A/37/PV.16 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear a statement by Mr. Cristino Seriche Bioko, Vice- President and Minister ofHealth ofEquatorial Guinea. I have great pleasure in welcoming him and I invite him to address the General Assembly. 3. Mr. SERICHE BIOKO (Equatorial Guinea) (interpretation from Spanish): It is a great honour for me to avail myself of this opportunity to address the Assembly in the name of the people of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea and their President, Colonel Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, whom I represent here, and to express to the vast family of the international community the brotherly greetings and solidarity of my country. 4. I am particularly pleased to pause here to express, on my own behalf and on that of the delegation over which I have the honour of presiding, our most sincere congratulations to you, Mr. President on your well-deserved election as President of the Assembly to direct and preside efficiently over the debates that will be held throughout these days during wh:ch we shall be trying to find viable solutions to the innumer- able problems which affect our world of today and constantly threaten peace and the civic and harmonious coexistence of peoples. It is our profound hope that your presidency wilT lie carried out with the 'equani- mity, foresight, wisdom and high diplomatic skills which have always characterized you and won for you the respect and esteem of us all. J should also ~ . NEW YORK like to transmit to your illustrious predecessor, ~Ir. Kittani, our appreciation for the effective man- ner in which he discharged his functions during the last session. We particularly wish to congratulate Mr. lavier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, on his election to the lofty responsibility of ensuring the administrative and political functioning of the Jleadquarters of our great community. We are certain that his stature as an accredited diplomat and bis'vast knowledge of the machinery of the United Nations system will ensure that the Gifficult tasks entrusted to him will be carried out with guarantees ofcertainty and effectiveness. S. On my delegation's behalf, it is my pleasant duty to express our sincere gratitude to the Government of the United States of America, and in particular to the authorities of the State of New York, for the hospitality that has always been lavished upon us and for making available to us the material and spiritual conditions necessary for the success ofsessions of the General Assemblv. 6. Three years ago a representative of the people of Equatorial Guinea came before the Assembly at this podium to announce to the international community the action taken by the Equatorial Armed Forces which, on the dawn of 3 August 1979, decided to do away with the blood-stained regime of the wretched tyrant Macias Nguema. 7. Three years ago, in the same statement, the Government of the Supreme Military Council, estab- lished by that liberating action of the people of Equatorial Guinea undertook freely and resolutely, before the world and history, the sacred obligation of making every necessary effort to remove my people from the abandonment and destruction in which it had ~en plunged by the former regime. 8. Of course, the Government of the Supreme Military Council had no idea of the enormous dif- ficulties that would later arise in the country's reconstruction. Indeed, the difficulties were and are enormous and multiple, since our task consists in eliminating the trauma from the minds of the citizens of Equatorial Guinea and building a new and different society. To this end, we have the urgent need to give priority to rehabmtating those fields of activity mostimportant to the normalizationoflifein Equatorial Guinea, namely, health, education, agriculture. and, above all, the economy-the decisive.factor in .the entire process ofour reconstruction and development. 9. Today we can be proud ofhaving worked honestly and resolutely, facing every difficulty and overcotrii~ all kinds of obstacles to achieve some positive goals along the lon~ and difficult road of reconstruction. Our achievements can be seen by all in Equatorial Guinea, and it would be too much for me to try to !~pu~ity c~elly jeopardized those rights. Therefore, §:me.of .the main goals of the Supreme Military Coun- cil, when it took power on 3 August 1979, was to restore those.fundamental rights to the people of Equatorial Guinea; and from that very year a gradual butfirm process ofdemocratization ofthe country was initiated and measures adopted for the scrupulous and 16. It is my pleasure here to announce with pride to the international community that the people of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, in a referendum conducted through a direct, free and secret ballot, has provided itselfwith a new democratic constitution, supported by an overwhelming majority of95 per cent of the votes cast, O~ tlie oasis or-a 96 per cent voter turnout. 17. On the same occasion, and in accordance with another provision of the Constitution, Colonel Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, by the acclamation of the people and in expression of its free will, was charged with guiding the sacred destiny of Equatorial Guinea for the seven years following the adoption ofthe Constitution. 18. That massive, unanimous election of Colonel Obiang Nguema Mbasogo to the nation's highest office was free from any trickery and resulted from the desire of the people of Equatorial Guinea to maint&in continuity in the process of democratization it has undertaken, and that the same guiding hand should complete it, before proceeding to the general elections to take place at the end of the seven-year term of the presidential mandate. . . . 19. Our Constitution, the basic code which now rules and guides the sacred destiny of my people, provides for a Council of State, a People's House of Representatives, a Court of Justice, a National Council for Economic Oevelopment and Community , Councils. The latter are adapted to our national situa- tion for democratization by giving the power structure its roots in the communities, in the countryside. 20. We think we have kept our word to the inter- national community, given in the Assembly, and are pleased to have done so before the time set in a programme drawn up in collaboration with~the United 41. Peace is still an unachievable goal and perhaps. sad to say. a nostalgic dream of Utopia. Colonialism still seeks to broaden its areas of domination, ~ith aggressive and even bloody usurpation; hegemony. and the use of pressure by the powerful still persevere and indeed show a disturbing tendency to increase. Inequalities and injustices continue to show their ugly faces. Terrorism and new treacherous forms ofaggres- sion, under cover of the advocacy of change, disrupt every form of coexistence. Racial discrimination con- tinues as a flaw of mankind in our time. Territories conquered by force of arms remain in foreign hands. 48. All this process of transition to democracy has taken place within the framework of an unchanging respect for human rights and the prerogatives of the citizens, and on the basis of the fulfilment of the treaties and international commitments entered into by Bolivia. 49. On 10 October next the armed forces of Bolivia will restore the political control of the nation to a civilian Government. This voluntary gesture, in keeping with the wishes of the Bolivian people, is worth emphasizing in this international forum. 50. Another subject which I cannot refrain from mentioning is that of the progress of integration. Happily, we are living in a time of integration and economic co-operation, of interdependence. All nations-literally all-need something from others. There is inevitably a need for raw materials, goods and services, technology, credits and assistance ofall sorts. What is important is that the prices should be fair, exchanges just and that co-operation have but one aim-to secure the goal of shared development and common benefit. ~f 51. In the regional and sub-regional spheres Bolivia has been taking part in all the programmes of integra- tion and co-operation. Its special geographical location in South America and the fact that it is a country with tributaries of three of the four major river basins of the continent has given it a unique status as a signatory country of all the sub-regional agreements as well as the regional treaties of the Latin American Integration Association and the Latin Amer- ican Economic System. For example. we are a member of the Cartagena Agreement, binding on the Andean nations. and a signatory of the Treaty for Amazonian Co-operation and the Treaty of the River Plate Basin. 