A/37/PV.12 General Assembly

On behalf of the General Assembly, I thank the Prime Minister of the French Republic for the impc,rtant stat~ment he hasjust made.

It is a pleasure, Sir, to see you on the podium conducting the affairs of the thirty-seventh session, whose agenda includes the most important issues, issues directly related to the security, peace, stability and future of mankind. We have great confidence that your vast knowledge and experience, and the active role played by your friendly country in intc;rnational relations, will help us, and you, realize our expecta- tions of this session. In the name of the Amir, the 170. Furthermore, I must not let this opportunity pass without expressing to the former Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our thanks and appre- ciation for his constructive and dedicated efforts to help establish world security and stability during his term of office. We extend to him, too, our best wishes in the coming years. 171. The world situation has entered on a new era of complication and confusion, which have left their mark on the noble values that mankind has accepted as its constitution, values such as those of sovereignty, independence, justice, non-interference in internal affairs, peaceful coexistence among nations, and '~he elimination of the pains and evils inherent in blocs and in competing selfish interests. 172. The political rivalry between the two competing camps has led to dialogue and rapprochement being replaced by confrontation and estrangement, and thus has put an end to what was left of the policy of det~nte, with its favourable impact on international relations. 173. The increasing complications of international relations and conflicts among various interests have increasingly involved smaller nations in the spheres of influence of the super-Powers, to an extent that actually jeopardizes even the unity, solidarity and effectiveness of the regional organizations which have been playing an important role in furthering the secu- rity and prosperity of the cDuntries and peoples of the respective regions. 174. The confusion arising from the ambiguity of the international situation has had an obvious impact on the ability and effectiveness of the United Nations and its var:ous organs, particularly the Security Council. In his report on the work of the Organiza- tion, the Secretary-General was honest with himself, and accurately described a fact which can no longer be denied when he talked candidly about the weakening of the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations as an instrument for achieving peace and preventing war. We realize that the United Nations has, unfortunately, not been able, except in a few rare occasions, to act effectively to n\aintain peace in the world. Instead, we note that it has become a stage which the competing Powers use flagrantly as an instrument for defending their OWft interests by every possible means, to the extent that the Security Council has been unable to fulfil its primary responsibility-not because of remoteness from the scene of events or any reluctance to exert efforts, but because of the abuse by some of its members of their right of veto. 177. Since the beginning of this year the General Assembly has had to convene several special sessions to discuss the dangerous developments relating to the question of Palestine and the situation in the Middle East. The Security Council has also met several times during the same period for the same purpose. Those two bodies have adopted resolutions, under the pro- visions of the Charter, to deal with the flagrant aggres- sion perpetrated by Israel against art independent and sovereign Member State-Lebanon-and against the displaced Palestinian people. That people's loss of its land and legitimate rights and its dispersal and the suffering inflicted upon it for more than 35 years have been caused primarily by the creation of Israel itself. 178. As recorded by all the Western news media, Israel's actions in Lebanon were more brutal and inhuman than anything ever witnessed by the world before-a human holocaust which did not discriminate between men, women and children, the total destruc- tion of everything on the land, under the pretext of security safeguards, a pretext universally acknowl- edged to be fallacious. 179. We wonder what would be the fate of the world if all nations tried to solve their security problems in this manner. 180. The horrible massacre which shocked every- one's conscience throughout the world has once again confirmed the dimensions of'- the blind fanaticism and the racist Zionist hatred of the Israeli regime directed against the defenceless, innocent people. in the Palestinian camps, which had been evacuated by the Palestinian fighters when they left west Beirut under guarantees from the United States of America -which is precisely why that country bears a moral as well as a legal responsibility for what happened there. 181. Hence the international community is called upon to do more than express condemnation or shed tears, because evil forces do nce: react to moral prin- ciples or human feelings. It is therefore necessary to' restrain them by means that are not beyond the capabilities of the international community. As usual, 184. After· what happened in Lebanon, Kuwait is convinced that the independence, security, territorial integrity and safety of the brotherly people of that country cannot be a subject for debate. It follows that the necessary measures must be taken to compel Israel to abide by Security Council resolutions 508 (1982) and 509 (1982) calling for its immediate and unconditional withdrawal from Lebanese territory. 185. The Palestinian people, under the leadership of the PLO, has emerged from the latest tragic events much stronger and more united and cohesive. Through its conduct politically in negotiations and militarily on the battlefield, the PLO has proved that it is the legitimate spokesman of the Palestinian people and that it is deeply committed to international responsi- bility and its role in the preservation of peace and security in the Middle East. 186. It has become obvious from a whole series of Israeli violations, such as the annexation of Jerusalem and the Syrian 00130 Heights to the raid on the Iraqi nuclear installation and the barbaric invasion of Lebanon, that Israel's ultimate intention is to achieve one particular objective which it dOes not even bother to conceal-namely, the establishment of Greater Israel:"-and its strategy to achieve that objective has become crystal clear-namely, to use the flimsy pretext of security as a means of achieving ~ its expansionist designs. 