A/37/PV.11 General Assembly

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Royal Highness Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, President ofDemocratic Kampuchea, and to invite him to address the As- sembly. 2. Prince NORODOM SIHANOUK (Democratic Kampuchea): This is the sixth time in a quarter of a century that I have had the honour to come to this rostrum to defend before the representatives of Member States the interests of my country and its people. 3. Today, as on the last occasion when I addressed the Security Council, in 1979,1following the occupation of Kampuchea by the armed forces of the SociaHst Republic of Viet Nam, it is for the very existence of my country as a free and sovereign State that I seek to be the spokesman before the Assembly. 4. I wish at the outset to express my most respect- ful good wishes to the President of the Assembly. May I be permitted to salute very respectfully Mr. Kittani, and congratulate him very ccrdially on the outstanding leadership he provided at the thirty- sixth session of the General Assembly and on his great ability, sense offaimess and integrity r I extend respect- ful good wishes to the Secretary-General, whose high sentiments and deep devotion to the cause of justice and peace we all admire. S. May I be· permitted also to salute the delegations present here. amon~st which it is my honour and privUege to count many faithful friends, in th~ name of my country, its Coalition Government and all patriots who struggle in acutely difficult circumstances, but with fierce determination, for the liberation of their country. 6. Contrary to certain false allegations, our Govern- ment is not a Government in exile. An its members live and fight in the interior of our national territory, side by side with our heroic fighters. For, despite the efforts of a powerful Vietnamese army in control of Kampuchean territory, we have liberated and solidly held large zones not Qnly near the Thai frontier, but also in several regions of the south-west and thle north-east of our country. NEW YORK 7. Last July I myself visited my compatriots in three liberated zones, travelling by car, on foot and on elephant, deep into the interior ofour country. Every- where I was welcomed by well-armed and disciplined military units and by tens of thousands of civilians, amongst whom I had the satisfaction to note art impressive number of little children. 8. My country and its Coalition Government w~sh to express their profound gratitude to the United Nations for having, since 1979, rejected the pretensions of the regime installed by a foreign Power in our capital, a Power which seeks to obtain the seat of Kampuchea in the Assembly's midst. Here everyone -including those who SUllpport its candidature to this seat-knows that that regime has no real existence, that it is under the control of Vietnamese occupying authorities and that it depends in everything and for everything on the protection of two foreign nations. 9. To recognize the puppet regime of Phnom Penh would in fact mean: first, accepting the permanent foreign domination of our country, which has been a Member in its own right CIf the United Nations since 1955, and reducing it to the position of a colony of Powers which shamelessly violate the Charter of the United Nations and treat with contempt its resolu- tions seeking the immedia\te and unconditional with- drawal of foreign forces from our territory; secondly, giving to many other countries-not necessarily all of the third world-that are also occupied by foreign forces the sad certainty that they are for ever con- demned to an anachronistic domination; and, thirdly, augmenting the state of tension and risk of conflict in our region. 10. Kampuchea occupies on the geographical plane a strategic position of primary importance. I have sought in the past to make it a buffer State between two categories of State with opposing ideologies. We now know that the ravages of war have extended from Viet Nam to Kampuchea and they threaten to spread even further to the west. 11. Independent, non-aligned and neutral, ~4cepting no foreign bases on its territory, my country could have constituted a major element in the peace not only of the peninsula, but of the totality of south- east Asia and even of east Asia. On the cont,rary, a Kampuchea becoming a colony and a military base for two expansionist and hegemonist Powers constitutes a menace, as the years of the future will prove, to the stability, peace, security and progress of nations and peoples of the entire region and could well provoke an armed· conflict with incalculable consequences between the great Powers whose interests are in conflict in Asia. 12. As members of the Assembly know, I have often been the Jbject of verbal attacks, of a mixture of 1 i ! I i fiI J ~ Ii an~ neutral Kampuchea has anything to fear from l~S. benefit today. At the same time, I salute and thank 41. ASEAN, to which I must render my most pro- the Secretary-General, the: In~ernation~ ~ed Cross, found homage for its political sense and its courage, UNICEF and other hu~amtanan ~rgamza~lons for all has refused with reason to sign the pact of non- they have done, are domg .and .wlll ~ domg for our aggression that Viet Nam proposes. Such a pact refugees and other compatnots m their need. would have the same disastrous effects as that which 49. I respect the Vietnamese people, dragged against was signed in Munich in 1938 by Chamberlain and their will into a colonialist adventure, although for Daladier in the hope-tragic iIlusion-of mollifying many years now they have found themselves plunged Hitler and Mussolini. Such a pact would be but the into difficulties without number and from all sides and prelude to further aggression between countries and of all kinds, which their Government is in any event peoples who subscribe te it. obliged to recognize, and which have provoked the 42. Representatives will understand ~hy no interna- tragic ,~xodus of hundreds of thousands of "boat tional conference is imaginable