and lasting solution thereto. I convened the fourth session of the Ad Hoc Committee at Freetown, from 9 to 12September 1980, and that Commit- tee's recommendations are being forwarded to the heads of State and Government of the OAU. 61. As if we did not have enough problems in the contin- ent, the tension between Somalia and Ethiopia over the Ogaden continues to increase. This has been seriously com- plicated by the situation in the Middle East in general and in 8 Frente Popular para la Liberacion de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Oro. 63. Major blame for tension in the Indian Ocean region must be assigned to the big Powers, which have recently stepped up their military activities in the entire area, con- trary to the principles and objectives of the Declaration making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. Recent agreements leading to the establishment of military bases and installations in the area cannot but exac- erbate an already grave situation. I must draw the Assem- bly's attention to the resolution on the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace adopted by the Council of Ministers of the OAU at its thirty-fifth ordinary session, held at Freetown which, inter alia: ..Demands the removal of bases and other military installations belonging to the big Powers in the Indian Ocean and calls upon them to refrain from establishing new ones" [A/35/463, annex t. CM/Res. 790 (XXXV)]. 64. We must warn the big Powers to take heed of this resolution, as they will be held responsible if their actions lead to major confrontation in this highly sensitive region. 65. In addition to the liberation struggle in southern Africa, we are faced with the conflicts that have contributed to the tragic and phenomenal increase in the number of refugees and displaced persons on the continent. With a growing refugee population currently estimated at 5 million, Africa has to find food and shelter for more than half the world's total number ofrefugees. It should not be difficult to imagine what a heavy social and economic burden such a large number of refugees places on the host countries. The misery and human suffering of these refugees, the majority of whom are children, women and elderly persons, are all too well known to the international community through the mass media. 66. We welcome with profound gratitude the assistance provided to these unfortunate refugees and displaced per- sons by international organizations, particularly the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, UNICEF and the International Committee of the Red Cross. But the OAU is seriously concerned at the scant 67. It was for that reason that, in its resolution on refugees, the Council of Ministers of the OAU invited the Secretary- General of the OAU "in collaboration with the UN Secretary-General and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to hold consultations with governmental and non-governmental organizations as well as governments ofcountries which are likely to offer contributions and the UN specialized agencies, in order to assess the possibility of holding a pledging conference for African refugees under the aus- pices of the United Nations". [lbid.; CM/Res. 8/4 (XXXV).] 68. It is my most sincere and ardent hope that those consultations will be positive, so that such a pledging confer- ence will be held, and that all States will adequately face up to their common obligation of burden-sharing to alleviate the misery of those human beings who, through no fault of their own, find themselves in a predicament in which they can no longer control their environment. 69. The situation in the Middle East is of the gravest concern to the OAU. Israel's intransigence has reached new heights as the leaders of that country continue a policy of "might is right". The continued occupation of Gaza, the West Bank and the Golan Heights, the growing oppression of the Palestinian people, the repeated acts of aggression against Lebanon and the creation of more and more settle- ments in the occupied territories all indicate the contempt with which Israel looks upon the principles of international law and morality. The negotiations between Egypt and Israel have amply demonstrated that Israel really has no intention of making any major concessions to the Palestini- ans, and the whole situation has been aggravated by the Israeli decision to make Jerusalem the undivided eternal capital of Israel. 70. Taking into consideration all these developments in the Middle East, the OAU isofthe view that the Middle East crisis can be resolved only in a sincere spirit ofgive and take. But as long as one of the parties interminably upsets the mechanisms of settlement by engaging in jolting unilateral actions, it can only bring upon itself almost universal con- demnation. The OAU, the non-aligned movement and the United Nations cannot be satisfied by the adoption of reso- lutions which Israel is always ignoring, while the interna- tional community looks on helplessly. 71. As I have indicated in my remarks, Africa shares many of the problems and challenges that currently affect the world, but I should like to revert to a problem that willhave a particular impact on the development of many African countries in the coming decade, and I am speaking espe- cially of those countries on the continent that are not blessed with petroleum resources. 72. Economic development and economic independence were expected to follow our successful struggle for political 73. I speak to the Assembly now not only as the leader of an African country that is greatly affected by this economic imbalance but also as a man who has seen much of lifeand can therefore speak with the candour and directness that are traditional in our society. 74. The General Assembly has just completed the long awaited eleventh special session, devoted to these economic problems. Much was hoped for, but little was achieved. I now call for a renewed effort to address this issue. I call upon the Western industrial countries and the socialist countries and, yes, the oil producers themselvesto face up to the plight of those countries which, even before the energy crisis, had already been subjected to serious economic difficulties. 75. Orderly development and the consequent political sta- bility of the continent require that this issue remain on the world's agenda and be tackled with imagination and speed. We must bear in mind that, in a world ofglobal interdepend- ence, economic and political instability in one area, such as the continent of Africa, isbound to have a disastrous impact on other areas. Indeed, we must now accept and practise the age-old truism that. we are, each and everyone of us, our brothers' keepers. 76. In.conclusion, the United Nations remains theeffec- tive forum for reconciling conflicting claims ofnation States in our one world of today, and the proper forum for the search for acceptable and lasting solutions to some of the problems I have tried to catalogue in my address here today. In our collective venture for a safer and more prosperous world we must have the vision and the goodwill to sustain our efforts. Permit me, therefore, in this regard to register our appreciation and gratitude to our indefatigable Secretary-General and his team ofdedicated staff who over the years have endeavoured to keep alive that vision for a safer and more prosperous world.