187. In their' constant search for a peaceful, just and honourable solution to the Palestinian question, the Arab countries were able to manifest once again, atlhe Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held in Fez, the Arab nation's capability ofliving up to the situation by adopting a series of general principles as an accepted basis for a peaceful and durable solution to int~rpretation, the peaceful setdeJhent of disputes and the Security Council's responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. 188. The unanimity shown by Arab heads of State in adopting the principles of the Fez Conference offers the international community a unique opportunity to move ahead on the road to a new era based on this initiative, which is rightly considered an important turning point whose. meaning should not be lost on anyone and which expresses the genuine and firm desire of the Arab countries to end the conflict and preserve peace in the area. 189. It was not surprising to see that Israel rejected those Arab principles, for that rejection reflects the Israeli strategy in the Middle East-a strategy bas~d on the consolidation of the status quo and the impo- sition of new faits accomplis on the international community. . 190: In our view, the international community must consider those Arab principles as the greatest oppor- tunity ever offered to settle the Middle East crisis and the Palestine question on a concrete and realisitc basis. 191. It is the view of Kuwait that the United States, in particular, should seriously consider this Arab ini- tiative, should understand its meaning and should respond to it positively so that it will become an accepted fact which will establish truth, security and justice in a region where the clouds of injustice and aggression have been .and still are looming. On the other hand, the group of European countries which had for a long time sought to participate in any con'- structive approach to settling this thorny issue should seriously consider those principles and should not let the dream of peace in the Middle East be dashed by the misleading and deceptive policy of Israel. It is within .our reach to hold on to the ray of hope-to preserve it and strengthen it so that it will eventually turn into an impregnable bulwark protecting the rights of the just an.d preserving peace. 192. I should now like to refer to what I said at the 18th meeting of- the thirty-sixth session about the establishment of the GulfCo-operation CouncH, which has now become'a fact and which has proved to be the right and successful instrument for developing co- operation among member States, improving their rela- tions, and achieving co-ordination, integration and interdepel1~ence among their peoples in all fields, thereby serving their mutual interests and strength- ening their capability of.participating in the preserva- tion of peace and security in that vital area of the world. It has also .stressed another important fact: namely, that security and stability in the Arabian Gulf area are the responsibility of its peQples and countries, which reject foreign interference from any source and under any pretext and that the member int~rvention. We also affirm the right of the Afghan ment felt by the international c9mmunity at the failure refugees to return to their homeland. Kuwait is con- of the second special session on disarmament. The vinced that none ofthese goals can be secured without continuing development of weapons of mass destnac- the withdrawal offoreign troops from Afghanistan and tion, the continued conducting of nuclear tests and the. non-intervention in its internal affairs. continued stockpiling of huge quantities of weapons 197. We regrret the failure of the efforts made so far has exposed the lack ofpoUtitaI will on the part of. to convene ;l'lD international conference to discuss the Powers involved to create a favourable climate for the Declaratic)n of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of disarmament. Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. Kuwait has been 203. Kuwait believes that the economic problems stressing the need to convene such a conference facing today·s world are for the most part caused by because of its conviction that the peace and security the tremendous costs of the arms race. We therefore of the Indian Ocean and the withdrawal of foreign call upon the United Nations to refuse to allow itself bases from that area are vital and closely linked to to be impeded by the temporary set-back of'the failure international peace and security. Kuwait also reit- of the second special session and to continue its erate~ its advocacy of the declaration of the Middle attempts to achieve the cherished aspiration5 and East as a nuclear-weapon-free zone in order to enable dreams of mankind. 211. It is manifest that in an increasingly insecure and perilous world the present international system has proved to be incapable of dealing effectively with the multitude of problems. Indeed, the international community has long recognized this reality by caning for the restructuring of the prevailing system and the establishrrent of a new international order. However, despite the new political realities in the world and the growing consensus on change, the present system is being perpetuated, to the .<fetriment of the newly emergent States. It is only by recognizing the interests of the developing countries and their vast potential for contributing to a more peaceful and prosperous world of genuine independence that we can begin to address the global problems before us. 212. It is our deep conviction that as long as the great Powers seek to enhance their security in disregard of the interests of the smaller Powers, the question of universal collective security envisaged in the Charter will continue to elude us. One of the cardinal features of the new international system must be greater equality and a greater voice in decision-making on vital issues for all members of the international community. 