52. The Bolivian position with regard to the process of integration is clear. We uphold the need to preserve. expand and improve the machinery of the integration process. Integration and the programmes and actions for co-operation are only a means towards the ends of development and the harmonious progress of our nations. We must also nurture. strengthen and improve those instruments of economic and social progress. whose sole beneficiaries must ofcourse be our peoples and their future. 53. We must also make the North-South dialogue a reality and seek ways to give viable form to the new international economic order. This scheme has so far not had the acceptance. the solidarity and particularly the political will of the industrialized nations, which it needs if its basic objectives are to be met. 54. These problems. therefore. should be seen as part of the struggle for economic. political, social and 57. With regard to the maritime problem of Bolivia, the time of our return to the Pacific Ocean is bound to come. But good faith is necessary for this, together with a clear readiness by the other party to make reparations. We also need action and the encourage- ment and support of the international organizations, particularly if. as is fortunately the C?ae, we have the firm support of the majority of th~ 'J~orld community for our just cause. 58. Humanity has virtually put an end to one of the most degrading and odious systems adopted by man in the past-slavery. But, late in the twentieth century. still other grievous vestiges of the past remain as an affront to mankind-colonialism and racial discrimi- nation. 59. Twenty-two years have elapsed since the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [I""solll1;oll /5/4 (XV)]. Each year we revert to the terms of that declaration and the General Assembly adopts new resolutions on specific cases. Neverthe- less. new forms of colonialist aggression can be clearly seen. not simply disregarding the principles and pur- poses of the Charter but clearly violating them. A recent example was the case of the Malvinas Islands, with its bloody epilogue. leading to the restoration of colonialism. which should give us food for serious thought. 60. Faithful to its position ofprinciple on the rejection of any form of colonialism. Bolivia supported the Argentine cause and will continue to support tht~ demands for repossession of its territory made by our brother nation of the River Plate~ as we have done since 1833. when the President of Bolivia at that time was the first to speak up against the 8ritish usurpa- tion of that era. 61. We can never try hard enough in the Organiza- tion to put an end to colonialism and all forms of seizure of territories and the imposition of tutelage and foreign rule on peoples. On the day we dispose 79. The proposals endorsed by the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez [see A/37/696] constitute a major initiative for a durable peace in the Middle East and demonstrate the sincere desire of the Arab countries and the PLO to bring to a dignified and honourable end the chapter of conflict in the Middle East. Predictably, Israel ha~ (ejected the Fez plan, as well as the proposals by Pn~sident Reagan, which illustrates Israel's obsession wi!h holding on to the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories and its negative response to opportunities fur peace. 80. In the immediate context, it is imperative that Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon be secured, that civilian life be fully protected and conditions of peace and normality be restored in that ravaged country. The agony of the Palestinian people and the justice of its cause demand that the international community take determined action for the achievement ofdurable 81. .In our neighbourhood, the crisis in Afghanistan resulting from Soviet military intervention in that country nearly three years ago persists, with no sign of reprieve in its severity. The Afghan national resist- ance has proved to be enduring and steadfast, despite the awesome military superiority and sophisticated modern equipment deplo¥~d against it. 82. The presence of 100,000 foreign mlHtary troops in Afghanistan, with its dangerous portents for the stability of the entire region, continues to evoke.deep concern in the .nternational community, which has consistently pronounced itself on the illegality of that presence and has demanded its termination. The latest expression of th~s international concern was embodied in General Assembly resolution 36/34, adopted last year with the overwhelming support of 116 Member States, which outlined, once again, the essential elements of a just political solution of the Afghanistan problem, namely, the immediate with- drawal of the foreign troops from Afghanistan, the preservation of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and non-aligned character of Afghanistan, the right of the Afghan people to determine its own form of government and to choose its economic, political and social system free from outside inte.-vention, subversion, coercion or con- traint· of any kind whatsoever, and the creation of necessary conditions which would enable the Afghan refugees to return voluntarily to their homes in safety and honour.. . 83. Despite the repeated calls of the United Nations and similar demands by the movement of non-aligned countries and the member States of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the end of the crisis in Afghanistan is not in sight. It is a matter of regret th~t the Soviet Union, which had traditionally enjoyed good relations with countries of the -area, including Afghanistan, and which takes pride in its solidarity with third-world causes, should engage and persist in an action which has caused immense tragedy to the people of Afghanistan and which has been firmly opposed by the international community. 84. The grave political implications of the Afghan- istan crisis are compounded by a vast and growing humanitarian prob!(~m in the exodus of the Afghan population on a massive scale from their country. Nearly 3 million Afghan refugees, who represent one fifth of the total population of Afghanistan, have been forced to seek shelter on our soil and have placed on us an enormous responsibility for their upkeep which we have willingly accepted as our humanitarian and Islamic duty. 85. As a country grievously affected by the crisis in its neighbourhood, PakiStan has ~a direct and VItal stake in a peaceful solution of the Afghanistan problem. Consistent with the decisions of the Unite~ Nations, Pakistan has sincerely co-operated with every international endeavour, including the constructive efforts of the Secretary-Ge:teral and his Personal ~1Uggestion of such concern wou!d have no relation to reality and, secondly I because those who make at assume the privilege of passing judgement on vital mattlS.~r'S falling exclusively within our sovereign domain. We are tied to no bloc or strategic con- senSIJS, £.i1d our right to have a minimum rtefence capability of our own is an expression of our sover- eign status as a non-aligned country. 88. The unfortunate conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq bas been a sourcp ef deep anguish aud concern for us. In addition to causing extensive humun and material losses, this war has aggravated the cHmate of insecurity in a highly sensitive reg:o\»l1. 1md its early termination remains in the best interes!§ of the peoples of tbe area. With this conviction, the President of Pakistan bas made several efforts, singly and collectively, under the auspice~ of the Islamic Conference, ar.d will continue to make every endeavour for the solution of this tragic contlict. 89. The convulsions of our neighbourhood have made us keenly aware of the perils of great-Power rivalry and confrontation to which, in an historic serse, the Indian Ocean region has always remained exposed. Pakistan has consistently supportefJ Sri Lanka's proposal for the estublishment of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace" which symboHze5 the shared aspirations of the p(~ople of the region for progress in conditions of peace and secur!ty. !n the regional as well as interna.tional context, we will co-o~rate with every initiat;,ve aimed at securing the elimination of any foreign military presence in ~he Indian Ocean region and the removal of threats, whether from with;n or from outside the area, to the independence, sovefeignty and territorial integrity of the countries of the region. 