The President on behalf of General Assem- bly #4723
On behalf of the General Assem- bly I thank His Excellency Mr. Siaka Stevens, President of the Republic ofSierra Leone, for the important statement he has just made. On my own behalf, I should liketo thank him for the kind words he addressed to me and to my country.

9.  General debate 78. Mr. GENSCHER (Federal Republic of Germany]:" Mr. President, first of all I should like to congratulate you most sincerely on your election to the highest office in.the United Nations and to commend you on your impressive inaugural address. Your election isfor us a token ofrecogni- 9 Mr. Genscher spoke in German. The English version ofhis state- ment was supplied by the delegation. 79. I should like to express our thanks to your predecessor, Ambassador Salim, one of the great representatives of the African continent. 80. I am also very pleased to be able to welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as a new Member State of the world Organization. 81. This first regular session of the General Assembly in the 1980s is dominated by anxious questions about the future of our world. We commemorate the twentieth anni- versary of the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV) which contains the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. But the recollection of that Declaration also calls to mind the contrast between then and now. In 1960,17newlyindependent African States became Members of the United Nations. At the same time, the economic development of the third world emerged as a task for the community of nations as a whole. By proclaim- ing the First United Nations Development Decade [resolu- tion 1710(XVI)], the United Nations launched a great effort to cope with that task as well, 82. At the beginning of the 1960smankind was resolutely setting out for new horizons, and the rate of progress did indeed increase. The process of decolonization has almost been completed. The number of Members of the United Nations has increased from 100in 1960 to 154 this year. A number of developing countries became new industrial countries or threshold countries. The percapita income of the third world rose at an annual rate of 3 per cent. And though this average rate may conceal the disparities between individual developing countries, it was an unprecedented growth which only few had thought attainable at the begin- ning of the 19605. 83. In 1966 the General Assembly adopted the two Inter- national Covenants on Human Rights'? and, by specifically defining those rights, imbued them with a force which, despite all resistance, has begun to leave its impression on the lives of nations all over the globe. 84. And, finally, as the 1960sdrew to a close, the climate of cold war between East and West. gave way to a newly emerging detente. To many it seemed that the time had already come for the States of the world acting as equal partners to concentrate on the great task of our age: the development of the third world. 85. But now, on the threshold of the 19805, it has become increasingly clear that the path towards this goal is paved with obstacles: the designs of power politics are threatening detente; there is the threat of a new arms race; unresolved 10 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (resolution 2200 (XXI), annex). 86. ' Is this the end of the endeavours for a world commu- nity ofequal States initiated in 1945,with the foundation of the United Nations, and reaffirmed so impressively in 1960? Has the third world struggled for its independence, only to lose it in the face of new challenges? Is economic advance- ment in parts of the third world grinding to a halt? Will poverty be with us for ever? 87. In view of these challenges it remains our historic task to establish a world of equal partners based on the right of nations to self-determination and on respect for the inaliena- ble rights of the individual. 88. The fundamental task is tosecure-through an active policy for safeguarding peace-the political conditions for mankind's resumption of steady progress. 89. What is required in the first place is to continue undi- minished efforts to reduce tensions and foster co-operation between East and West. This policy, on a basis ofequality, is of vital importance not only for peace between East and West but also for peace and peacefuleconomicdevelopment in the world as a whole. A policy for safeguarding peace is inconceivable without a general determination for detente and co-operation. Such determination cannot do away with the fundamental conflict inherent in contrasting values and political systems. But it can help to prevent avoidable con- flicts and to keep unavoidable conflicts under control by means of diplomacy. It can also build bridges to span the gulf and promote co-operation for mutual benefit. Seen in this way, detente and co-operation constitute a realistic and long-term policy for peace. 90. My country, firmly embedded in the European Com- munity and the North Atlantic defence alliance, has from the outset been among the chief protagonists of detente in Europe. Acting on the basis of shared convictions of free- dom and human dignity, these two communities have long been champions of freedom, stability, security and peace in the world. We firmly abide by the policy of detente and co-operation-aware that we share responsibility for peace and that the Germans who have to live in two separate States would be especially affected by a relapse into the cold war. 91. The basic tenet of our policy continues to be to work for a state of peace in Europe in which the German nation will recover its unity in free self-determination. We know that history is on our side. 92. The Treaty on the Basis of Relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic1I has established the conditions for co-operation which take account of the responsibility of Germans for peace and pave the way for improvements in the humanita- rian sphere for all Germans. We are guided by the goals of 94. We want to play our part in keeping the situation in and around Berlin stable and peaceful. Berlin isthe barome- ter of detente in Europe. 95. Ten years ago the Treatybetween the Federal Repub- lic of Germany and the Soviet Union" laid the foundation for the development offruitful mutual relations. Chancellor Schmidt and I went to Moscow on 30 June and 1July 1980; that visit was an expression of our will to maintain direct contacts in difficult times and to do everything to keep the way clear for a policy which we regard as long term. We consider the signal givenby our visit,after months ofstagna- tion, for the commencement of talks on medium-range' weapons to be an incentive to continue our efforts. 