if the first item on the people. agenda does not deal with the situation in Kampu- SO. I do not consider that I have a: right to ask the chea and does not seek to put an end to the occupa- Western Powers to cease providing humanitarian aid tion and colonization ofmy ~untry by Viet Nam, with to our neighbours, innocent victims of the dreadful the multi-faceted support of the Soviet Union. If this conduct of their Governml:nt. But I have the right, problem is not dealt with and resolved, there is really in the name of the people of Kampuchea, to ask all nothing to discuss, there is nothing to be done but to countries which are not accomplices of Vietnamese bend the knee before the diktat ofHanoi and Moscow. colonialism forthwith to cease granting to the regime 43. It would be lamentabl~ to participate in a Viet- o.f Han~i financial, economic and material aid which namese conference which will have present as repre- n~k being used. not. to help the unhappy people of sentatives of Kampuchea the regime of quislings of Vlet Nam, b~t me.vltably t'? enco'!rage their leaders Phnom Penh put in place by the Vietnamese leaders to persevere m their enterpnse agamst my people and and protected by the powerful Vietnamese army of my country. •... . ' , • . . occupation. 51. We reaffirm our total solidarity with our brothers 44. To accept the Vietnamese fait accompli in ~nd sisters, the Mghan people, who like us are j?vol\'~d Kampuchea would be to accept the law of the jungle. !n '! str:ugg1e to .enable their countrY t? exerc.;,e agalO This "law" is already in force in many countries Its mallenab~e nght to self-determmatlon. ~e support which tragically today are reduced to slavery by a great equ.ally the ....ao peopl~, our brothers and ~Isters, who Power. ' deSire to recover Lao mdependence and llbertv. 45. States Members of the United Nations-at least 52. '!le reaffirm our t?t~ solidarity with our broth~rs those for whom the principles of freedom, indepen- and sl~t~rs,.the Palestlman .people, w~o are suffenng dence, justice and peace still matter-must Lave at app~bng tnals fo~ the r~blrth of their. cou~try. ~e heart" I am sure, the need to cry "Halt" to the Viet- contln~e t? recognize offiCially the Palestme !:-Iberatlon namese occupation and colonization of Kampuchea Organ~~tlOn [PLO] as the. legal representative of the by adopting the resolutions and in taking measures Palestmlan people and nation. which would require Viet Nam, which we once 53. We firmly support our brothers and sisters, the respected, to return to a sense of honour which, we Korean people, in their legitimate aspiration for a hope but momentarily, it has so singularly failed in. reunitication of their country no.w divided against its . . . . will, and we warmly support the wise and patriotic 46. We are very conscIous of our limitations. and of proposals of Marshal Kim 11 Sung, President of the the fact th'!t ~ur own problems concern us ID such Democratic People's Republic of Koreu, so that the absolute pn~nty that we cannot pretend to concern reunification may take place through a peaceful and ourselves With the problems of others. But as, of independent process. course, our country has always been a Member of the United Nations, I trust I will be permitted to indicate 54. It is our ardent hope that the two brother coun- briefly our position on certain problems of major I tries at present in conflict with one another, Iraq and importance. Iran, will seek a peaceful solution to their problems 47. I would at the outset express the sincere grati- and realize, in peace, their necessary reconciliation. tude of my country and our people to nations which 55. Deeply moved by the unmerited disasters and have generously welcomed our refugees and, in the innumerable loss of human lives which Lebanon ~as very first place, to the Kingdom ofThailand, which has suffered-a State which heretofore was the Switzer- carried a very heavy burd~n in the name of duty to land of 'he Near East-it is our ardent hope that its humanity in granting a haven of refuge and protectron sovereignty and territorial integrity will at last be against threats to hundreds of thousands of our com- respected and the foreign armed forces wiJI withdraw II 73. I feel that it is appropriate for me at this juncture to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, who has provided us with much food for thought in his pro- vocative and imaginative report on the work of the Organization. I represent a country which most certainly can be said to be reluctant "to resort to the Security Council or to use the machinery ofthe United Nations" [A/37/1, p. 3]. The Secretary-General has cogently set out the reasons. I can assure him that the Government ofIsrael will support constructive and effective measures advancing the prospect of a world in which-to use his language-the small and weak have reliable defence and shelter. At the same time, we shall warn against and oppose steps designed to exploit and abuse the Secretary-General's thoughtful proposals as one more tool of political warfare. 74. The principles upon which the United Nations was founded, as well as the Charter, should have moved the Organization and its Members-as far back as 3.0 years ago-to take a stand against the denial on the part of the Arab world of the right of a Member State, Israel, to exist in security. When the United Nations ignored this inalienable obligation, it did so at its peril, undermining its own credibility and moral power. Since then, the United Nations has lacked the courage to rise and condemn any act of aggression, threat, violence, blackmail and terror, both direct and indirect, towards Israel by the Arab States and the~:" accomplices. 