213. The multiple crises atllicting our world today and the perception pf a growing paralysis on the part of the United Nations in the attempts to find effective solution"s to them have further deepened the crisis of authority in which the Organization has found itself for quite some time. 214. In this context, I should like to express my delegation's great appreciation of the frank and lucid report of the Secr~tary-General, which highlighted the alarming erosion of the Organization's inflUence over issues of world peace and progress. My Govern- ment shares his concern for what he has rightly called the crisis of the multilateral approach in coping with the ~i'riad of problems that confront us. It is only through a renewed commitment and dedication to the multilateral approach through the United Natiions, 235. Guided by the important decisions adopted at the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris in 1981, my delegation is convinced that the international community should intensify its solidarity with the people of South Africa by maintaining and strengthening the agreed set of sanctions designed to isolate South Africain all spheres of international relations. 236. On 30 April 1982 the Third United Nations Con- ference on the Law of the Sea adopted a compre- hensive Convention on the Law of the Sea.3 This was a monumental achievement in multilateral negotiations m'lder the auspices of the United Nations. The fact that the draft Convention was adopted by 130 coun- tries and was opposed by only 4 indicates that each provision is acceptable to the overwhelming majority of the States in the world. It is conceivable that, taken separately, all provisions of the Law of the Sea Convention are not acceptable to a particular country. But taken as a whole, be~ng a compromise text in a package, the text is obviously acceptable to the world community. My delegation believes that the Law of the Sea Convention is extremely important to main- taining law and order in ocean affairs as well as to promoting national development and management of ocean uses and resources. My delegation therefore would like to appeal to the small number of countries which have not adopted the Convention to reconsider their position, so that the Law of the Sea Convention, being the product of long years of negotiation, can become truly universal in nature and application. 237. Concurrent with the continuing critical climat~ in internatioftal politics, the international economy ~as plunged to one ofthe lowest depths in several decades. 238. Aggravating the situation is the serious erosion of multilateral economic co-operation, mainly through the regressive policies of some developed countries, which run counter to the basic goals and objectives of an increasingly interdependent world. 239. The seemingly hopeful signs generated at the Cancun and Versailles Economic Summits in seeking a breakthrough in the stalemated global negotiations have proved to be illusory. It has to be acknowledged that there was indeed some movement towards launching the global negotiations through an enabling resolution. However, the informal consultations so far have regretfuHy not yielded any substantive pro- gress. My delegation endorses the search tor new initiatives to reach a consensus on some crucial pro- cedural issues. These efforts can be successful only if some developed countries demonstrate the political will to take positive step towards an early launching of these oegotiations. 247. Given the slow pace ofthe North-Soutl! negotiaa tions, the measured progress ofcollective selt:'reliance among developing countries is more indispens.able now than ever. Indonesia is committed to this pro- cess, not only because it is transforming the patterns ofdevelopment, but because it constitutes an essential ingredient for the rapid advancement ofthe developing .countries. 240. An important feature underlying the economic system today is that of interdependence. We believe that interdependence does not imply only a mutuality of benefits for both the rich and poor countries. It also means that the self-sustained economic develop- ment of the developing countries c()uld contribute concr~te results emerging from these important meetings, we will once again be witnessing another lost chance in which the international community will have failed to grasp the opportunity for progress. 248. In this connection, we endorse the .results of ..he meeting of the Intergovernmental Follow-up and Co-ordination Committee on economic co-operation among the developing countries held in Manila in August. Its recommendation to start negotiations on a global system of trade preference among developing countries and the development of food security reserves deserves our particular att~~ntion. In our opinion, the implementation of the global system of trade preference, through a gradual approach, will ultimately help the efforts for trade expansion among developing l:ountries. rnr.::~~::l~::~~~ ::~:J~~:~c~tu~~~is~~:::: ~:=:.::r::::ti::~ha':i:r:'::~~~}Sib~OV:~f:Y done in the past on the global issues ofpeace, security of the 1978 Final Document in resolution S-10/2, the and international economic co-operation. commitment to abide by,the priorities established in 254. In a rapidly changing world ofdisparate interests the disarmament negotiations, and the adoption oftwo and contending visions, the only alternative to re- resolutions on a World Disarmament Camp,aign and storing the United Nations as a relevant organization disarmament fellowships [resf!lutions 36/92 C.a."d A), capable of meeting the challenges of our time' is to are conciete measures.,in the long and laborio'ls allow an unmanaged and uncontrollable slide into' process of building up universal understanding. My ~ any possible mediators so that it may receive them in pressure groups which, .because of their support for i the traditional Uruguayan environment of peace and internal forces~ internationaliz~. conflicts that clearly : security. fall within the domestic jurisdiction of States. This L; 267. Wg have no doubt of the need for a peaceful has led to a situation in which the inalienable right of F; States to decide their own future without foreign \ solution to the crisis obtaining in the South Atlantic, pressure or undue influence is disregarded. This is 1 but we should like to express our firm desire that the dramatically evident in regions such as.Central ,1 solution not contravene the course of history or breed America, where, furthermore, violence and terrorism <,' future confrontations. daily infri~ge the politital,economic and social stability 268. Once again the situation in the Middle East is of countries,which is an essential.element of the full 1 causing particular concern to my Government, which, development of the peoples of the region. ' :;~ faithful to the juridical and political principles that 275. '. With regard to Afghanist~n, the majority of .the .'.:~.