90. I am happy to note that seven countries of South Asia have initiatf~d concrete measures to promote 93. Pakistan has consistently maintained a firm position ofprinciple on issues which concern the sover- eignty and freedom of nations, whether these pertain to our region, or regions far beyond it. Accordingly, Pakistan supports the right ofthe people ofKampuchea to shape their own future free from outside inter- vention and has joined the international call for the withdrawal of foreign troops from that unfortunate land. Pakistan welcomes the formation of a coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, headed by Prince Sihanouk and hopes that this Government will facilitate the creation of conditions conducive to the full implementation of the decisions of the General Assembly on the Kampuchean question. 94. We feel equally concerned over the dangerous situation in the South Atlantic and hope that a nego- tiated solution to the problem will be found on the basis of the resolutions of the United Nations. 95. The megal occupation of Namibia and the abominable system ofllpllrtheid ~rpetratedagainst the black population of South Africa continue to be an affront to human morality and values. The hopes which had been raised for an early independence of Namibia by the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) proved short-lived. South Africa, having fir5t accepted the Unit~d Nations plan for free and fair elections in Namibia under the supervision and con- trol of the Organization, baulked at its implementation and even questioned the impartiality of the United 98. Pakistan believes in a comprehensive approach to disarmament and emphasizes the need to pursue it at every level since these are all organically linked to each other. Progress in one dwrection could stimulate movement in the other. Consequently, we welcome initiativeli. at the bilateral, regional or global level. and measures. either interim in character or under- taken in a long-term perspective. 99, The prevention of a nuclear war is a primary challenge of our age and imposes a grave respon- sibility on all, especially the major nuclear Powers. We welcome the non-first-u~~,'" declaration by the Soviet Union in the same manner us we had welcomed an earlier commitment by China to the same effect. We are also encouraged by the resumption of negotia- tions between the United States and the Soviet Union on the reduction of theatre and strategic nuclear forces and we hope that this dialogue produces meaningful results. 100. Without prejudice to the usefulness of uni- lateral or bilaternl initiatives, we are convinced that the complex issues of disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, can best be addressed in a multilateral context. The threat of nuclear weapons is pervasive and concerns equally every memberofthe international community. The United Nations, therefore, remains the most appropriate forum in which negotiations on disarmament could be effectively pursued. 101. Motivated by its commitment to the obj{~ctive of general and complete disarmament and to nuclear non-proliferation, Pakistan had taken initiatives at the United Nations for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia and for effec- tive assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States against the use of nuclear weapons. Measures such as these couId also strengthen the links in an overall comprehensive programme of disarmament. 102. The demands of security. disarmament and development are fundamentally interrelated. Progress nee~ to promote economic co-operation among them- selves. This is one area in which positive develop- ments have taken place. We believe that expanding economic co-operation among developing countries is! 'a 1 :dyn~mic and vital element in any effective restructuringofinternational economic relations. How- ever, co-operation among developing countries can only complement, clnd cannot be a substitute for, a new international economic order based on equity and justice. l;;.> you, Sir, our sincere congratulations on your well- deserved election to the presidency of the thirty- seventh session of the General Assembly. That elec- tion was indeed a wise decision and testifies to your great competence for this post. I cannot fail to pay a tribute to the olltgoing President of the thirtY8 sixth session of the General Assembly, Mr. Kittani, and to express to him my country's very great appreciation ofhis untiring efforts in presiding over the proceedings of the General Assembly. I also thank him sincerely for his successful presidency of that session. It gives me great pleasure, too, to express on behalfof the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia our sincere congratulations to Mr. Perez de CueUar on his election as Secretary-General. We wish to express to him our hopes for his success in strengthening the effective- ness of the Organization so that it can acnieve the purposes and principles of the Chal1er. 114. The thirty-seventh session has opened in an atmosphere of tension and anxiety. International con- flicts and crises are becoming all the more complex and interlinked, and the factors that divide nations outweigh those that bring them "together. The agenda of the Assembly is replete with complex problemslhat involve a genuine danger to .~ternational peace and security. A careful consideration of the intern~tional situation reveals to us clearly that the gap between our aspirations to a peaceful world, where relations between peoples are based on right and justice, and the actual situation, dominated by criteria of force, the policies of hegemony and attempts to impose {aits accomplis, still exists and has indeed probably widened. 115. International relations at present are character- ~zed by grave indications of cold war. PoJarization breeds instability in the world and detente, which marked relations between East and West in the last decade, has turned into confrontation, with unfore- seeable consequences. 116. There is an escalation in the arms race. The use and threat of force and terrorism have become dominant characteristics in international relations. On the other hand, the continued stagnation of the North- South dialogue and the resultant widening of the gap between the industrialized and the developing countries have resulted in a further deterioration of H ••• work on the comprehensive international scene within the framework of the United Nations, its agendes and organs. We abide by its Charter, support its efforts and fight any abnormal action aimed at weakening it and restricting the force of international law with a view to replacing it by the force of arms and the language of terrorism. Our actions have effectively reflected and will continue to reflect our sense of commitment to the international community, as one family, no matter what the difference in interests, and our beliefin the principles of peace based on right and justice. We believe that international security and poJitical stability are linked to economic justice." 119. Proceeding from that premise, we believe that the following conditions must be fulfilled in order to erect a solid edifice of relations between States through which it will be possible to reduce international tension and overcome many of the dangers that threaten international peace and security. 120. First, we join those who insist on the need for reform of the· present political system and believe that in this respect the following must be taken into account. 121. One'of the main things that encourages nations to try to acquire zones of influence and to adopt a policy of force to solve problems is that they do not accept the rule of law or respect moral and ethical prindples. Therefore if such States really want to maintain peace and stability in the world and ensure prosperity, progress, wealth and well-being for the peo- ples, they must scrupulously observe moral principles and be guided by them in the labyrinthine complexi- ties of contemporary international relations. In this respect, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia offers its experience to the international community as its con- tribution to ensuring stability and peace and eliminat- ing the problems that jeopardize the very existence and survival of nations. 