96. We shall also maintain our efforts to develop co- operation with the Polish People's Republic and the other Eastern European countries. 97. Furthermore, weattach great importance to the multi- lateral process of detente in Europe. At the Second review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, soon to be held at Madrid, we shall discuss the implementation of all parts of the Final Act of Helsinki 13in all its parts, in a sincere and realistic manner, but we shall also talk about what remains to bedone. We want to achieve even progress in all fields. The Conference should be neither a tribunal nor a forum for empty rhetoric. 98. In the economic field we advocate an East-West con- ference on energy, and in the field of human relations we urge the solution of humanitarian problems, the fostering of contacts .between people in the East and West and a wider exchange of information. 99. Considering the importance which the Madrid Confer- ence holds for the future, we hope that all participating States will, by their policies, make it possible to achieve progress. 100. Disarmament is the great task of the 1980s. We must not be discouraged, despite all the disappointments and set-backs. We know that detente and co-operation between East and West can be lasting only if they are founded on military equilibrium. Seeking a position of superiority only serves to create instability and, hence, insecurity. Disarma- ment cannot, therefore, mean the preservation of superior- ity, but rather must mean a stronger commitment to disarm on the part of those in a position of superiority. In the field of armament and disarmament, all States must be judged solely by what they actually do. My country and itsalliesare striving to achieve equilibrium at the lowest possible level of armaments. 12Signed in Moscow on 12 August 1970. 102. We are disturbed by the superiority in conventional weapons of the Warsaw Pact countries in central Europe, and we are particularly concerned about the rapid build-up of the Soviet Union's new SS-20 medium-range nuclear missiles, which are not trained solely on Western Europe. That arms build-up goes beyond the Soviet Union's own security needs. That is a fact which nobody can deny. 103. Since it is ourserious intention to achieve equilibrium at the lowest possible level of armaments, the Western defence alliance put before the Warsaw Pact countries, in December 1979, a comprehensive package ofarms-control anddisarmament proposals. 104. The Western defence alliance also linked its decision to modernize its nuclear systems to the offer of negotiations on limiting the medium-range.land-based missilesofthe two sides. It is now a question of getting those negotiations under way as quickly as possible, 105. I am glad that the United States Secretary of State and the Soviet Minister for Foreign Affairs will be discuss- ing here in New York tomorrow the commencement of the preparatory talks on this subject. I am also glad that the President of the United States has stated his intention to seek ratification ofthe SALT 11 agreement 14at the earliest possi- ble date. 106. The second review session ofthe Conference on Secu- rity and Co-operation in Europe, to be held at Madrid, should decide on the establishment of a European confer- ence on disarmament with the clear mandate to agree on confidence-building measures for the whole of Europe, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Urals. Confidence isindivisi- ble, also, in geographic terms. The achievement ofconcrete results at the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in central Europe can also help to stabilize the situation in all of Europe. 107. Verifiable arms limitation and disarmament are among the primary objectives ofGerman foreign policy. We pursue that objective in Europe and we pursue it world- wide. 108. Success in arms-control negotiations is dependent upon openness and sufficient information about military capabilities in the world. For that reason, we should like to see all nations disclose their military expenditures. In that connexion, the United Nations has worked out a matrix designed to make military budgetscomparable. The Federal Republic of Germany, other Western States and third world countries have reported on their military expenditures on the basis of that matrix and given an example ofits practical application. 14Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 110. Just as in Europe, so also on a global scale confidence-building measures are necessary. In response to a suggestion for which we were responsible," the General Assembly last year appointed a working group to study the possibility of confidence-building measures in various regions and throughout the world [see resolution 34/87B]. Ill. One crucial task of our active policy for safeguarding peace is to frustrate all hegemonic aspirations. This must apply world-wide. Hegemonic policies and resultant mil- itary intervention destroy the right of nations to self- determination. The East-West confrontation must not be transferred to the third world. 112. In an interdependent world, one ofthe foundations of which is respect for the right to self-determination, interven- tionism is not a matter which concerns only those who intervene and their victims; it is a challenge to the entire community of nations. This'is also the essence of the princi- ple of the indivisibility of detente. 113. The signatory States to the Helsinki Final Act expressly declared their intention not only to base their relations with one another on the principles embodied in the Final Act, which include the renunciation offorce and respect for equality of rights and for the right of nations to self- determination, but also to conduct their relations with other States in the spirit of those principles. 114. Accordingly, the Federal Republic of Germany and France, in their joint declaration of 5 February 1980, des- cribed as unacceptable the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan and stated clearly that detente would not be able to withstand another blow of that kind. 115. The non-aligned movement is becoming an increas- ingly important force in international politics. The more all its members associate themselves with the aim of true non- alignment, the greater will be their contribution to stability in the world. 116. The conflicts in the third world must also be resolved through negotiations. 117. The agenda for this session of the General Assembly includes four major crisis areas: the Middle East, southern Africa, Afghanistan and Cambodia. To these must be added the Jraqi-Iranian conflict, a source of great concern. 