A/37/PV.19 General Assembly

At the outset, Sir, I wish to congratulate you on your election as President of the General Assembly of the thirty-seventh session. My delegation is pleased to see you direct the pro- ceedings of the General Assembly, because you represent a friendly country with which my country maintains very close relations, and also because of yourwisdom, exper5ence and ability, which qualify you to shoulder that responsibility and make it likely that you will achieve the best of results. I should like also to pay a tribute and to express my thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Ismat Kittani, head of the fraternal delegation of Iraq, for the excellent manner in which he directed the proceedings of the General Assembly during the last session, and the great ability he dis- played. It is also my pleasure to commend the efforts being made by the Secretary-General to strengthen the role of the Organization and to increase its effi- ciency. 2. Sir, you have assumed the presidency of the General Assembly at a most difficult time, a time of increasing dangers and proliferating hotbeds of tension, and of problems causing instability in inter- national peace and security. It is a time when the world's peoples, especially the smaller ones, are con- cerned for their destiny and their freedom. We note that the clatter of weapons is louder than the voice of reason, that right has become has become the prerogative of the strong and that the capability of the United Nations has sunk to an unprecedented low. Disappointment at that was clearly expressed by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization, in which he said that "The United Nations itself has been unable to play as effective and decisive a role as the Charter certainly envisaged for it. •.... The Security Council, the primary organ of the United Nations for the maintenance of inter- national peace and security, all too often finds itself unable to take decisive action to resolve international conflicts and its recommendations are increasingly defied or ignored by those that feel themselves strong enough to do so". [See A/37/1, p. I.] 3. The Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya shares the Secretary-General's views in this regard. I should like in this context to recall the letter sent by the Leader of the Revolution, brother Colonel NEW YORK Muammar Qaddafi, to th~ Secretary-General on 20 September 1982 in the wake of the massacre of Palestinians in Beirut at the hands of Israel and its agents: ••I regret to have to express to you and to the world the bitter truth which I perceive in my country, namely, that the second historic attempt made I:.y the peoples in 1945 (in San Francisco) to establish an international organization to prevent war and keep the peace has failed utterly, as did the first attempt (i.e., the League of Nations)." [See A/37/ 472, annex, p. /.] 4. We have, however, the right (0 ask: where does the responsibility for the inability ofthe United Nations lie? Is it the responsibility of the States Members of the United Nations? Or is it the responsibility of the developing countries which are systematically sub- jected to military threat, economic blockade and political blackmail? 5. The responsibility, as we see it, lies in ~he structure ofthe main organ ofthe Organization. It is the Security Council which has become an instrument to protect dictatorship for the benefit of the permanent members of the Security Council. Responsibility also lies in the abuse of the right of veto by States members of the Security Council in a manner that has made the Council a vehicle for their own security, encouraging the aggressive policies pursued by their agents. The unlimited number of times that the United States Administration has used the right of veto to prevent the Council from condemning the Zionist entity's aggressive acts in the Arab region is clear evidence of the policy of injustice being practised under the umbrella of the United Nations and the Security Council. The reason for the inability of the Organi- zation lies also in the fact that the right of veto that the members of the club of victors in the Second World War granted to themselves was abused for the benefit of those victors to maintain their balance of interests. In their irresponsible exercise of the right of veto, they turn the standard of democracy upside down and subject the will of more than 150 States Members of the Organization to the mercy of the permanent members of the Security Council. 6. The Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, after consulting a large number of Member States, put forward a number of proposals to abolish .or amend the veto or to give greater power to the General Assembly and make binding its resolutions adopted by a two-thirds majority. These proposals, however, met with rejection by the great Powers which exer- cised pressure on other, smaller countries to prevent the abolition or amendment of the right of veto and to oppose the principles of democra~yand collective responsibility for tl)e maintenance ofpeace and agairist 8. The time has come to look seriously into the role of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization, because the oppressed peoples of the world have almost lost faith in the United Nations. We in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya realize the dangers that would result from a loss of faith in our Organiza- tion. That is why the leader of the great September revolution made an appeal to enable the Organization to fulfil its role in maintaining peace and justice, because the dictatorial practices carried out under its umbrella may compel us to leave it and to urge other oppressed peoples to seek their own special platform from which to express their will and ambitions. 9. The abolition of the right of veto or its review, if viewed as a guarantee of democratic practices, could enable the developing peoples to regain their faith in th~ United Nations. My country believes that, in reviewing the veto, the following aspects should be taken into consideration: first, the abolition ofthe veto or its amendment which would allow its use by all members, because if political dictatorship is to be practised, then it is only fair that it be practised by all; secondly, the Security Council must be placed under the General Assembly, and not the other way round., because in the General Assembly resides the true will of the peoples and nations of the world; and thirdly, the maintenance of international peace and security is the collective responsibility of all. to. The agenda of the current session of the General Assembly is full of political and economic issues, in addition to those of liberation and colonialism. I shall allude to those problems. 11. The recent massacres committed by the Zionist entity in Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon is evidence of the tragedy that has befallen the cause of the just struggle of the Palestinian people, and demonstrates the aggressive, Fascist and racist nature of the so-called State of Israel. It confirms beyond doubt that the State of the Zionist entity is not peace-loving and is a source of threat to inter- national peace and security. I tives to those under its occupation. The only initiative that can be put forward by a colonized people is armed struggle. On what logic should the Arabs come up with peace initiatives when the American people, with French assistance, confronted British colonialism and Europe confronted Nazi occupation in defence of peace and freedom? 