132. One of the most serious problems facing the international community and requiring an effective, urgent solution, is that Qf Afghanistan. The continued foreign military interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan constitutes a flagrant violation by a super- Power ofthe sovereignty and independence ofa small, non-aligned country. Today, after almost three years of Soviet interference in Afghanistan-coupled with continuous acts of aggression against the Afghan people, against mosques and peaceful villages, bombardment with incendiary bombs, the use of chemical warfare, and violations of the most ele- mentary principles of human rights-we once ag~in urge the Soviet Union to withdraw from Afghanistan so that the fraternal Afghan people may regain its freedom ,and independence and have the final say in the choice of its leaders and representatives and so that it may exercise sovereignty over its own land. 133. The raging war between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran is another problem which ~roubles us. Saudi Arabia is pained by that war, because it is 134. One of the gravest problems threatening inter- national peace and security, one which is prejudicing stability and prosperity, not only in the Middle East but throughout the world, stems from Israel's con- tinuing aggression and its terrible racist settlements policy. Israel's continuing defiance and its aggres- sion constitute a most dangerous factor in the Palestin- ian issue. which is an important issue for all those who believe in the right of every people to self- determination and the right to expression of free will. When we speak of Israeli aggression, we do net describe it merely as aggression against a secure people settled in its own homeland, or as usurpation of that people's territory and property, or as disregard for all human ideals, or as a flagrant violation of and challeng~ to the resolutions of the Organization. We, describe it as aggression against the Charter of the United Nations and all the ethical and humanitarian principles enshrined therein. 135. I do not wish to go into the history of the Palestinian question, which stretches back over 34 years. We in Saudi Arabia consider this our primary cause, but it has rightly become the cause of the whole world. It has absorbed more of the efforts of the Organization than any other issue. Despite recog- nition by most of the countries and peoples of the world of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian peo- ple, including its right to self·determination and to the establishment of an independent State on its own territory, and despite the fact that the international community has come increasingly to recognize the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, Israel persists in its aggressive policy and its imperialist settlement policy on the land of Palestine. 136. By means of its policy of physically liquidating the Palestinian people, and its attempts to distort the history of Palestine and destroy its religious and cultural institutions, as well as to bring about changes in the demographic pattern there, Israel is attempting to put an end to Palestinian identity, with no respect either for international public opinion or for the United Nations. 137. If Palestine is our primary cause, the Holy City of Jerusalem is its essence. In this connection, Saudi Arabia, on its own behalf and on behalf of the Islamic countries which are members of the Organi- zation of the Islamic Conference, reaffirms its deter- mination to preserve the Islamic Arab character of Jerusalem and to return the Holy City to Arab sovereignty, under which it was always a meeting place for all believers in the three revealed religions and a place of hopt~, tolerance and coexistence for the followers of the various religions. 149. Ifwe want to keep the world away from the edge of the abyss and from thepoJicies of extremism, force and aggression, then wisdom and reason should prevail in all our conduct and we should also observe all the principles and bases that can lessen interna- tional tension and overcome many of the dangers to international peace and security to which I have referred. We should co-operate to find a solution for all international problems and conflicts, in order to e'stablish an international community which enjoys stability, progress, peace and security.

I should like to convey sincere congratulations to Mr. HolJai on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its thirty- seventh session and to express our best wishes to him and to the officers of the Assembly for success in directing the work of the Assembly towards the achievement of our goals. I should like to take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation of the great efforts made by the former President, Mr. Kit- tani, during the thirty-sixth session and of the skilful manner in which he conducted its work and that of the General Assembly throughout its successive sessions and meetings this year. 151. The election of the new Secretary-General has been a sourc~ of pleasure to us, considering his out- standing position and wide experience in the work of the Organization as well as the respect and apprecias tion he nas enjoyed for the tasks he has performed. While expressing our congratulations to Mr. Perez de CueJJ~r on his election by acclamation to his post, we should like to express our conviction that he is worthy of this universal trust and to wish him success In his importa~twork and in realizing the hope that he may achieve the important tasks entrusted to him. 152. In reviewing the intemational situation and events since the previous sessiolll, we must unfortu- nately conclude that 1he picture is gloomy. Most of the problems which we discussed are becoming increasingly complicated. The views all~ hopes which w·e expressed have to a great extent not been realized. Many resolutions h~ve been neither respected nor implemented. Our hopes for ~stablishing good inter- national relations based on the prillciples ofthe Charter anrl inteolational law are JtiJI far from being achieved, and the United Nations-as the Secretary-General indicated in his report on the work of the Organiza- tion-has not been able to play its effective and decisive role as envisaged in the Charter, thus frustrating the hope that the Organization would be capable of mai.ntaining peace and security and serving as a forum for negotiations. We must endeavour to put an end to this deviation from the Charter, to adhere ,to it and to its principles, and to rev:~/e the concepts con- tained in it, which requires making a collective effort towards establishing peace, thereby strengthening the 158. The peace initiative of the Arab States and ~ President Reagan's initiative create together a climate conducive to finding a permanent and just settlement to the problem. We should take advantage of it and develop it, and the negative attitude of Israel should not be allowed to undermine our efforts. However. the Israeli persistence in frustrating all international efforts and rejecting all proposals PUlL forward for solving the problem have led States to believe in~the inevitability of the use of force in solving political o~ce again censure these brutal actions and demand that Israel withdraw its forces from Lebanon imme- diately, and, further, that it assist the Lebanese people to realize their hopes of stability and security. 1.60. On 20 September 1982 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Oman issued the following statement about the events in Lebanon: "The Sultanate strongly denounces the barbaric mi\ssacres which have been committed and are being committed by Israel against unarmed Pales- tinian refugees, men, women and children, in the Sabra and Shatila camps in west Beirut. "These genocidal massacres are a flagrant viola- tion of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. They are a dangerous development, since they have contravened the spirit of peace and escalated tension and instability in the area. They recall the mass slaughter of Palestinians committed at Deir Yassin and Kafr Qasem by the Israeli au- thorities in 1948. "Israel's invasion of west Beirut and its mas- sacre of defenceless Palestinian refugees, old men, women and children, were part ofa policy ofaggres- sion ,and expansion which the Israeli occupation authclrities were implementing, with civilians as their victims. Their actions have defied all human values and international mores. "Oman calls on the leaders oi the world and the States which were responsible for the evacuation of the Palestinian fighters from west Beirut, as well as the international public and international and humanitarian organizations, to shoulder their responsibilities fully at this crucial stage so as to stop the inhuman slaughter of Palestinian refugees." 