~\: Utndtehrlif' <)u~ inhternateiodnbal ctohndugCratv'eis ePvaertnictsUltahralYt ahlaivvee inte'rnational community has expressed a strong desire ~ 0 e angUls caus y e for detente, an end to military clashes so asio avoid \'! come to pass in Lebanon. . greater. ~~ffering and misery' among the people, the I 269 .We apPledate the vaUUies that Lebanon repre- immediate withdrawalofforeign troops, total respect 1I .seOls: It is a nation that loves peace and ~ulture. The 'for the rights of the civilian pcpulation and restoration 278. In all the international bodies in which it par- 284. In that connection, we must mention a system ticipates, Uruguay has always defended the principle that shocks the conscience of mankind and makes a of the self-determination of peoples. Therefore, .we doctrine of iniquity: apartheid. Uruguay is pleased reaffirm once again the Namibian people's right to to affirm with its usual conviction its radical opposition independence and its right to choose, in a climate of to that policy as well as to any other form of racism peace and free from undue pressures and external that openly and stubbornly contradicts the moral and influences, its own political constitution, within the philosophical premises that form the basis ofour most framework guaranteed by the United Nations pro- deeply and dearly held cultural traditions. visional administration. Uruguay's stand on this issue is not anomalous; it is consistent with, and a part 2n805t· nTlyhJ.en WthOerdldesCtruriSciStJ"OfanCcinagusmedanbkyitnhdosise wmhaOniJ~gensot~de off, our unswerving commitment to peace and our 0 ..~ emphatic rejection ofany use ofviolence or terrorism. the single OIigin and nature of hUiilan beings" It is also clear in the inability of the international community 279. Uruguay is a party to the International Con- to put a stop to the ongoing violence which has become vention on the Elimination of All FormWs of RacJh·al an integral part of the political practice of nations, Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)]. e were t e nations with a long tradition of institutional stability first State to accept the machinery set forth in that and those recently emancipated from colonialism. That Convention for receiving individual complaints and violence has resulted in constant acts of terrorism, communications. That position is not one dictated by with their tragic toll in murder, kidnapping and circumstances; it has been ~nergetically and unswerv- extortion; this seems to flourish in societies where ingly held by my country's repl'esentatives ever since democratic institutions prevail and where. an attempt the inception of the United Nations, ever since the f is made to preserve fundamental freedoms and indi- Organization first gave impetus to the process 0 vidual rights. On the other hand, symptomatically, decolonization. the phenomenon of terrorism does not appears in any 280. Although the great majority of the nations of country where totalital~anism exists with its systematic the international community have ratified or acceded violation of human rights. . to that Convention, thus making it a universal instru- 286. Acts of terrorism are grave offences against ment, discrimination on the basis of colour, race, common law; they violate the most fundamental prin- :lational or ethnic origin, or social class remains a ciples of personal and collective security, whatever tragic fact which shocks our conscience and is an ·the political pretexts invoked for their commission affront to the spirit of progress of mankind. 237. Uruguay is a party to all the conventions 281. The forced displacement of indigenous popula- adopted within the United NaJions system and the tions; the marginal exister:~e of national or ethnic Organization of American States with the aim of pre- minorities; the existence of discriminatory laws; the venting and punishing acts of terrorism. It has also persistence ofpractices based on notions ofsuperiority participated very actively in the work of the Ad Hoc or on racial hatre: all these things convince us that the Committee on International Terrorism. Several of its Programme for the Decade for Action to Combat proposals on the subject have been approved by that Racism and Racial Discrimination [resolution 3057 Committee. ~~::~~~u~;~~x~~:~~~ :~~i~:o~~~~~~mber of next 288. Notwithstanding our recognition of the efforts that have been made, we must frankly state our dis- 282. Unfortunately the examples I have given are not appointment at the fact that the international com- the only manifestations of discrimination. It has also munity has not adopted practical, specific and com- been manifested in the most painful forms of religious prehensive measures to deal effectively with the intolerance, which, in various parts of the world, grave and complex problem ofterrorism. Although the continue to provoke a great deal of violence, pe'rsecu- maintenance of internal security is the responsibility lion, and even genocide. In this connection, my ofeach individual State, co-operation among countries country reaffirms it~. full support for the Declaration is essential to prevent and punish, in a co-ordinated on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and way, crimes with international implications. of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief, which the Assembly adopted fast year in resolution 36/55. 289. Although consideration ofthe underlying causes At the same time we urge the prompt resumption of of acts of terrorism and violence deserve attention, consideration of a draft international convention on it must not lead us to delay ~ndefiniiely the search this matter. That instrument wotild serve as the basis, . for remedies to deal with What. is an undeniable fact'. ~~~~hn~a;ohn~~~~c~972n int~w~:~a~a~~~li[~~~e~~ Contro1 9 • This campaign is designed to achieve the the tenth session of the Governing Council. A signal, eradication of another human scourge. achievement of these two meetings was the renewal 302. There are otherinitiatives aimedatconsolidating of the "spirit of Stockholm", the solemn ratification the objectives adopted by the Assembly when pro- by more than 100 nations of their commitment to claiming international years, such as the Year of the preserve the environment, thus· ensuring a vital Child in 1979 and the Year of Disabled Pernons' in framework for humanity and the common heritage of 1981. We support these initiatives. Given my Govern- ment's prime interest in these matters, we noted with part one, annex ll] and the Action Plan for the satisfaction the considerable' progress made' in the Human Environment' that were adopted represent a drafting