75. The Assembly has even chosen to reject the Camp David accords and the Israel-Egyptian peace treaty and has ignored tbe completion earlier this year of Israel's withdrawal from Sinai. It has devoted much time to other, apparently more congenial, aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict. 76. Among the thousands of resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council or any otherUnited Nations body during the past30years, one will find hardly a single decision or resolution that explicitly condemns by name any Arab State or organization f9r attacks on Israel or Israelis. During these 30 years, have Arabs never practised military attacks, terrorist actions, hijacking airplanes, taking hostages, not to speak of the placing of embargoes and blockades and any similar hostile act which international law would even define as a casus belli? The Arab States and their terror organizations always appear to be innocent and injured; offended but never offending. 77. United Nations documentation is replete with anti-Israel resolutions, which have increased yearly in,both number and length, overflowing with distorted suppositions, arbitrary statements and one-sided and destructive recommendations and decisions. Even the discussion of the establishment of a' nuclear- weapon-free zone in the Middle East did not esc:ape the bane of politicization and partisanship. The con- sensus attained on this issue in the Assembly in 1980 headq~arters, arnlS and ammunition re3ervoirs: that to focus ~o,! .on w~at is beyond the horizon is operational documents and so forth. We received a sure way of mVltmg failure. c0l!crete pro~f of planned, I~ge-scale aggression 91. Israel would welcome additional partners to the which was to nave taken place ID the near future. process, as provided for in the Camp David accords. 8S. Lebanese and also Palestinians who for years Y'e firmly be!~eve that agreement is achievable. There suffered from PLO terror and feared to divulge what IS I!0 need to .mtroduce new concepts and approaches had happened to them are now free to unmask the which were discarded or not accepted at Camp Davi". true face of the PLO inaction. They Corroborate ou~ We.are not prepared, for instance, to reopen the debate gravest suspicions. on Issue~, such as the creation of a second Palestinian . .. .' . . Arab State, which were rejected at Camp David in 86. Th~. ~ntlre IDternatlonalcommumty has the favour of more realistic and acceptable solutions. responSibility and should have the courage to stand up and formally ban PLO terrorism and expel its repre- 92. ~s. for the refugee status in which many sentatives from every self-respecting State and every PalestlDlan Arabs have been kept over all the years international body. The United Nations and its since .1~8, this is shameful !esUmony ~o the cynical agencies cannot begin the process ofrehabilitation and explOitation of human suffenng for pohtical ends by revitalization as long as such organizations and their Arab Go~ernments. The numb~r of Palestinian Arab representatives are permitted to set foot in a civilized refugees ID 1948 was about 550,000. There is no lack forum. of lan~ ~r finaD.cial ~sources in Arab lands, including . . . Palestiman temtory m Trans-Jordan, to provide them 87. Thlrtr-seven years ag,?, ~Ith the defeat ofnazism, with homes and employment. Israel did as much and we all belIeved .that t.h~ cIvIlIzed wo~ld had le8f!led even more, with meagre resources, for some the less~n of anh-S~mltlsmth~t led to ItS .most temb~e 800,000 Jews who left or fled from Arab and Moslem ex.p~ess~on-genoclde. Unfortul!ately, thiS monster IS lands after 1948. The humanitarian aspect of this ralsmg ItS .ugly hc:ad. once a~atn. Often, attacks on problem could have been solved several times over in Israel or zlomsm m mternatlonal forums ser\'e as a the intervening years transparent mask for anti-Semitism. The State of ... . Israel, which is the fulfilment of the Jewish national 93: I.n addition to cre~ting a Palestine problem and movement, cannot and will not passively accept a ~sl~g It as a weapon against Israel, Arab Governments resurgence of this evil ideOlogy. We call on all self- IDstltuted a boycott against Israel in almost every respecting people and Governments to join in a re- sphe~ of.hu~an endeavour and suppo~ed the ~errorist newed solemn undertaking to stamp out anti-Semitism orgamzatlons attacks on Israel. Against thIS back- in all its'forms and expressions from human society' ground of active and sustained belligerency, it is .. . '. . . . IUdic~us t<? search for moderation in possible hints 88. It IS a stam on our CIVIlIzatIon and on the contamed ID Arab summit resolutions including Gov~~m~nts directly con~erned th~t Je~ish com- the recent one at Fez. Any change toward ~oderatioil mun~tles m the~ Soviet U~Ion and ID Syna remain must first be reflected in deeds and facts. ~epnved of their human nghts, especially the basic . . . nght to leave and take up residence in countries of. 94.. The Arab leade!'S t:Csponslble for thl~ campmgn their choice. The State of Israel, national homeland agams.t .Israel have. mfllcte~ l1!uch suffenng on the of the Jewish people, cannot and will not rest until Palestl~lan Arab~ Without bnngl~g them.any closer to these rights are granted. a solutIon of their problems. History wIll record" the . fact that Israel did more for the Palestinian Arabs and 89. Just four years ago the leaders of Egypt, Israel their welfare than tbeir Arab brethren. and the United States concluded an historic agree- .... ment at Camp David. Egypt assumed the role of 95. Israel remains faIthful to ItS commttment under pioneer among Arab States. The two neighbours the Camp Dav~d accords. Israel has cautioned against accepted each other's right to exist behind secure and attempts to remterpret, renegotiate or bypass them.. recognized borders. The negotiations were long and :rhese acco~s are the o~y accepte~ blueprint for the arduous. Israel's sacrifices and the risks it undertook ImplementatIon of Secunty Councd resolutions 242 in the implementation ofthe Camp David accords were (1~7) 8!ld 338 <!973). Pressi!'8 Israel fOf more terri- heavy. A framework for general peace was pains- !onal WIthdraWalS wIll not bnng peace. Indeed, there takingly devised. Egypt, Israel and the United States IS no ~ace without sec~rity, and further territorial repeatedly countered criticism of the Camp David amputations negate secunty. Those of Israel's neigh- accords, emphasizing that these accords were the only bou!'S.who seek peace and coexisten~e will find Israel agreed, and therefore the only viable, path to peace a WIllIng partner. ~ut thos~ who thmk. that they can between Israel and its neighbours. we~en Israel while dangling the word "peace" as a bait are deluding themselves. The reward for peace 90. Our approach is practical and realistic. We are is peace itself. There can be no greater recompense ready to renew negotiations toward the establishment in such a vital and noble cause. • Mr. WiKhnewski spoke in Gennan. The" Enalish text or his statement was supplied by the deleptlon. 