16J. The withdrawal of Israel from the whole of Lebanon should be carried out immediately in accor- dance wjth the relevant Security Council resolutions. We express. our hope that the return of the multina- tional peace~keeping force to Lebano,n after supeJ:- vising the departure of the Palestinian fighters will help the Lebanese Government exercise sovereignty over the whole of Lebanon. 162. The continuance of military conflict between the two neighbouring States of Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran is a source of concern and instability for the entire Gulf region and represents a threat to all the peoples there, and indeed to world peace and security, since it involves innumerable dangers and is exhausting the greater part ofthe natural and human resources of those two States, resources which could be channelled into economic and social development. 163. We cannot but associate uurselves with those who have called for an immediate end to such human and economic waste and urge that a peaceful settle- ment between the two sister States be brought about as quickly as possible. mobili~ the.collective will to replace doubt with witness positive results in this direction in response confidence, so that we can achieve positive results in to the efforts of the Secretary-General. this domain. 179. Oman participated in the adoption of the final 174. In this connection I should like to reiterate what text of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the President of the second special session of the the Sea, in New York on 30 April, in spite of the fact J88. Faced with this alarming situation, which obviously endangers the future of peoples. and faced with the growing tragedy endured by Itlillions of human beings, who are still deprived of their freedom and the right to choose their own destiny, lacking in l~e ways and means to fight against servitude, humilia- tion, tyranny. wretchedness, famine. ignorance and disease, we feel compelled to repeat. who bears the grave responsibility, in the first place. for such a 191. There is no denying that in the present situation detente, general and complete disarmament, the nucJear threat and the arms race are the major concerns ofcountries that love peace andjustice. In this respect, may we recall that the position of Angola has been clearly defined once again during the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarma- ment, so we need not repeat it here. 192. Since the People's Republic of Angola is a geopolitical component of the African continent, it is legitimate for the Government of Angola to' give primary attention to African problems, in particular to those of southern Africa, in view of the grave impli- cations for the region and for the world. -I~' •. , ' .. • . 193,.. For ~ome 20 years many relevant resolutions have been.adopied by the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement, recognizing, on the one hand, the right of the Namibian people to self- determination and independence and~ on the other hand, denouncing or firmly condemning the illegal occupation'of Namibia by the criminal· South African regime.. 194. Directly confronted with threats, aggression and armed invasion by the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime since 1975, the People's Republic of Angola expects from the international community a decisive commitment in line with the requirements of our time" so that the problem of Namibia may be finally settled. and so that the people of Angola may, for its part, be able to expel the racist invaders, to respond to futur.e oagsression .and to ensure the defence of its nattoidH S"overeignty and tetritorial integrity. I .' ': ,~ . . 195: . What is the situation today? As we fIll know, the contact group sUbmitted to SWAPO, the front- line' States and to Nigeria in October 1981 a plan of action that includes three phases; first, the adoption 196. Since the first meetings with the contact group -and quite outside its framework and mission-the United States delegation has asked for bilateral contacts with the Angolan authorities and has begun to try to Iir.k the presence ofthe Cuban internationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola to the negotiating process for the independence of Namibia. This has always been firmly rejected by the Govern- ment of Angola, in view of the absurdity of such a linkage wh~ch, in fact, ill conceals the obsession or paranoia of the United States Administration about the stationing of the Cuban internationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola. 197. In view of the deadlock in the negotiations on the first phase, because of the electoral system pro- posed by the contact group, and since the presence of Cuban forces in the People's Republic of Angola has become the subject of a slanderous and hostile campaign by the United States Administration which is shamelessly seeking at all costs to link that presence to the process of the independence of Namibia-di- rectly, or through the racist South African regime, which has become its sounding board-as an additional means of preventing the implementation of the reso- lutions which the_United Nations has already adopted, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of Angola and of the Republic of Cuba, on behalf of their respective Governments, prepared and signed a joint declaration on 4 February 1982, with which all the Members of this international body are fully familiar. 198. It is therefore fining to recall that, at the end of the month of August 1981, at a lunch offered to the foreign press accredited in South Africa, and at the very moment when a large-scale aggression was being perpetrated against the People's Republic of Angola, the South African Prime Minister declared that the Cubans represent no threat to South Africa and that South Africa does not regard the withdrawal of the Cubans from Angola as a prior condition to the peace- ful solution of the Namibian question. 199. Nevertheless, it is surprising but significant that a certain number of those who express their concern about the presence of the Cuban interna- tionalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola show no such concern in respect of the illegal occupa- tion for more than a year of a part of the territory of Angola by the racist and Fascist South African troops. What moral can be drawn from that? 205. Furthermore, in the course of these last three months, American representatives in the contact group have been making a very special effort to spread optimism about the results already achieved in the negotiations that have been going on in New York since the month of June. In fact that is a false and ill- intentioned optimism. It is false, because the electoral system has not yet ooen defined, t14': final composition of the United Nations forces has not yet been decided, and the cease-fire between SWAPO and the Pretoria regime, which will constitute the essential point of departure for the implementation ofthe United Nations plan, in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), seem to us to be far from being anticipated ~lr. Traore (Mali), Vice-President, took the Chair. 209. I should like once again to remind the Assem- bly of the proposal made at the thirty-first session [84th meeting1 by the Angolan Government for con- sideration by the General Assembly, that an inter- national fund for the national reconstruction of Angola be established, amounting to approximately $300 mil- lion. It is sad to note that so just a proposal has not received the least attention from this world body, despite the fact that in its resolution 475 (1980) the Security Council requested ••Member States urgently to extend all necessary assistance to the People's ~ople, which, under the leadership of its sole au- ~hentic representative~ the POLISARIO Front, is vic- toriously pursuing its armed struggle against Moroccan occupation to recover full independence and terri- toriaJ integrity. We welcome the admission of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic to the OAU, and we reiterate our cunvictionthat ther{; mr.st be direct negotiations between the two conflicting parties in the search for a political solution. 