118. In the Middle East, new obstacles have been piled up on the road to a comprehensive peace settlement. The posi- tions of the parties concerned have hardened and tension has again built up to a dangerous level. 119. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, Mr. Thorn, who is currently presiding over the European Community, has explained the position of the nine member States on all aspects of the Middle East conflict [6th meet- 120. We are convinced that the Middle East problem can only be solved if all the parties concerned forgo exclusive territorial demands. There must be no "all or nothing" attitude. On none ofthe issues should one side confront the other with a fait accompli. That applies to settlements in the occupied territories, and it applies especially to Jerusalem, of whose importance for the three major religions we are particularly aware. 121. A necessary step on the road to comprehensive peace is the renunciation offorce or the threat ofuse offorce by all the parties concerned. This is the only way to create in the area the climate of confidence that is indispensable to a settlement. 122. Our intention to givea new impetus to the Euro-Arab dialogue by adding a political dimension to it, and the continuing willingness of the Europeans to participate in international guarantees, indicate our determination to take our share of the responsibility for peace. 123. The Government of the Federal Republic of Ger- many views with grave concern the armed confrontation which has flared up in the past few days between Iraq and Iran. We appeal to those involved not. to add yet another conflict to thos already existing in the Middle East, but rather to settle matters at the' negotiating table. And we appeal to an States to exercise the greatest restraint soas to prevent the conflict from spreading. The United Nations must shoulder its responsibility for peace. " 124. In Africa, the year 1980 has brought crucial progress towards eliminating the remnants of colonialism. 125. The people ofZimbabwe have exercised their right to self-determination through free elections under interna- tional supervision, and have obtained their independence. This shows that negotiated solutions to even the most diffi- cult subjects are possible. 126. In Namibia a solution will only be possible, in our view, if based on the United Nations plan for Namibia. Attempts to achieve an internal settlement would have no chance of bringing peace and freedom to the country; Zim- babwe has confirmed that. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) must now be implemented without delay. 127. At the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly, held from 10to 14January this year, the interna- tional community condemned by an overwhelming major- ity the armed intervention in Afghanistan and called for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of the for- eign troops [resolution ES-6Jlj. It urged that the people of Afghanistan be enabled to determine their own form of government and choose their economic, political and social systems free from outside intervention, subversion, coercion 129. It is also necessary to find a political solution to the crisis in Cambodia. Here, too, the United Nations has cate- gorically called for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops [resolution 34/22]. Here, too, it hag demanded that the people of Cambodia be enabled to choose their own government by the democratic process-without outside intervention, subversion or coercion. 130. The conflict must not now be carried even beyond Cambodia's borders. The people of my country are shocked by the terrible fate of the Cambodian people. My Govern- ment and the private relief organizations in my country will continue to render humanitarian assistance as best they can e ,1 appeal to all responsible: open up all channels necessary to allow assistance to reach the starving people in all parts of Cambodia. 131. We must tackle the problem ofthe world's refugees at its roots. It constitutes a growing challenge to our con- science, an increasing disregard for basic human rights and a growing threat to good-neighbourly relations between States and to the international order as a whole. 132. Today, all over the world, people are fleeing their home countries and seeking refuge in camps. Their number is estimated at about 15 million. Anyone who has visited a refugee camp is aware of theabject misery suffered by these millions. 133. I refer to the mass exodus from Indo-China, Afghani- stan and Ethiopia, which has greatly aggravated the refugee problem.: In Somalia 30 per cent of the population are refugees. according to government estimates. The develop- mcnt of that country threatens to collapse under this tre- mendous burden. In the border region between Thailand and Cambodia, refugee problems have led to an acute danger of war. These examples indicate that the refugee problem has become a threat to peace in many parts of the third world and a threat to the political stability and eco- nomic development of the countries receiving the refugees. 134. So far the United Nations has concentrated on the humanitarian .task of mitigating the consequences of flight and expulsion. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has rendered an outstanding service in this field. 135. We must increase further the humanitarian assistance for refugees and make it more effective. But we must also lace up to the political task of counteracting the causes of their flight and expulsion. We must work together to avert new refugee flows. We must elaborate rules governing the conduct of States. We must prevent racially and ideologi- cally undesired minorities from being forcibly expelled by their Governments or compelled to fleeas a result ofunbear- able living conditions. This, too, is part today ofa compre- hcnsive and active policy for safeguarding peace.• therefore SUg!7l'St that this session of the General Assembly include in 137. The eleventh special session of the General Assembly that has just ended and at which I presented my Govern- ment's views" unfortunately met only some of our expecta- tions. Admittedly, agreement was reached on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [see AI35/464]. It was also agreed that the aid extended to the least developed countries must be stepped up considerably. This consensus is a good starting point for the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries to be held in 1981. IJX. The special session was not, however, able to eom- plctc the preparations for the global negotiations. It is pre- cisclv in view ofthe difficult world economic situation that my CiO\'l.:rnml.'nt considers such negotiations important and urgently necessary. At the present session, therefore, a con- sensus must be attained on the procedure and the agenda for the negotiations so that thcv can start in. Januarv 1981 as planned. The Brandt Comn;ission has presented an impor- tant document on North-South issues.J 7 We advocate a North-South summit meeting, as recommended by the Brandt Commission. Such a meeting can give important impetus to the negotiations in the United Nations. 