108. It is not sufficient to ascertain the C~!lses of the threat to peace, nor is it sufficient to develop mere ideas on how to eliminate them. \\loat is also needed' is a firm and resolute will and ability to reach agree- ment on better ways and means ofsafeguarding peace. 109. As Pope John Paul 11 said in his peace message at the beginning of 1980: "Without the readiness for a sincere and lasting dialogue there can be no peace." The safeguarding of peace is a never-ending task. It is an· iIlu,sion to beUeve that peace is a condition that can be arrived at once and for all and then preserved, and to believe that the causes of threats to peace can be eliminated permanently everywhere. These cauSes become more numerous every year. Our constant and unflagging efforts are needed to limit them, to try to defuse them,to establish effective rules for co-operation and hence prevent the interna- tional community from relapsing into self-destmctive anarchy. 110. People speak ofcrisis management. By this they mean tne attempts to detect as early as possible individual ml\ior or minor crises, to curb them reso- 112. We must take seriously the precept of the renunciation of force or the threat of force in interna- tional relations. This comprehensiv~ proscription of force, enshrined in the Charter, outlaws any form of attack and applies to the use of all types of weapons. Our aim must be to prevent all conflicts and to renounce the use of all weapons. In its declaration at the summit meeting on 10 June 1982, the North Atlantic Treaty OrganizatiC,ln [NATO] reaffirmed that none of its weapons wO\lkl ever be used except in response to an attack. 113. We must create peace through respect for the independence of all countries, respect for genuine non-alignment and respect for the right of all nations to self-determination. 114. We must create peace by establishing greater security for all countries. If we see security policy as a policy for world-wide peace, as indeed we must, we must also realize thatsecurity cannot be established through rivalry, by constantly satisfying exaggerated sec\:.rity needs through further arms build-up, by aspiring to supremacy, or by provocative and ulti- mately dangerous gestures to indicate one's strength. All this simply results in an expansion ofthe armouries on all sides. 115. Greater security for all countries will exist only if we, by collaborating across alliance frontiers and ideological barriers, strive for agreed security, for codified equilibrium at the lowest possible level. 116. An arms race cannot !ead to equilibrium and stability; only agreed arms control and disarmament are conducive to that goal. They must be supple- mented by a policy ofdialogue and co-operation among States, both regionally and worldwide. For precisely that reason, existing links and contacts must not be disrupted but must be maintained, particularly in difficult times. A lack of communication leads to mis- interpretations ofthe other side's intentions and hence to wrong action being taken. 117. But peace can be lasting and dialogue and co. operation have substance only if our own interests are defended with moderation and restraint, ifthe other side's interests are perceived and acknowledged as well and ifcalculability and reliability prevail. Further- more, peace in the world can be safeguarded in the long run only if the gap between the rich and the poor doe~ not become even greaterand we try to eliminate it through genuine partnership between North and South. To this end, one of our most important tasks is to prevent the world economy from falling apart, which would not only result in the poor becoming even poorer but also constitute a threat to peace, 123. We intend to adhere to that policy of co. operation, but we have to admit that East-West tension has increased. The reasons for this are the Soviet invasion of Mghanistan, the events in Poland and in particular the Soviet arms build-up. In particular, the Soviet build-up ofintermediate-range nuclear weapons poses a deadly threat to us. 124. Afghanistan, a small nation, has now been holding out for three years against a highly armed invading army. The continuing fighting has exacted a high toll of lives. Over 20 per cent of the Afghan population has now fled its home country. The situa- tion in Kampuchea is similar. We demand an end to the use of force and an end to the suffering; we demand peace and self-determination tor the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples. 125. The Federal Government has been following the developments in Poland with very deep concern. We expect Poland to settle its internal affairs on its own without external interferenceand to return-as pledged 141. Fourthly, we want the force levels in Central Europe to be reduced. Europe has the world's largest concentration ofmutually opposed conventional armed forces. Progress at the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduc- tion of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe is therefore of particular impor- tance to us, living as we do at the centre ofthis region. 