2l2. With regard to the temporary difficulties now being experienced by the OAU, we consider that any problems that might affect us should be discussed by us alone, within our continental organization, and without any interference from outside Africa, as has been noted. The fact that the thirty-eighth ordinary :::ession of the Councii of Ministers of the OAU, held at Addis Ababa in February 1982, and the nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Gov- ernment of th~ OAU, at Tripoli, held in August 1982, were obstructed is a part of the strategy of American im~ria~ism and some of its allies aimed at subjugating or paraiy'sing international bodies which play an active role in tne struggle for the political and economic independence ofpeopJes. We are absolutely ,,~onvinced that this r"lOmentary crisis~~.fm soon be overcome. 213. Wr;: are rleeJlly moved by the bloody events in Leban!Jn. The brutal armed invasion carried out by the racist and Fascist Tel Aviv regime, with the full and shameful c!iDnivance of the United States Admin- istration and ttu: inadmi$;ible passivity of certai1j1 Arab States; the genocide ufPalestinians am~ Lebanese in west Beirut; and the massacre, the carnage, at Sabra and ShatiJa: these can never be forgotten. and call for our stron~es'£condemnation and an appropriate response in dl~<: course. 214. We are firml}' convinced that the Palestinian people and its sole legitimate representa;tive, the PLO, will resume the fight after having, by their heroic resistance during the fier(;e battles of those 75 historic ou~ the armed liberation struggle of the people of Eas.~ Timor clearly shows that people's rejection of inte,grat;oa into or annexation by Indonesia of its homeland. The 35,000 Indonesian soldiers present th~re, recourse to helicopter-borne forces to try to destroy the fighting forces of FRETILIN, which control 70 per cent of the national territory, the terror and famine imposed on the people of East Timor ~will all fail to thwart the nationalist feelings of that people or its resolve to fight. Yet more than 200,000 persohs have been massacred by the troops of a self- styled non-aligned country which never fought against the former administering Power, Portugal, during the colonial period. 217. The Indonesian troops, and thus the !ndonesian' Government, are today carrying out an appalling genocide, through physical liquidation, cultural repression, deportation, and repopulation with thousands of Javanese citizens. But there are the beginnings of resistance in the Indonesian army against participating in operations aimed at eliminating the patriots of East Timor. This is proved by the recent refusal to act of two battalions, which are today isolate.d on one of the islands of the country. 218. It only needed Portugal to shirk its responsi- bilities towards the people of East Timor by not pro- ceeding to the transfer of power to the FRETILIN leaders for Indonesia to invade and miJitarily occupy part of East Timor and the outskirts of the capital, where its military contingent& had established themselves. 219. Ever since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly the Organization has been expressing deep concern over the situation obtaining in East Timor as a result of the intervention of Indonesian armed forces and has been requesting the Indonesian Government to withdraw without delay its forces from the Terri- tory in order to enable the people of East Timor freely to exercise their right to self-determination and inde- pendence, as provided in General Assembly reso- lution 3485 (XXX}. Security Council resolutions 384 (1975) and 389 (1970) once again can on the Indonesian Government to withdraw its forces from the Territory forthwith. Resolution' 36/50, adopted at the thirty- sixth session of the General Assembly, reaffirms the same principles and makes th~ same requests. The Indonesian Government, however, shows no sign of willingness to respect United Nations decisions. It 220. Bearing in mind that the Government of Por- tugal seems to wish to resume its responsibilities as the former administering Power in order to bring the tragedy of the people of East Timor to the attention of the international community, we wish to express encouragement for the request of the Government of Portugal aimed at satisfying the legitimate aspira- tions of the people of the Democratic Republic of East Timor. 22I. With regard to developments in the situation in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, in the People's Republic of Kampuchea, in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and in the Republic of Cyprus, we reaffirm our active solidarity with those peoples in their respective causes and our support for the positions of their Governments in the quest for just and appropriate solufions. 222. \Vith regard to Latin America, we reaffirm our militant solidarity with the Salvadorian people and with its legitimate repr~sentatives, the Revolutionary Democratic Front and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front in their just struggles against the present regime in El Salvador, and we heartily wel- come the victories they have already won. 223. We wish to reaffirm our sc·lidarity with the Cuban pec.'ple in their revolution. We support their efforts to overcome the consequences of the criminal economic boycott imposed by American imperialism~ in flagrant violation of human rights, and we denounce the aggression and the threats against the Cuban people. We welcome also the revolutionary process of the peoples of Nicaragua and Grenada and their determination to face the serious threats that hang over them. We also reaffirm our acHve solidarity with the Puerto Rican people and denounce the imperialist manreuvres which, by means of despicable political and economic pressures, have prevented the inclusion of the question of Puerto Rico in the agenda. 224. No one is unaware of the fact that the Security Council and General Assembly as well as the OAU have already adopted several resolutions on mer- cenarism, condemning the activities of mercenaries, their recruitment and their use for the purpose of destabiJizing actions in underdeveloped countries, particularly on the African continent. While it is true that a Convention for the Elimination of Mer- cenarism in Africa has already been adopted by the OAU-and the People"s Republic of Angola, which has suffered and continues to suffer the misdeeds of mercen~ries, is proud of the important contribution it made to that Convention-it is imperative, none the less, for the General Assembly to adopt as soon as possible an international convention prohibiting the recruitment, use, financing and training of mer- cenaries and the provision of transit facilities to them. Indeed, we hope that the Ad Hoc Ccmmittee on the Drafting of an International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mer- cenaries, established under General Assembly reso- 227. The struggle continues. Victory is certain.