139. Resolution 34/138 establishing the global negotia- tions relating to international economic co-operation for development. specified live main subjects: commodities, energy. trade, development, money and finance. In all of these fields we must recognize the common interests of industrialized and developing countries. Weshall establish a new international economic order not by dcstrovinu the ... ..-- existing one but by developing it further. We must preserve free world trade as the driving force behind growth and development. Wc must solve the world'< energy problems and thus safeguard the basis of economic growth and devel- opment. We must ensure .1 stable world monetary system and safeguard the effectiveness of the competent institu- tions. W~ must step up the flow of resources to the third world so as to accelerate development and thereby provide important stimuli for growth in the industrial countries and create new jobs there. 140. Despite its adverse budgetary situation, the Federal Republic of Germany has, between 1977 and 1979-that is, within two wars-doubled its official development assist- ance from 3.2 to 6.1 billion dcutsche marks. In absolute terms, mv countrv is, therefore. together with France. the ~ .. ~ 16/bid., Eleventh Special Session, Plenary Meetings, 5th meeting. 17North-South: A program for survival: report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues under the chairman- ship of WillyBrandt (Cambridge, Massachusetts, the MIT Press, 1980). 141. An indispensable part of the global negotiations is a comprehensive dialogue on energy between oil-importing and oil-exporting countries. The energy issue has now become so crucial and has such far-reaching effects on all other economic sectors that the aim of global negotiations would not be achievable without an energy dialogue. 142. Successful co-operation for development in the new decade will also depend, to a decisive extent, on whether all countries participate to the best of their ability. Support for the development of the third world cannot be seen as the responsibility of the Western industrial countries alone. It is the responsibility of the entire international community, and everyone must shoulder his portion. 143, Here I appeal particularly to the Communist indus- trial countries. In recent years their assistance has amounted to only about 0.1 per cent of their gross national product. Almost three quarters of that aid went to just two develop- ing countries. 144. The world's total arms expenditure will exceed $500 billion this year. Militaryspending is increasingeverywhere- in the East and the West and not least in the third world. The success of development depends more and more also on whether it proves possible to halt the global arms race. What the world needs is not an arms race, but a race in the provision of aid for the developing countries. 145. I consider it necessary to set up two registers in the United Nations. The first should record how much every industrial country spends percapitaon armaments and how much on development assistance. The second register should cover world-wide exports. and imports of weapons. 146, We must not look on passively whilearms expendi- ture is growing and whileexpenditure on development aid is lagging behind or even stagnating. We must not.remain idle when weapons arc poured into developing countries which need not guns but schools and hospitals, tractors and lathes. 147, A world of partnership and an active peace policy call for world-wide respect for human rights. We know how far we still are from this great goal. We have witnessed, espe- cially in recent years, a number of massive violations of human rights. The United Nations has introduced proce- dures and institutions with a view to promoting the effective implementation of human rights throughout the world. These procedures are still comparatively weak, although their effectiveness is increasing as evidenced by the work of the Human Rights Commission. 14S. It is now necessary to strengthen and develop the instruments of the United Nations for the protection of human rights. These instruments must include a United Nations court of justice for human rights. 149. Nobody can overlook the appalling abuse in the imposition of the death penalty in many parts of the world. In his annual report. Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim 150. Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights limits the death penalty. Today, 14 years after the signing of the Covenant, it is time to seek the abolition of r'iat penalty. My Government will therefore propose a convention to eliminate capital punishment. This convention could be given the form of a second optional protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Politi- cal Rights. 15t. It is stated in the Constitution of my country that "Capital punishment shall be abolished". This important decision is the result of painful experiences in our recent past. We know that different historical developments, legal traditions and religious beliefs have prompted different atti- tudes towards the death penalty in other countries. But this should not make anyone less conscious of the frequent abuses in the imposition of capital punishment.Such abuses can only be eliminated by the total abolition of the death penalty. 152. Our world IS In a state of transition. It is moving towards a new order, the first truly global order in history to be founded on the concept of equality and partnership. The outlines of this new order are already discernible, even though reactionary trends arc blurring the picture. I should like to emphasize two basic principles of the new order: the self-determination of all nations and the regional integration of equal States to form larger communities. 153. Self-determination means the full development of each country's own potential and independent political, economic and cultural development. This aim must be real- ized today especially in the third world. There would be no genuine and sustained development in Africa, the Arab States, Latin America and Asia if these vast cultural regions merely tried to copy.Western or Eastern industrialized coun- tries. Development must build on a country's own culture and, with due respect for inalienable human rights, must use modern science and technology to enhance these cultural values. 