142. Furthermore, a conference on disarmament in Europe must agree on confidence-building measures for the whole of Europe, from the Atlantic to the Urals, which serve to make military potentials and activities in Europe more transparent and help to reduce in the long term not only mutual fear but also the danger of unintentional military escalation. I d 143. Our special responsibility in Europe, in the European Community and in NATO does not mean that the Federal Republic of Gern:tany can remain indifferent to crises in other parts of the world. On the contrary, we know that~ just as developments in Europe would quickly have eft1;~ts O~l other regions of the world, problems in other parts Qf the world, how- ever distant, can also have direct r~percussions for us. We not only witness these reperc~lssions but we also feel them pllysically, especially in view ofthe fate of the people directly affected. 144. The Federal Government is following the developments in the Middle East with particular concern. The assassination of the Lebanese President- elect, Bashir Gemayel, and the horrifying massacre in the Palestinian refugee camps have once again rendered the achievement of peace in the Middle East more difficult. The Federal Government, like its 147. The policy of suppressing the black popu~ation in South Africa and of racial discrimination is not only a grave violation of human rights. It could also lead to internal confrontation with destructive effects for the country and the entire region. 148. Namibia must at last acquire its independence in 1983 through free elections on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Lasting peace in Mrica can only be expected if the countries of this continent are able to detern:tine their lot on their own and free from pressure by alien Powers. The presence offoreign troops impairs any efforts to resolve conflicts by peace- ful means. 149. The Federal Government welcomes the pro- posals by the President of the Republic of Korea to reduce the tension ;~ his divided country through dialogue and negotiationand to bringabout the peaceful reunification of North and South Korea. " 150. The Federal Government urged a peaceful settlement of the conflict in the South Atlantic from the very outset. We welcome the first constructive steps aimed at normalizing relations between the United Kingdom and Argentina. A pern:tanent solution to this dispute can be found only through political dialogue and political negotiations. ISl. One of the prime goals of the Federal Govern- ment continues to be to maintain its long-standing, close and good relations with Lat~n Americ~.n coun- tries. The Federal Government feels that the forth- 152. We strongly support effol1s to ensure that all countries respect the principle of non-alignment. We seek to ~romote and safeguard non-alignment through our development policy based on partnership. The Federal Republic ofGermany encourages regional co-operation in the third world which serves to strengthen stability, independence and peace. 153. The Federal Government also fully supports efforts designed to secure world-wide im.plementation of the principle of the renunciation of force and of curn,ing the arms race, as wc~li as arJeements on cr-nfidence-building measures. It also directly backs up such efforts with initiatives \of its own. We hope that the United Nations will take up and develop further our proposals for a code of conduct on confidence-building mea.sures, which we submitted at the second special session devoted to disarmament.6 We expect the intemation~symposium on confidence- building measures scheduled to be held in the Federal Republic of Germany next Ylear to provide further impuls~sfor the development ofsuch measures, which comititute an instrument of peace policy of world- wide ~mportance. 154. Since the beg!rming of the last session ef the General Assembly many thousands ofpeople have had to flee their home countries or have been ex~lIed from them. We must not permit a situation in v hich millions have to leave their countries temporaiily or even permanently to seek refuge elsewhere. The basic consensus on the need for suitable preventive meas- ures achieved at the Jast session represents ::.:. first step towards improving co-operation between coun- tries and international institutioJ'1s to avert new flews of refugees. VIe should l)feserv~ this consensus. The Group of Governmtmtal Experts on International Co- oInration to Avert New Flows of Refugees should take up its work as soon at possible. 155. In view of the numerous violations of human rights throughout the w~rld, it is not sufficient to pr<Jlfess good intentions. We must continue to work seriously a.nd with perseverance to improve the international protection ofhuman rights. The Govern- ment of the Federal Republic of Germany deems it necessary to establish an international court of human rights for this purpose, and we attach particu!ar importance to ourinitiative on the world-w~deabolir£ion of capital punishment. We know that, owing to ,lIif- ferent legal traditions and religiOUS convictions, many countries may view this qUf~stion diffcrentiv. We advocate, however, that countries which de~ire the abolil£1.'n of capitaf jmnishritent should say S('I, alsl'J internationally, and they sbo~dd say it clearly and iQ 11 way that binds them. 156. The 'world economy is in poor health. This poses a grave threat to stability and peace. At the same time, the prospects ofeUminating hunger and want are more unfavourable than ever. Against the background of high int,~rest rates there is a continuing recession in industrial countries. Unemployment rates am rising as a resu~:. w'~ are also witnessing a decline in illtema- tional trade and growing protectionilit pressure. These 163. Environmental protection must also be seen as an important areaofco-operation and we must prevent man from destroying the basis of his own existence by recklessly polluting the environment and exhausting valuable resources. Much important work has to be done in this respect. 164. Finally, we must not forget that the growth of the world population can C ·N.,rtake and nullify all our efforts to ensure r;reater international economic stability. 