I take great pleasure in congratulating, on behalf of my delegation, the President on his election to preside over this thirty-seventh session of the General Asser:nbly. We ar.: convinced that his qualities as an experienced diplomat and his deep faith in the principles and purposes of ~he Charter will enable him to direct the work of the Assembly successfully. I should also like to pay tribute to the President's predecessor, Mr. Kittani, of the fraternal country of Iraq, for the outstanding way in which he led the work of the last regular session as well as of the special sessions. I also take great pleasure in pay:ng a par- ticular tribute to the Secretary-General for his constant efforts to promote international peace and security. My delegation is pleased to express to him its appre- ciation of his struggle to preserve the principles of the Charter and to strengthen international solidarity for the progress and development of mankind. 229. The thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly is being held at a time when the international situation is steadily deteriorating. The harmful world conditions that we are experiencing encourage the super-Powers to acquire zones of influence and make their rivalries ever sharper~ The super-Powers are using their economic, scientific and technological advances to achieve their objectives and designs.- 230. In this atmosphere of constant tension we remain concerned and alarmed at the escalation of tension which is creating several flashpoints in many parts of the world, especially in the third world. 231. In spite of the constant efforts of the interna- tional community in the quest for peace; we are every day confronted with increasingly soph5sticated wars, wars of attrition and of the annihilation of nations. Never before in history have there been so many- wars in third world countries, with such great human 9 financial and material losses. It is as if by some master 233. What human wisdom can aBow for such waste, whose only purpose is the destruction of all the best that world civilization has been producing for the good of mankind? We cannot separate acts leading to the waste of such immense human and material wealth from those which are delaying the establishment of a new international economic order. 234. International economic relations are expe- riencing in our time a grave crisis, which is becoming an obstacle in negotiatkms between the rich and poor countries, a number of which-the least developed countries-are Jiving in precarious conditions. It is up to us to exchange new ideas and co-ordinate our efforts with a view to striving together ::owards a better life. 235. After eight years of hard work the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea achieved its objective. The adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea constitutes a land- mark in the history of mankind. The success of the Conference has enhanced the prestige and credibility of the United Nations, which can be an effective framework for dealing with all questions of vital importance to all States and the international com- munity. 236. The political climate and security in the Indian Ocean area has gravely deteriorated recently. The littoral and hinterland States are worried about the increase in tension in the area, as a result ofthe rivalries of the great Powers. There is an extremely urgent need to implement the Declaration ofth,= Indian Ocean as a Zone ofPeace, pursuant to resolution 2832 (XXVI) of 12 December 1971. The situation of insecurity and instability prevailing in the Indian Ocean requires the speedy holding ofthe relevant conference in Colombo. 237. Since its independen4-:e the Republic of Djibouti has expressed its devotion to international peace and security. The objectives that ':t has set itselfBre national unity, equality and peace. 238. In accordance with our foreiBJ! policy, based on dialogue and co-operation, we have chosen to live in pea~e with our neighbours, with absolutely no inter- ference or intervention. Our neutrality is reflected by a· rolicy of non-alignment, good-neighbourliness and pea(".eful coexistence. We urge our neighbours to settle any disputes peacefully, for we remain convinced that peace and stability alone can guarantee the emancipa- tion of peoples. Moreover, we urge all leaders in the Horn of Africa to struggle for the creation of the right ~fforts, the international community hasjust reaffirmed its support for the Palestinian cause, by declaring that no just and lasting solution can be achieved with- out recognition of the legitimate, inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. It is with that in vif:w that concrete proposals for an overall peaceful solution have been formulated. 244. Unfortunately these peace efforts are stiB pitted against the political ambitions of the Zionists, who wish to relegate the Palestinian cause to historical oblivion so as to promote their expansionist policy. The Zionists do not wish to accept or toJp.rate any talk of national rights for Palestinians; they wished to bury the natural aspirations of an entire people under the ruil:'s of Beirut. In order to do that the Zionist war-lorJs unleashed the most devastating and the most bloody aggression against Lebanon, using the most sophisticated weaponry, with the avowed inten- tion ofannihilating the Palestinian people, ofliquidating the PLO and destroying its organ~zational structure. 245. For more than two months Lebanon has been subjected to the most merciless destruction. Beirut, besieged, deprived of water, food, electricity and medicines, constantly bombarded from land, air and sea, has undergone an ordea! whk~h no city has expe- rienced since the Second World War. 246. During the first half of this century the Nazis. in their wanton campaign for racial superiority, arrogated to themselves the right to determine who should live anrl who should be deprived of life. They institutionalized terror and muss killing as means of achieving that goal. 247. In the second half of this century the Zionist neo-Nazis have espoused a similar concept, although 248. In spite of that and in defiance of the aims of the Zionist p~3n, the Palestinian reality asserts itself more each day, because the Palestinian people, under the aegis of the PLO, its sole, legitimate repre- sentative, has shown its unshakable determination to struggle for the life of its cause. 249. Strengthened by that determination, Arab Kings, Sovereigns and heads of State w~"'re at one in making it crystal clear to the world thatjust and lasting peace has always been their objective, an objective that Israel has rejected and continues to reject, wishing to deprive an entire.people of its existence and of its identity. 250. In Fez, the Arab leaders agreed on concrete and realistic proposals aimed at restoring a just and lasting peace in the region. These proposals, contained in what is now called the "Fez Charter", have created a legal framework which, without the slightest doubt, has aroused hope~ in the int.ernational community, which is determined to find a soluHon to this painful problem. 251. As usual, Begin's respc~nse was to order thc~ massacre of children, women and old people. Once again, in defiance of international public opinion, Israel has revealed its true face. Once again Begin dashed the hopes of all peace-loving countries and peoples by organizing the genocide at Shatila and Sabra. These Zionists have unfortunately ma.de us relive a tragedy which history wished to bury at Nuremburg and which we thought had been removed from our memories for ever. 252. In the face of this 'situation which threat~ns international peace and security, in the face of this genocide which defini'L~ly could not have been carried out w;thout the "..:;lsent and support of a great Power, in the fac~ of this holocaust of which the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples are th~ victims, we reaffirm that a just peace c~nnot be es~ablished with- out the recognition of the legitimate m~tj inalienable rights of the Pa.estinian people, without the with- drawal of Israeli forces from the borders of Lebanon as wen as from the oc,-:upied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jen~salem. 253. Lebanon, whose only crime was to grant as)<lum to the Palestinians who, because of Zionist terrorism, had had to fle(: from their national land, must never again be the scene of these wars and massacres. The international community must help Lebanon to regain its sovereignty and its territorial integrity and in its reconstruction. 254. We note with deep concern the continuation of the Iraq-Iran war, in spite of the efforts made by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, by the non- aligned movement and by the United Nations. 256. The situation in South Africa and in Namibia remains of concern. Tensions and confrontations will not be eliminated nor will peace be established in that region so long as apartheid is not dismantled and the black majority in South Africa is not liberated. Apart- heid must be condemned without hesitation, and all political, diplomatic, moral and material means must be provided to the liberation fronts. The Jreoples of South Africa and of Namibia are entitled to use all means-including armed struggle-against the prac- tices of segregation, racism and racial discrimination. genocide and exploitation. 