of a convention on the rights of ·the child., new policy approach. It is a more systematic and as well as that concerning the implementation of the technical approach which includes a considerable World Programme of Action· concerning Disabled .::~:::::::a:o~w.::=:~ Pe~ons [gee A1371351/Add.1 and Add.llearr.l. 313. Within an economic framework such as that which exists today, which is marked by an intense and evergreater interdependence among the peoples ofthe world, it is imperative to find solutions based on a global economic approach, which makes it necessary , to adopt a IODJ-term global economic policy. This requires the optimum allocation of resources, which in turn signifies the redistribution and relocation of industries according to the competitive capacity of each country, the general opening of economies in order to ensure an effecti'-"e interplay of the laws of competition, and the adoption of a strategy capable ofcovering ail the developing areas without excluding key sectors. 314. Within the same line of reasoning and with reference to international trade, we must note the grave damage done to economic development in general and to food production and agricultural and industrial development in particular by the discriminatory practices and tariff barriers applied in many parts of the world, particularly by the developed countries. 315. We believe that the creation of an effective system of global security in the food sector must be accompanied by the parallel creation of an interna- tional financing system which will not be prejudicial to the food-producing developing countries. A new world food order is a prerequisite for any international economic order. 316. Within the structural readjustment that w(: are proposing, the problem of energy is also a pricrity that must be dealt with as a whole. A new world energy order must assure access by all non-oil- producing countries with a limited economic potential to sources of supply at reasonable and predictable prices. We must also consider the development and international financing ofnew and alternative sources of energy. This must be a pre-condition of the estab- lishment of any new international economic order. 317. The developing countries are not resigned to this critical situation but insist upon a clear-cut posi- tion regarding the adoption of decisions by interna- tional bodies and greater participation in the accep- tance of such instruments. 318. Within this context, we fully support the aims of and the steps taken to ensure the reJaunching ofglobal negotiations, on the understanding that what will be discussed concerning this subject is ofinterest to every- one in the international community. These~ negotiations must be carried out in conditions of absolute equality. .. 320. I.t is worth noting that the developing countries 326. We,place our. greatest hope in the. commpn have initiated a very significant attempt to establish a effort of allJhose in the Organization and in, the firm South-South dialogue through the implementation of and unswerving application of the means and, instju- a wide range of activities involving economic co- ments available to the Organizatipn. In this way we operation. Uruguay has participated and is par- shall be able to make gradual but steady progress in ticipating with enthusiasm and good faith in this Jriairitaining and<~ consolidating .. intematiorial peace process, which offers clear hope of widening the basis and security, developing co-operation among nations, of the economies of the developing countries and of promoting the roles of'internationallaw and improving betteriilg the standard of living if their peoples. That relations among States as well ·as on questions·of common effort is an appropriate and suitable response the procedure for the peaceful settlement'of disputes to the needs and requirements of our time, always both regionally and internationally. bearing in mind the solidarity that must prevail among " countries that are going through similar stages of 327.0niy two months ago, our President Alvarez, development. analysing tbe Latin American scene during a recent 321. We firmly believe that development and security meetingofthe Latin American Integration Association, are intimately linked concepts and it could be said said: that there can be no integral development without "A world of super-Powers and mini-States, of the counterbalance of collective economic security groups of countries with enormous imbalances in through a multilateral juridical system that guarantees their relative development, in their share in the the full implementation of the rules and principles fruits of progress and in their ~apacity to negotiate, of co-operation for development. This is also appli- caUs for concerted action by thos~ coutltrie~·tJ1at are cable to the area of defence, in the case of economic more excluded than weak, in order that it may measures or actions aimed at thwarting the sovereign become more just..' ' will of States, the maintenance of the essential con- ditions offree and normal economic development and, "With its demographic influence, its c.ommon in the last analysis, the effective practical application cultural tradition, its enormous and ~nexploited of international economic justice. riches and its' dedication to peace and law, Latin America has all the conditions necessary to con- 322. Uruguay has voted in favour of the programme stitute anintluential area, not only in economic budget for the biennium 1982-1983. This is a budget alignrrlent butin the political and cultural spheres in which the concept of zero growth is used for the as well, within an international order where im- first time, after many years of sustained increases. balances of power give rise to voluntary or involun- The comprehensive nature of the budget appropria- ·t· f d . t· tions does not entail an increase in the financial tary SI uatlons 0 omma Ion. burden. "Setting aside questionable schemes used to 323. The support of my country fer this policy of group countries according to their level ofdevelop- austerity is based upon the unavoidable need to ment or relative power, I should like to see a rationalize the hyperactivity of the United Nations Latin America that would be a totally new and and prevent the dispersal of effort. In this context, we independent force projected into the future as the should like the process of identifying and eliminating continent of hope, of freedom and (,'l justice, as activities that are outdated, inefficient or of marginal the bridge and th~ link between the more developed usefulness to re intensified. This also applies to ~nd the most backward areas of the world;" reduction ofthe very high percentage ofcosts absorbed 328. In this same line of thinking, I have I no doubt- by salari~.s and staff contributiCJns. That percentage that Uruguay will honour its commitment to America bears no r~asonable relationship to the funds appro- and to the world for the harmonious convergence 'of priated by the Organization for programmes of work both currents, so that we can devote, all our efforts of a substantial nature in the economic, social and to serving,the aim of closer and more reciprocal eu:~· humanitarian fields. structive co-operation. 