165. 1be Third United Ns-.tions Conference on the Law ofthe Sea has made an historic attempt to develop an internGtional regime for the use of the' world's oceans. The Federal Government played an active arrangem~ntson future deep-sea mining which make it hard for us to decide in favour of signing the Con- vention. We find it most regrettable that the Con- ference was not able to produce results capable of commanding a consensus. The Federal Government will take a decision on whether to sign the Convention after careful consideration and close consultation with other participants in the Conference. 166. It is of decisive importance for co-operation in good faith between industrial and developing countries that the dialogue between North and South should not be disrupted. We have unanimously decided to conduct global negotiations on the subjects of raw materials, energy, trade, development, monetary matters and finance. Together with its partners in the European Community, the Federal Republic of Germany urges that these negotiations be started now. At the economic summit in Versailles a constructive position on a resolution 'on the commencement of global negotiations was formulated and has since been endorsed by all the member countries of the Organ- ization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Agreement must now be reached on the early com- mencement of global negotiations, 167. All too often in past decades the hopes placed in the United Nations have not been fulfilled. But we must not overlook the fact that the United Nations can be no stronger than the political will of all its Members to work together responsibly in the spirit of the Charter. Those that prefer voting on short-term goals and one-sided resolutions instead of en- deavouring to achieve compromise and consensus are blocking the way to genuine neg~tiationsin this forum. 168. I welcome the spirit ofbold candour and realism with which the Secretary-General described the state of the Organization in his report. I also welcome his constructive proposals for improving the work of the United Nations and the part played by the S~curity Council. My Government will actively support efforts to that end. 169. One of the central tasks of the United Nations is, as before, to make an effective contribution towards safeguarding world peace. Its capacity to do so must be enhanced, and better use must be made of the existing instruments for this purpose. 170. The foreign i'olicy pursued by the Federal Republic of Germany is and will always be a policy for peace. We follow this policy in collaboration with our partners in the European Community, which is an outward-looking association alive to its responsi- bility in the world, as well as in the alliance with the United States and Canada. 171. Our peace policy is one of continuity, based on the conclusinns we have drawn from our own history and conditioned by our situation as a divided country at the interface between East and West. This peace policy enjoys wide and broad support kn all sectors of our population. It cannot be discarded at will. Our paramount task is to preserve peace. It is not enough to dispel fear. We must also counter the dangers threatening us worldwide. As the German philosopher Immanuel Kant said "Peace is not a ( ! I 173. The President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Ministerfor Foreign Affairs ofDenmark, has presented to the Assembly, at the 8th meeting, the views of the 10 members of the Community on the main interna- tional problems. I should like to state here, however, that the foreign policy of the Greek Government is basically guided by absolute respect for the principle of the non-use of force in international relations. Consequently, we attach great importance to the promotion of ·detente and disarmament as well as of international co-operation. We also support in the strongest possible terms any effort towards enhancing respect for human rights all over the world. At this point, I should like to analyse in detail the position ofmy Government on problems which are ofparticular interest to Greece. 174. In the first place, there is the pt<lblem of the Middle East. Apart from its major international im· partance, it is of special interest to Greece, not. only because of our geographical proximity to the region where the crisis is evolving, but also because of the traditional bonds which link us to the Arab world. This explains the many initiatives taken by my 'Government in the past few months, within the EuropeanCom- munity as well as other international forums, with a view to promoting the Palestinian cause and restoring peace in Lebanon. 175. The opening of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly has been marked by an appalling crime-the massacre of hundreds of innocent Pal- estinians in the camps of Beirut. The precise ch'cum- stances of this cold-blooded ~Iaughter will not be known until an appropriate inquiry into the matter 185. In the same spirit, we condemn in the strongest terms the continued illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa, express our firm support for the efforts of the Western countries which make up the contact group and urge them to do whatever they can to enable Security Council resolution 435 (1978) to be imple- mented without any further delay. It is encouraging that these efforts have recently led to encouraging progress and that as a result the independence of Namibia has come much closer than it has ever been before. 