154. Anyone who oj..,":S such independent development and seeks to impose alien, prefabricated concepts upon the third world acts against the interests of the developing coun- tries and the world as a whole. The national, religious and cultural identity of nations must remain intact. Mankind needs a variety of cultures to prevent its creative forces from dwindling. To reject a pluralistic world and to force human- ity under the yoke of a single ideology would betantamount to halting progress. 155. Regional integration is becoming increasingly impor- tant as a means of creating political and economic areas in all parts of the world which will ward olfhcgcmonic designs by foreign Powers and permit the development of modern economies. The European Community provides a model of a regional grouping of States on a basis of.equality, a union in which no one dominates. We consider the emergence of regional communities of States in all parts of the world, including Africa, ASia and Latin America one of the most important international developments. 157. The increasing regional co-operation in the third world, the large groupings of the non-aligned countries and the Group of 77arc also developments of great consequence for our work in the United Nations. Without these group- ings till' political opinion-forming process and agreement on solutions in the United Nations would today be almost unthinkable. 15S. It isclear that regional and intcrrcgional co-operation supplement and facilitate global co-operation, but do not replace it. 159. The universal Organization of the United Nations will be more than ever the centre ofa new world order based on equality and partnership. It isour task to strengthen it, to make it more effective and, above all, to make use of it for the good of tile whole world and not merely to safeguard individual interests. This is a task which my country will help to accomplish to till' best of its ability. 160. Mr. FRAN('OIS-PONCET (France) iinterpretation from Frenchi: In electing you, Sir, to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of our General Assembly, the United Nations wished to pay tribute to the great democracy of the Federal Republic of Germany and to Europe, of which it forms one of the pillars. The United Nations has conferred a distinction on a diplomat whose competence, experience and human qualities arc appreciated by one and all. In the name of the friendship which unites our two nations and the trustful co-operation which they have established, allow me to say, Sir, how glad I am to sec you presiding over the work of this Assembly. 161. I should also like.to express once again my gratitude to our Secretary-General for the distinguished services he has constantly rendered to the United Nations, and for his skill, his authority and his talent. 162. Finally, I am happy to greet the young State of Saint Vincent and the fJrenadines as it enters our Organization. '-

Mr. Muzenda (Zimbabwe), Vice-President, took the Chair.
I wish to congratulate Ambassador von Wechmar on his election to the presidency of the thirtv-tilth session of the General Asscmblv, I am confident that, with his vast experience and skill: he will guide our deliberations to a successful conclusion. 224. Wl: highly appreciate the important contribution of his predecessor. Ambassador Salim Ahrncd Salim, in guid- ing tile work of several sessions of the Assembly. 225. The dedicated efforts of tilt' Secretary-General. Mr. Kurt Waklhcirn, to strengthen the role of our Oruanization ~ ~ in preserving peace and promoting co-operation in the world deserve our full rccognition. 226. At the last special session we welcomed with particu- lar joy the admission of the Republic of Zimbabwe to our community of nations. Today we rejoice equally on the 22S. Wc wish to convey our profound gratitude to this Organization and to the representatives of Member States for their expressions of sympathy, the words of encourage- ment extended to us and the respect paid to President Tito and his life-work. That showed that Tito, his ideas and his achievements do not belong to Yugoslavia alone but to all mankind. This is a source of pride and adds to our obliga- tion to follow his path. 229. Wc arc gathered here to examine the situation in the world and to sec what should be done to improve it. 230. The problems and challenges arc so pressing that we need more than ever before a high degree of political realism and shared responsibility if we wish to survive on our turbu- lent planet. Wc have to face the fact that the vast majority of mankind refuses to reconcile.itself to the existing situation, which is more and more intolerable. 231. Wc arc entering an era in which people and nations insist on the right to take an active part in shaping world development. Numerous contradictions have piled up in our world: the question of war or peace in various parts of the globe; poverty and hunger; privileges and exploitation; problems of development and the dangerous arms race: and various forms of domination. But there is also resistance to such a state of affairs. 232. Today we can communicate only in the language of equality and independence. Solutions that do not take into account the interests of all arc not acceptable any longer. That is the only basis on which the new international rela- tions can be built. 23.1 The policy of non-alignment is a quintessential expression oj the aspirations of peoples to full indcpcn- deuce, freedom. and a life worthy of human beings. Almost two thirds of the membership of this Assembly have found in the principles and objectives of the policy of non- alignment the broadest common denominator in their striv- ing to build a new international order. 234. Non-alignment offers a vision and a concept of the world in which we shall live tomorrow. Today few would deny the great contribution that non-alignment has made to mankind. In this respect may I recall the words of President Tito at the Sixth Conference ofthe non-aligned countries." During the past two decades, PresidcntTito emphasized, we have reaffirmed the original principles and objectives of non-alignment as permanent values: we have resolutely fought for peace. security and freedom in the world: we have made a substantial contribution to the successful outcome of the anti-colonial revolution: we have opposed the policy of force and foreign interference in all their forms: we have 21 Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979. 