324. Finally, we should like to make reference to 329. Wath (t;gard to matters relating t~ the functiOlis something of special importance-namely, the of the Security Council, the distressing eve:nts ,that strengthening of the role of the Organization and occurred during this year make it more than' ever equitable representation ofits members ofthe Security necessary to amend the rule of unanimity that ,w.as Council. established for the benefit of the permanent.members 325. As I have already said, Uruguay fuHy under- ofthe Security Council, a rule that tends to perpetuate stands and supports the p~'rposes and principles of the an-obvious situation of privilege the exercise ,ofwhi(:h Charter of the United Nations, which are those that paralyses the Council's mission for peace. 333. Mr. MOO\VE (Botswana): The task of con- gratulating the President on his election to guide this thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly and Mr. Perez de Cueliar on his appointment as Secretary- General is for me a pleasant one. One is never at a loss for words when praising famous men. With his appointment as the fifth Secretary-General, Mr. Perez d,~ Cuellar joins a procession of illustrious predeces- sors, each of whom has left a distinctive imprint on some page of international history. The first was Trygve Lie, a direct-speaking, if sometimes emo- tional, man, whose objective was1 through his com- mitment to peace, to give credibility to. the United Nations. The secorid was Dag Hamm~lfskjOld, a man who worked hard to build on the fundameJ'tal pfinciples of the United Nations, a peace-maker who saw his position of Secretary-General as providing him with a mandate for seeking and restoring peace and who lived and died in that cause. The third was U Thant, a blunt, straightforward and outspoken individual, ,a .man of proven negotiating ability, the fourth was, Kurt Waldheim, a professional and careful diplomat. We salute them all. The present Secretary- General, joins this line of succession in the face of many problems .and difficulties, which he has already identified as conflicts between national aims and Charter goals... resort to confrontation, violence 1J,nd even· war in pursuit of what are perceived as vital interests, claims or aspirations" [A/37/J. p. I]. We are confident that with his characteristic caution, his mature intelligence and his wealth of diplomatic eipei'ience he too stands ready to inscribe his name on .the roll of honour. I can assure him that my' country, Botswana, will heed his appeal to all Govern- I commodities. The convening of the sixth session of UNCTAD, in June 1983 in Belgrade, offers yet anothei opportunity to act on these issues, which should not be missed this time 339. In spite of the worsening world economic con- ditions, the international community has succeeded in achieving some successes since 1981. The Agree- ment Establishing the Common Fund for Coml1)odi- ties lO and the Substantial New Programme of Action 341. We n~'lst persist in carrying through global nego- tiations on international financial issues which restore balance to the system which aifects us all. 342. Internal upheavals as we)) as wars born of external aggression are a common phenomenon in different parts of the world. The irony of the matter is thRt in many of these situations it is easy to identify the involvement of those Powers to which the custo- dianship of peace and secur~ty has been permanently entrusted by us all. As a result, the principal organs of the United Nations can only chum out innocuous (csolutions expressing their grave concern at such int.;:rventions and calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops, often wi~hQut naming them. Such resolutions are quite often frustrated by the non-compliance of the States concerned. The United Nations has thus become a place for the expression of indignation and the trading of recriminations. W~ have been guilty of diminishing its capacity to deal effectively with issues affecting peace. We ourselves are weakened thereby, as there is no other instrument to which we can turn for the solution of international problems. My delega- tion therefore supports the Secretary-General in his caU to all Governments to recommit themselves consciously to the Charter. 343. Mr. Fayez Sayegh, a Palestinian scholar, says in his book Palestine, Israel and Peace uThe crux of the Palestinian problem is the fate of a people and its homeland. It is the piecemeal conquest and con- tinued seizure of the entire country by military force. It is the forcible dispossession and displacement of th~ bulk of the indigenous population and the sub- jugation of the rest". 344. In its resolution 521 (1982) of 19 September the Security Council unanimously condemned the massacre of Palestinian civilians in their refugee camps. The stench of death continues to hang like early morning mist over west Beirut and the grief of those brutally treated people is immeasurable. Nations severally have condemned this criminal act perpetrated against an unsuspecting and defenceless people. Many searching and pertinent questions are being asked. Was it not enough to have made them the refugees .they were and to have thus condemned them to live in squalor and misery? Why murder"them? Had they not suffered sufficient humiliation when their leader- ship was dispersed throughout the iength and breadth of the Arab world? Why massacre them? Protestations of innocence should neither supplant nor be a sub- stitute for response to the need to establish the circumstances and the enormity of the crime. For that reason, my country welcomes the decision to hold an independent and impartial investigation. This .AS. As long as nations in the area deny one another the right to exist as sovereign and independent entities within clearly defined and secure borders, peace in the Middle East will remain elusive and unattainable. 