257. We strongly denounce the policy of baniustmi- ization being carried out by the PretGria regime. We condemn also the criminal acts of terro.ism and the acts of armed aggression against indepenoent neigh- bouring countries. We state that the front-line coun- tri;;s have the legitimate right to protection against the repeated acts of intimidation and aggression perpetrated by the SmJth African regime, whose sole purpose is to destabilize those S~ates so as to weaken their moral and material efforts to assist the peoples of South Africa and Namibia and their national libera- tion movements. 258. The Pretoria regime has clearly ~emonstrated !ts belligerence by accumulating arp'..lnents and other means ofoppresskm. by acquiring a nuclear capability and by coniirming i~s political, miEtary, ~conomic and cultural collaooratior! with Israel. 259. It is regrettable that Sl)u\:h Africa, despite repeated apr.e&=~ by the international community. continues m practise apartheid in defiance and flagrant violation of the Charter and of the Universal Decla- ration of Human Rights. 260. The question of Namibia remains ummlved because of the illegal occupation by the South African regime, whkh is denying the Namibian people lhe exercise ef its inalienable rights to self-determination and independence, in spite of United Nations reso- lu:ions. This gravely threatens international peace and security. 261. Through its political, economic and military activities the racist Pretoria regime is trying to delay Namibia's accession to independence. The policy of collaboration with the apartheid regime of South Africa can only harm and betray the legitimate struggle of the Namibian people to obtain its freedom. 262. It is up to the United Nations to ensure that its decisions are respected by South Africa. The United Nations must alert the international community to South African manreuvres designed to upset the peaceful initiatives under way for Namibian inde- pendence. 263. We applaud the initiatives taken by SWAPO, the sole representative of the Namibian- people; to facilitate the negotiations under way, as wen as its constant readiness to take part in free and' fair elec- tions in Namibia in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. . 265. As regards the issue of Western Sahara, my Govelnment supports the efforts of the OAU to pro- mote ajus~ and lasting solution and also welcomes the measures taken to organize a referendum to enable the popuJation of Western Sahara to express itself freely 1ilnd democratically in the exercise ,~f its right to self-determination. 266. Although we support the principle of self- determin2.tion for the SahrnouK people, we assert that the decision of the heads of State and Government of the OAU takr.n in NairobiZ is the only authentic one. '),67. Without -..nity ~ Africa-beset as it is by eco- nomic difficulties and social instabIlity-will remain a prey to foreign in(luences, political blackmail and economic exploitation. Lack of un:'iy will lessen tne ability of the independent countries of Africa to assist those which afe stiH under the sway of colonization. 268. For a ioog time now Chad has continued to be the scene of fratricidal wars that have destroyed its human and material resource~ and em:iangered its unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity. We ther~­ fore urige all the forces ~".)r'cerned to enter into a con- structive dialogue and to make a common endeavour. We believe that to be the only way that hostilities can be halted and order, peace and security restored. We hope that the United Nations and the OAU will work together to achieve that goal and will help in the recon- struction of Chad.

I now can on the representative of Guyana, who wishes to speak in exercise of the right of reply. 277. Mr. SINCLAIR (Guyana): The Foreign Minister ofVenezue'a, in his address last Monday [5th meeting], 269. As regards Afghanistan, my Government tried at length to justify the claim which his country expresses its great concern over the military occupa- mai'1tains against four fifths of Guyana"s territory. tion of thflt country despite the repeated appeals of I have asked to speak tonight to e,<ercise my right of the 'intemational community for an immediate and reply because that statement was replete with mis- unconditional withdrawal of foreign forces. We represerntation, ~naccuracies and distortions. reiterate our appeal for an immediate and total with- drawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan so as 278. My delegation has noted the Foreign Minister"s io enable its people to exercise its right to elect a indication of Venezuela's commitment to a peaceful government of its choice. We advocate an overa)) solution to the controversy and the desire "to maintain political solution based on full respect for the inde- and develop with the Guyanese people the clOSf;,.it pendence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and oon- relations of friendship, co-operation and solidarity" aligned status of Afghanist~n. [ibid.• pllrf{. 104]. We have also noted his proud assertion that in its 172 years of ind(~pendence Vene- 270. The situation in Kampuchea is a problem of zuela "has never had a single war, not even an armed concern to my Government, which is firmly opposed encounter, with any of its nei:ghbours" [ibid.• to foreign armed intervention and to the presence of para. 102]. foreign forces in Kampuchea. The presence of foreign troops makes it impossible for the Kampuchean 279. We in Guyana do not judge Vent:zuela's peace- people to express its will through free elections. We ful intention by what Venezuelans say; we judge it by therefore reaffirm the imperative need for the with- what they do. Even as I speak now, Venezuela is in drawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea. r military occupation of territory belonging to Guyana. That territory was seized by force of arms in 1966. 271. With reference to the question of Korea, my That act of aggression took place, moreover. a mere Government firmly believes that inter-Korean nego- few months after the conclusion of the Geneva Agree- tiations constitute the only political means of solving ment, which committed the parties, Venezuela in- all the problems that have arisen out of the political eluded, to the search for a peaceful settlement. What division of that country. The earliest possible resump- is particularly significant is tha~ that aggression did tion of the dialogue is essential to deal with the urgent not take place while th(~ Bdtish were still in the colony; need to reduce the climate of tension, renew mutual the Venezuelans waited until after the BritishJeft in conr:idence and establish lasting peace in the Korean order to occupy part of ~ur territory. 274. We have in mind here the Shatila and Sabra massacres; aptll·theid, which has been made into a political alternative; and the occupation of countries by force. Is not threatening and shooting innocent people in camps and treating people as subhuman the sort of thing that prompted the creation of the Organization on the morrow of the last world war? 275. In conclusion, I wish the Assembly every success at the thirty-seventh session. Members may be assured of my delegation's positive contribution. For my part, I remain convinced that all the nations represented here will fulfil their responsibility by responding to the hopes of the millions of people who are looking to us. accept~d for more than halfa century until the reasser- tion of its claim in. the 1960s. By sending its troops across that border in 1966, the Venezuelans signalled an intention to pressure Guyana by military means into redrawing that boundary. 283. The Venezuelan Minister persists in describing the arbitration process of 1899 as ""an unprecedented legal farce", and repeats his argument about the absence of Venezuelan judges or lawyers. Venezueia's representative at the hearings of the tribunal was chosen by the Venezuelan President. He had an opportunity to select a Venezuelan judge or lawyer but he consid~redthat Venezueiu's interests would best be represented by the ChiefJustice ofthe Supreme Court of the United States. No Venezuelan at the time complained about this arrangement. So that when the Venezuelan Minister "tells us that there were no Venezuelan judges or lawyers present at the tribunal, he is making a comment on nothing but the sovereign decision of his President at the time. .. ,b. NOTES I A/S-II/14, annex I. :! See A/36/S34. annex 11.