186. The Secretary-General submitted to the As- sembly his courageous, comprehensive and fore- sighted report on the work of the Organization. He refers, in no uncertain terms to the decline of the Organization, aild I fully share his assessment. I feel compelled at this juncture to express the profound disappointment of my country at the fact that the United Nations has failed to contribute to the main- tenance of peace and to protect the sovereignty of Member States. I am afraid that I am stating the obvious when I say that if this trend continues the Organization, which was created to fulfil the hopes and exr-ecta.tions of mankind, which had been devas- tated by the Second World War, will be transformed into a decorative international bureaucracy. This is not the moment for me to deal with the causes of the crisis. However, all agree that the responsibility of the great Powers for the decline of the Organization is not small; nor is that ofmany States which demonstrate their contempt for the fundamental principles of the United Nations. 187. Greece, a traditionally peace-lovingcountry, has fenowed with genuine interest recent developments concerning disarmament, and particularly the pro- ceedings of the special session of the General As- sembly devoted to disarmament which was convened a few mOilths ago. Unfortunately, despite the fact that nobody denied the urgent need for disarmament, the special session did fiot produce the resultsfor which we all hoped. Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that it demonstrated the determination of an peoples to live in peace, without the scourge of war. All Governments, and especially those of the super- Powers, should understand the real meaning of this message and increase their efforts. Practical steps sh('uld be taken urgently to promote detente and co- . operation among States and to open the way for the adoption of effective measures of arms control and disarmament. The efforts should be directed to both nuclear and conventional disarmament. It is essential to remember that the former cannot be achieved satisfactorily unless it is coupled with disarmament in conventional weapons and other weapon!; ,,~ mass destruction. , ' , j J\J'I U 1 \i 189. Peace would not be complete, however, if it were not accompanied by respect for human rights and by the development of economic co-operation between countries. Democratic Greece, because of its age-old cultural and national traditions, is strongly and unshakably committed to respectfor human rights. Nobody has everbeen persecuted in Greece because of race, religion or creed. It is with deep regret, there- fore, that we note that in several countries people are being tortured, disappear without leaving a trace or are deprived of their fundamental rights. Further- more, some countries, on the pretext ofresisting inter- fereilce in their internal affairs, refuse to co-operate with the appropriate international organs for thecontrol ofhuman rights vioiations. Greece condemns any form of r~cial discrimination, in particular the policy of apartheid pursued by the South Mrican Government notwithstanding the persistent demands of the interna- tional community that it be ended immediately. 190. The adverse economic situation prevailing throughout the world has caused a serious setback as regards North-South issues. The recessionary ten- dencies in the developed market economies, which are far from being resolved, preclude any immediate relief for the developing countries, whose already weak and vulnerable economies should be propelled forward at an acceptable pace. The North-South dialogue appears to be moribund. Immobility and stale- mate have become the norm. 191. Thus, it is all the more to be hoped that at this session the Assembly will finally bring about the agreement on the launching of the global negotiations that has eluded us for so long. The meetings ofCancun in October 1981 and Versailles in June 1982 represent serious attempts to give impetus to the global negotia- tions. Endeavours in that direction must continue within the United Nations and should be the responsi- bility of all Member States. The developed world in particular must assume its appropriate share of that responsibility. My Government will lend its support to any effort to that end. It is more than obvious that failing to narrow the gap between the rich and the poor nations will only increase political instability and endanger peace all over the world. 192. The United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi, repre- sents a global challenge in trying to find new ways for increased utilization of such soUrces of energy. The meeting of the Interim Committee, which was held in June in Rome, has created a positive climate for the continuation of the consultations regarding the implementation of the Nairobi PrC?gramme ofAction.7 t~e disappointment of my country over the rJOOr per- the meaning of freedom than those who have been formance of the United Nations, and particularly its arrested or beaten or imprisoned or exiled because of failure to discharge its major mission-namely, to what th~y said. A single man speaking out-a Lech help maintain world peace and protect the sovereignty Walesa, for example-is more dangerous than an of its Member States. However, I feel compelled armoured division. also to express the wann wish that the United Nations 202. All of us here, whether we arrived after a short shall gradually overcome its weaknesses, so that it one-hour flight, as I did, or came from the other side manages tofulfil the missionentrusted to itby mankind. of the globe, as many others of those present did, Despite its many shortcomings, the Organization enter this auditorium for one main purpose-to talk remains-should remain-a great hope ofpeace-loving about what our Governments see as the problems people the world over. In this context I assure ·the ahead'and how they should be solved. On one point Secretary-General that he will have the earnest support at least we can all agree-the problems are many of my Government in his noble endeavour to restore and difficult. I shall not try, in the minutes allotted the prestige and effectiveness of the Organization. me, to deal with each, or even most, of these issues in detail. Instead, I want to give the Assembly some 196. Mr. SHULTZ (United States of America): I sense of the principles and general approach that the begin by payinga tribute to the new Secretary-General, United States will take toward ourcommon problems. who has