346. We implore the United States, from the vantage point of its special relationship with Israel, and the League of Arab States to reconcile their peace PtO- posals and to intensify their search for a solution acceptable to all parties. 347. The situation in Afghanistan continues to defy solution. Foreign troops have not yet been withdrawn and the refugee population in Iran and Pakistan h3s reached the 3.5 million mark. Efforts to bring the parties to the negotiating table have hitherto been ofno avail. The intractable nature of the situation typifies the impotence of the United Nations in the face of super-Power Involvement. It is in such circumstances that the words of the Secretary-General stand out in sharp relief, to be quoted and quoted yet dgain-a recommitment of Governments to the Charter. 348. ~Ve appeal to the parties involved to engage in negotiations designed to secure the withdrawal of foreign forces, the elimination of external interference in the internal affairs ofAfghanistan and the facilitation of the return of the refugees. 349. It is almost four years since the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Council supplanted the Pol Pot regim~. Attempts to reach a political solution by way of negotiations among the parties concerned have been frustrated by boycotts. The end to three decades of war in Indo-China is not in sight and regional insecurity has become a matter of serious concern for South-East Asian nations. 350. The complete withdrawal of all foreign troops, the cessation of extern91 interference and the un- impeded exercise by the people of its right to elect a Government of its choice is what we desire for Kampuchea. This is our litany. 351. Korea remains a divided country. The North.:. South dialogue, acclaimed by .many nations as a concrete manifestation of the determination of the Korean people to reunify their divided peninsula, has been suspended since 1973. Proposals by one side are relentlessly spurned by the other side. Notwith- standing this regrettable circumstance, Botswana persists in its view that the reunification of Korea is a matter to be decided by the Koreans themselves in direct i\lter-Korean negotiations. It remains for the· Unite<l Nations to continue to encourage the resump- tion of those talks without pre-conditions or external interference. 352. Similarly, we support the continuation of the intercommunal talks in Cyprus. We believe that their efficacy could be enhanced by the speedy withdrawal of foreign troops from the island. 3S4. A year ago the G~neral Assembly met in an emergency special session to discuss the question of Namibia. Volumes of words were spoken on that occasion, as they have been spoken since the interna- tional ~hallenge to South Africa's occupation of the Territory of South West Africa in 1946. The General Assembly was reminded then that the United Nation~ pl,an for Namibia remained, after three years, a pious declaration of intent, because nothing had come of it. It must be admitted that there has now been some audible shuffling of feet by the contact group and the South African representatives, but there has been no appreciable move forward or dramatic change in the situation; no peace in Namibia. We submit that the validity of the vaunted "significant progress" made in the negotiations relating to the constitutional principles and the preparedness of South Africa to move expeditiously to resolve the question nf the com- position and deployment ofthe United Nations Transi- tion Assistance Group is being somewhat neutralized and rendered ineffectual ~~ the unfortunate linkage of the withdrawal of South African forces from Namibia and the progress of that Territory to inde- pendence with the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola, in the name of regional security. We consider this requirement strange, especially as it is the South African and not the Cuban forces which have been guilty of trans-border violations and have intensified their war 01r ~ression against the People's Republic of Angola, e~en as the Namibian plan is being nego- tiated. 355. Ofequal concern to my delegation is a new plan whereby South Africa seeks to establish a so-called more effective interim Government, reported to be structured on ethnic lines, in Namibia. This plan, . coupled with the possible use of Walvis Bay in a "manner prejudicial to the independence ofNamibia", in disregard of Security Council t''esolution 432 (1978), would not only delay progress towards an acceptable sulution but might in fact frustrate all the efforts already made to resolve the problem. A genuine solution of the Namibian problem can be reached, and soon, if South Africa desists from its recurrent invention of extraneous excuses. After many years of war waged by South Africa~, :orces against the people of Namibia, it is not in thei~ interest that a settlement be further delayed by being subordinated to or coupled with the withdrawal of foreign forces from a third country. 357. But the accession of Namibia to independence will not in itself bring peace to the southern African region as long as apartheid and racism continue to be the fundamental tenets of South Africa's philosophy ofgovernment. For 300 years the South African white has asked himself these questions: Who are we? What is our destiny? What is our divine and appointed role in Africa? His answers to those questions are basic to the theory and practice of apartheid. His answers are formulated in such a manner as to perpetuate his image as the divine messenger to Africa, the torch- bearerofChristian troths and principles. He is in a class apart, ~he olllly citizen of South ~\frica. Thus, after 300 years. the black ml\iority of the South African society remain aliens in their fatherland. The creation for them of crowded, over-grazed and generally denuded so-called homelands, the denial of equal economic opportun~ties and power sharing, the down- graded quality of their r-ducation, their restricted and controlled movement-these and the many other disabilities they are made to suffer ha~e increased their frustration and anger and heightened their determi- nation to secure an equitable deal for themselves by whatever means. This should be avoided, for if th~ manner of accession to independence by Namibia, whenever it comes, is to provide any lesson at all, it· should be in the realization that resistance to orderly and timely change can serve only to <;pndemn even the unborn of all races to future strife and suffering. 