235. The policy of non-alignment has asserted itself as a vital and independent factor of stability and positive changes in the world. We note with satisfaction that it is gaining ever wider acceptance, in the name of political realism. 236. Experience has long taught us that the existence of a balance based on fear and the absence of global conflict between the great Powers is not likely to secure lasting peace. On the contrary, it often gives rise to further rivalries, obstructs the emancipation of peoples and prevents them from freely choosing their own way of life. All this engenders local wars and conflicts in various parts ofthe globe in which thousands of lives are lost daily, immeasurable suffering is inflicted on people, and tremendous material damage is done. 237. The past year has shown that the onlypossiblc solu- tions to existing crises, and the only realistic answers to the major issues, arc those based on the aspirations ofnations to live and work in freedom, aspirations which are firmly rooted in the Charter of the United Nations. 23S. The victory of the people ofZimbabwe, attained after a long and arduous liberation struggle, confirms that there is no power that can thwart the determination of a people to achieve its freedom and become the master of its own destiny. This victory is one of the greatest contributions that the peoples of southern Africa have made to the liquidation of colonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid. 239. The colonialist and racist policy of South Africa is untenable and unacceptable from the political, social and humanitarian standpoint. It is inconceivable that a certain number of States continue to co-operate with the racist regime in Pretoria while the latter flouts the decisions of the United Nations, launches aggressive attacks against neigh- bouring countries and perpetrates brutal acts of violence against the oppressed people of Namibia. 240. It should be recalled that the United Nations-and that means every Member State-is directly responsible for the liberation of Namibia. From that stems our obligation to adopt at the present session decisions calling upon the Security Council to ensure the full implementation of its resolution 435 (1978). and to apply all possible measures at our disposal. including the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, thus supporting the just struggle of the people of Namibia headed by SWAPO. 241. At this critical juncture we must demonstrate our readiness to bring to an end the era ofcolonialism, one of the most shameful pages in human history. 242. Let us turn to another global crisis. In the Middle East, by its permanent aggression and usurpation of the rights of Arab peoples, by the annexation of Jerusalem, as well as by constant attacks on the independence of Lebanon, 244. In recent times the world has witnessed a growing tendency towards the use of force in international relations. Sovereignty, territorial integrity and the right to free national and social development have constantly been jeopardized. 245. We consider that the only way out of this situation would be a return to consistent implementation of the norms of international life, from which force, pressure and interference must be resolutely excluded. Our approach to all the crises in the world is guided by those ideas. 246. One such crisis has been developing in South-East Asia. There isa serious threat of its escalation into a conflict of wider proportions. We wish to reiterate that, in our opinion, a way out of this danger would be through an urgent search for a political solution. That of course implies the withdrawal of foreign troops and the creation of condi- tions that will enable the people of Karnpuchea to decide on its socio-political system and to re-establish the independent and non-aligned status of its country. 247. We also view with anxiety the developments in the region of South-West Asia, the Gulf and the Indian Ocean. They warn us that rivalries aimed at extending spheres of influence threaten to turn that region into an arena of constant instability and new global conflict. 248. We wish all disputes to be solved by peaceful means. and in this regard we are ready to exert maximum efforts within the framework of the United Nations. We believe that in the case of the Afghanistan crisis. which is fraught with great danger, a political solution will be sought too. That means that a solution should include the withdrawal of foreign troops. ensuring normal relations and strength,.ning the independence and security of all the countries in the region. 249. With regard to the Korean question, we welcome the position of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea calling for the solution of that question by peaceful means, without foreign interference, and the readiness of that Government to resume the dialogue on unification isa constructive contribution which isin keeping with the legitimate aspirations and the right of the Korean people to be united. 250. With respect to the crisis in Western Sahara. we wish to emphasize that that is, to our mind, a colonial question which can be solved justlv only on the basis of the Dcclaru- . . . 251. In our view, prolonging the Cyprus crisis perpetuates a constant hotbed of conflict and instability in the eastern Mediterranean. The resumption of intercommunal talks is, we believe, the right way to reach a solution acceptable to both parties. The framework for this was laid down in General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and in numer- ous documents adopted at conferences of the non-aligned countries which show that a lasting and just solution can be based only on the withdrawal of foreign troops and the preservation ofthe independence, territorial.integrity, sover- eignty and non-aligned status of Cyprus. 252. Bearing in mind the dangers arising from a continu- ous multiplication of global crises, we attach particular attention to the initiative of the non-aligned countries in elaborating a declaration on the inadmissibility of intcrvcn- tion and interference in the internal affairs of States." We believe that its adoption by the General Assembly would contribute to more responsible behaviour by States in their mutual relations and would reduce the danger of intervention. 253. Let us bear this responsibility together and act in a spirit of constructive co-operation and mutual confidence. Ideological differences or differences in our socio-political systems should not, weare deeply convinced, be an obstacle to the consistent application of active and peaceful co- l.'xistenccas the basiccharacteristic of international rclations and the common responsibility for the future of the world in which we live. In this regard wewishto stress the responsibil- ity of all countries, including the non-aligned, strictly to observe the principles of international behaviour enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. 