brought great distinction to the office during his brief tenure. nag Hammarskjold once told the Mr. BaUai (Hungary) resumed the Chair. General Assembly that whichever word one chooses 203. Americans are, by history and by inclination, a "independence, impartiality, objectivity-they all practical and pragmatic people, yet a people with a describe essential aspects of what, without exception, vision. It is the vision-usually simple and sometimes mu~t be in the attitude of the Secretary-General". naive-that has so often led us to dare and to achieve. Javier Perez de CueDar, a man of die third worla, President Reagan's approach to foreign policy is and, I am proud to note, of the New World as well, grounded squarely on standards drawn from the has already demonstrated his strict adherence to this pragmatic American experience. As de Tocqueville most exacting standard. In so doing, he has earned pointed out, "To achieve its objective, America relies the esteem of my Government and the gratitude of all on personal interest, and gives full reign to the streng~h who believe in the purposes of the Charter. and reason of the individual." That is as true now as when it was said ISO years ago. Our principal instru- 197. I also congratulate Mr. Hollai of Hungary upon ment, now as then, is freedom. Our adversaries are his election as President of the thirty~seventh session the oppressors, the totalitarians, the tacticians of fear of the General Assembly. and pressure. 198. As I stand here today I cannot help but reflect 204. On this foundation, President l<.eagan's ideas on my relation to this city and to this Hall. I was and the structure of his foreign policy are so straight- born abo~~t four miles from here. I was reared and forward. that those of us enmeshed in --day-ta-day educated not far away, just across the Hudson River, details may easily lose sight of them. The President and I took a tour through this building just after it never does, he consistently brings us back to funda- opened in 1952, marvelling at the reality of a temple mentals. Today I will talk about those fundamentals. erected in the hope, at least, of abolishing war. I They consist of four ideas that guide our actions: we will start from realism; we will act from strength, 199. When I took that tour back in the early 1950s, both in power and in purpose; we will stress the there was great public interest in what was called the indispensable need to generate consent, build agree- Meditation Room. I understand the room is still here. ments and negotiate on key issues, and we will conduct But in the years since then this institution has become ollrselves in the belief that progress is possible, even more famous for talk than for meditation. This Hall though the road to achievement is long and hard. has heard great ideas eloquently expressed. It has also heard double-talk, platitudes and ringing protestations 205. If we are to change the world, we must tirst of innocence-all too often aimed at camouflaging understand it. We must face reality, with all its anguish outrageous and inhuman acts. and all its opportunities. Our era needs those who, as 232. The world has work to do for the realists, the pragmatists and the free. With a clear understanding of the troubled circumstances of the hour and with a strengthened ability to act, we need as well the vision to see beyond the immediate present. 233. All of us here represent nations which must understand and accept the imperative of fair engage- ment on the issues before us and, beyond that, of common effort towards shared goals. Whether we are seeking to bring peace to regional conflict or a reso- lution of commercial differences, the time of imposed solutions has passed. Conquest, pressure, acqui- escence under duress were common in decades not long past~-but not today. Not everybody who wants hisi:oncerns addressed will find us automatically receptive. But when negotiations are in order America is prepared to go to work on the global agenda and to do so in a way that all may emerge better off and more secure thau before. 234. We manage our problems more intelligently and with greater mutual understanding when we can ~ring ourselves to recognize these problems as expressions ofmankind's basic dilemma. We are seldom confronted with simple issues of right and wrong, between good and evil. Only those who do not bear the direct burden of responsibility for decision and action can indulge themselves in the denial of that reality. The task of statesmanship is to mediate between two-or several- causes, each of which often has a legitimate claim. 235. It is on this foundation that the United States stands ready to try to solve the problems of ol}r time -to overcome chaos, deprivation and the heightened dangers of an era in which ideas and cultures too ~merican people in our more than two centuries of national life has been "you can't stop progress". Our people have always been imbued with the conviction that the future ofa free people would be good. America continues to offer that vision to the world. With that vision, and with the freedom to act creatively, there is nothing that people of good will need fear. 249. I am not here to assert, however, that the way is easy, or quick, or that the future is bound to be bright. There is a poem by Carl Sandburg in which a traveller asks the Sphinx to speak and reveal the distilled wisdom of all the ages. The Sphinx does NOTES 2 Report of the International Conference on Kampuchea, New York, /3-17 July /98/ (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.8t.I.20), annexes I and Il. l United Nations, Treaty Series, vot. 880, No. 12621, p. 124. 4 Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975. 5 See A/S-12/AC.1/37 and Corr.t. 6 See A/S-12/AC.l/38 ~d Corr.t. 7 Report ofthe United Nations Conference on New and Renew- able Sources ofEnergy, Nairobi, /0-2-1 August /98/ (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.24), chap. I, sect. A. . 8 United Nations, Treaty Series, vot. 382, Nos. 5475 and 5476.