358. South Africa is fully cognizant ofthe ghastliness of such an eventuality and is groping for a solution. Whilst we welcome the reformist initiatives of South Africa, we consider the so-called constitutional dispensation to be hollow. It is hollow because it denies the black ml\iotity South African citizenship and relegates them to bantustans; it is hollow because it attempts to entice the Indian and Coloured South Africans away from their traditional identification and solidarity with the other disadvantaged group, the black South Africans, withoutin any wayenhancing their political integration within the South African society. A system founded on injustice is bound sooner or later to collapse. 359. Drawing the Coloured South Africans and South Africans of Indian extraction into the plan whilst excluding 70 per cent of the population will only increase the areas of polarization and their ramifica- tions-whites versus non-whites, black South Africans versus Coloured and Indian South Africans con- servative Coloured and Indians versus their pro- gressive compatriots whom they will ~ brand as renegades from the cause of genuine liberation. 362. The relevant exhortation in the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa is still as fresh and as valid t{)day as when it was made some 13 years ago: " ... we are demanding an opportunity for all the people of these S~ates, work.ing together as equal individlJai dtizens, to work out for themselves the institutions and the system of government under which they will, by general consent, live together. and work togeth~r to build a harmonious society." 12

I shall now caB on those representatives who wish to speak in exercise of the right of reply. 364. Mr. GHAZZAWI (Jordan): Nhenever the region of the Middle East passes through one of the recurrent criseg provoked by Israel, and whenever the attention of the international community is focused on efforts to find a just solution to the chronic problem of Palestine and the Middle East conflict, Israel resorts tQ a now familiar tactic: it either launches an un- provoked act of aggression against a neighbouring Arab country, as is the current case as regards Lebanon, or embarks on a process aimed at distorting the historical, legal and factual issues involved. The Israeli aim in both cases is to undermine the interna- tional collective will and direct world attention away from the underlying central cause of the contlict in the region. . 365. Following this line, the current fashionable Israeli theme is to claim that the Palestinian people have already exercised self-determination in Jordan and that Jordan is a Palestinian State and consequently there is no Palestinian problem to solve. The Foreign Minister of Israel hammered away at this theme in his address this morning in the Assembly. Mr. Shamir ignored the historical fact that Jordan is Jordan and Palestine is Palestine. He forgot to tell the Assembly where he comes from and where Mr. Kaddoumi comes from. Furthermore, we should ask where Mr. Begin comes from and where Mr. Arafat ~omes from. 366. In view ofMr. Shamir's twisted logic, it is worth recalling the statement in 1971 of the late Prime 367. Israel argued in the past when it suited its purposes that Jordan was an illegal occupant of the West Bank. On the other hand, Israel argued when it suited different Israeli policies that Jordan was in fact Palestine. If this is so, how is it that Jordan is in occupation of a part of itselrl Even inverted logic is not without its contradictions. 368. No amount of semantic acrobatics can change the fact that the foundation of Israel was the destruc- tion of Palestine and the dispersal of the Palestinian Arab people from their ancestral homeland. We should like to remind Israel that before it came into being in 1948 Jordan exister1 as a distinct political reality and was an independent and sovereign State. At the 1ame time, th~ Palestinian people were living in their homeland in Falestine. Even when the United Nations voted to partition Palestine in 1947 into two States, an Arab and a Jewish one, the Partition Plan was very clear and specific regarding the territorial application of the Partition Plan and the exact location of the two proposed States in Palestine proper, that iss west of the River Jordan. 369. The essence ofthe problem in the region remains today, as it has always been, the persistent denia~ 'by Israel of the Palestinian people's legitimate rights, including their God-given right to self-determination on Palestinian national soil. The international com- munity has agreed on a framework for a just, com- prehensive and durable settlement of the (:ontlict in the area. The essence of this framework is Israel's total withdrawal from all territories occupied since the conflict of June 1967, the restoration of Arab Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty and the restoration of Palestinian national rights on Palestinian soil. 370. This international consensus has been frustrated by Israel. We respectfully call on the international community, and in particular the five permanent members of the Security Council, to shoulder their responsibilities and force Israel to heed the collective international will. We ask them' not to hold their breath and wait for Israel to answer the call ofreason. Israel's persistent aggression should not be rewarded with appeasement. We should like to recall tbat in the not-too-distant past the forces ofjustice and freedom responded firmly and decisively to a pattern of aggres- sion simHar to that pursued by present-day Israel. 371. Since Great Britain was the mandatory Power in Palestine, I would 2ike to conclude by quoting two British Ministers who commented on the new Israeli ploy. Lord Carrington, the former Britisb Foreign Secretary, stated in London on .2 November 1981 before the Conservative Friends ofIsrael the following: "The argument that the Palestinians already have self-determination in a State of their own, namely Jor~~n, simply will not stand up in ei~her historical.or political terms." Mr. Douglas Hurd, the British Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, stated at a meeting with Arab journalists in The meeting rose at 7.45 p.m. 6 Report ofthe World Conference of the International Women's Year, Mexico City, /9 June-2 July /975 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.1V.I). chap. 11, sect. A. 7 Report of the United Nations Conference on the Human Envi8'onment, Stockholm, 5·/6 June /972 (United Nations publica- tion. Sales No. E.73.II.A.14 and corrigendum), chap. 11. I See E/l981/70. 10 United Nations publication, sales No. E.8I.1.D.8 and Corr.l.