254. At this point I should like to express our deep regret and serious concern over the armed conflict between Iraq and Iran. We sincerely hope that those two countries, which belong to the non-aligned movement, will find a peaceful solution to the conflict on the basis of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the policy of non- alignment. 255. I should particularly liketo emphasize our conviction that the policy of non-alignment isa universalconcept whose spirit and basic values can also be successfully applied to intra-European relations and co-operation. 256. The maintenance of a bloc approach to the decisions of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. held at Helsinki in 1975, would amount to a lasting endorse- ment of the division of Europe, with grave consequences for the whole world. Therefore, we feel that the time has come when the bloc concept ofdetente, which to a certain extent is prevalent in Europe, must increasingly evolve into genuine all-European detente. We feel that the neutral and non- 257. Europe cannot keep peace for itselfalone and close its eyes to what is happening in the rest of the world. It cannot ensure its own economic progress without contributing to the solution of the economic problems of the world. It cannot successfully control armaments on its own soil, if it does not contribute to the process of general and complete disarmament. There can be no lasting relaxation oftensions in Europe in the absence of solutions to crises on other continents. 258. I should like to lay particular stress on the fact that the arms race serves to strengthen various forms of monop- oly and domination. There is no need to point out that such practices constantly threaten the vital interests of theinde- pendence, security and development of the developing and non-aligned countries. 259. Preparations for two important conferences in the next few years are before the General Assembly of the United Nations: first, the new special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, scheduled for 1982;and, secondly, the international conference to be held by 1983, under the auspices of the United Nations, aimed at finding a political solution to the question of unhindered realization of the.nuclear energy programmes ofall countries for peace- ful uses of nuclear energy. Yugoslavia isof the opinion that all States should actively contribute to the success of those conferences. 260. International economic relations are going through a deep crisis and the developing countries are its first victims. The existing system of old privileges is a source ofa number of major disruptions in the world economy and ofinequality in political relations which cause chronic instability in the world. We also believe that new realities make it imperative for international economic relations to be organized on the basis of equality, interdependence and mutual interests. 261. Precisely for that reason weattach exceptional impor- tance to the recently concluded eleventh special session of the General Assembly devoted to problems of economic development. Regrettably, the special session did not adopt a decision on the launching ofglobal negotiations owing to the absence of political will on the part of some of the most developed countries. However, we have avoided complete failure and thus have preserved hope for tomorrow. 262. In saying that, we bear in mind the fact that the consensus reached on the International Development Strat- egy for the Third United Nations Development Decade is a significant admission of the interdependence of the world and opens avenues for international co-operation. 263. We also consider the adoption of resolu..cus on assistance to the least developed countries [resolution S-11/3 and S-ll/4] to be a positive result ofthe special session. That constitutesa step forward by the international community in dealing with this important question. We hope that this regular session will successfully complete the unfinished 265. We see in its establishment a way for the developing countries to embark on the road of accelerated economic development, which isa prerequisite for the emancipation of peoples and developing countries from subordination. This is also a pre-condition for general stability in the world. 266. We attach great importance to human rights, which we consider a serious international issue to which our Organization should devote due attention. It seems to us that the treatment of this problem in the United Nations so far has reflected, despite certain shortcomings and digres- sions, a dynamic process of enrichment of the content of human rights and of the ways of protecting them. 267. This positive evolution is primarily reflected in an ever-increasing awareness that, in solving this complex ques- tion, one must proceed from the fact that people and nations cannot be free socially and politically unless they are free economically and nationally. 268. Proceeding from these principles, we attach particu- lar importance to therealization of the rights ofall nations and national minonties ' and ethnic, religious and other groups. In our view, the position of national minorities is not only an important internal issue for a country; it is also of vital importance for strengthening co-operation, good- neighbourly relations and peace and security in various parts of the world. 269. We believe that the adoption ofthe draft declaration on the rights of persons belonging to national, ethnic, reli- gious and linguistic minorities, which is before the Commis- sion on Human Rights," would make a significant contribution to the promotion and protection of the rights ofnational minorities, as an important aspect ofthe realiza- tion of human rights in general. 270. This year marks the thirty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Throughout this period, the United Nations has been an active participant in the positive transformation of international relations, a scene of great effort and an arena of struggle for a better and more just world. 271. We cannot, however, turn a blandeye to the fact that the United Nations has been restricted in solving crucial problems. 273. Let us not betray the hopes that we have aroused by our work so far. If we want a new world in which peace, security and prosperity for all will be a constant and stable The meeting rose at 1.35 p.m.