17. The Security Council must guarantee the security of all State§ in the region and that assumes 'two things, namely: that Israel is threatened by its Arab 12. The continued occupation of the Palestinian territories since 1948, the annexation of the Golan Heights and the massacres commitied daily against the Palestinians and Lebanese, must induce the inter- national community represented in the United Nations to take practical measures to eliminate aggression and occupation and to enable the Palestinian people to return to its homeland. 19. The present Government of the United States of America is increasing its acts of intervention and pressure for the purpose of achieving political, eco- nomic and military hegemony. It has gone back to the policy of installing military bases in many parts of the world. It has used its war fleets to practise terrorism along the shores of non-aligned countries, as it did in August 1981 to my country, thereby violat!ng our sovereignty over our territorial waters. The last act of aggression was on 3 September 1982, when a United States aircraft violated our airspace at 7.59 p.m. It was an unmanned reconnaissance air- craft. Our air defences downed it in the Benghazi area, and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya will submit the documents and facts on this aggression to the President ofthe Security Council and to the Secretary- General. 20. Also, in August 1981 the American Government launched a propaganda campaign of falsehoods and imposed an economicembargo against Libya. Itstarted to incite other countries to follow its example on false pretexts, such as the alleged sending of a death squad to assassinate President Reagan-which proved to be only the product of the imagination of certain officials in the United States Administration in collaboration with the Zionist intelligence service. 21. The United States Administration's practice of threatening the.Caribbean countries and its attempts to prevent them from exercising their free will prove the imperialist nature ofthe United States Administration. The aggressive policies pursued by that Administra- tion against Cuba, Nicaragua, Grenada and the people of El Salvador are examples of the United States policy, the aim ofwhich is to create hotbeds oftension and instability in the world, particularly in the Middle East and southern Africa. 22. The issues ofdisarmament and the strengthening of international security are among the most serious and complicated matters facing our world today. They have been at the centre of attention for the inter- national community for many years. This attention has been reflected in the convening of numerous confer- ences since 1932, in particular the two special sessions of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, the first in 1978 and the second this year, and also in the resolutions adopted in this regard. However, 26. In Namibia the Pretoria regime continues, through its illegal administration, to oppress the black citizens and plunder the resources of that Territory, in collaboration with multinational corporations of Western countries which have impeded the implemen- tation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which contains a plan for the independence of the Territory. In this connection, the role ofthe Europeans is complementary to that of the Americans in trying to achieve independence for Namibia in accordance with Western schemes which hav~ nothing to do with Security Council resolutions.- One of the latest obsta- cles created by the United States Administration was the linking of the subject of Namibia's indepen- dence to the evacuation ofCuban forces from Angola, which amounts to interference in the affairs of an independent sovereign State, which has the right to protect itself and seek help from any State as it sees fit. < • 27. The aggressive and racist practices ofthe Pretoria regime are not directed against the black citizens of Namibia and South Africa only; they have been extended to include the neighbouring countries, namely, the front-line States. Attacks have been frequent, especially against the territory of Angola. 32. My country followed with increasing concern the war which was forced on Argentina to recover the Malvinas Islands from British control. A:tyone reflecting on that war and the way it developed would be shocked by the following facts. First, the :United States clafm that it belongs to the group of American States is only a cove.' for the protection of American interests and the Fascist regimes which are satellites of the United States Administration. The UnUed States has revealed its imperialist nature a~d supported the British aggression carried out against the Malvinas Islands. Secondly, the British presence in the Malvinas Islands is but a vestige of the old colonialism which divided the world into spheres of influence among the strong and us.ed its control to implant communities that ·did not belong originaHy to the indigenous populations of the occupied terri- tories•. Thirdly, the Malvil1as war emphasizes the inevitable confrontation between the im,eriaiist Powers and the third world countries, which have to realize that all that the super-Powers aim at is to have greater domination and wider spheres of influence. 34. The United States exploitation of internal strife in certain countries of Asia aggravates tension in the region. The Afghan war and the situation in Kampu- chea represent areas of tension in South-East Asia aggravated byforeign interference in the affairsofthose countries. The~efore my country affirms the right of those peoples to exercise their freedom of choice. My country supports the principle that Afghanistan should be an independent, non-aligned country fonowing the path of progressive Islamic States. 35. The question of Western Sahara continues to be one of the primary issues facing the Organization and there is the threat of American im~'erialist inter- ference. We therefore emphasize that the Organiza- tion should assume its responsibility by affirming the right of the Sahraoui people to free self-determina- tion, alongside the African peoples which have exer- cised their right to freedom and sovereignty over their territories. 36. The question of Cyprus is one that has been before the United Nations for a long time without any comprehensive solution being found. My country supports direct negotiations between the Turkish and Greek communities of Cyprus with a view to finding a just solution to this problem which would guarantee the independence and neutrality of Cyprus. 37. The situation in the Mediterranean has become dangerous as a result of the increasing pressures of foreign war fleets and military bases, especially Ame- rican fleets and bases, which have become a source of concern and a subversive element, threatening the security' of Mediterranean countries. Everybody has heard about the United States Sixth Fleet, which is deployed constantly off the Libyan shore and carries out provocative manreuvres, some of which were in Libyan territorial waters. 38. It is our desire that that sea become a lake of peace, free from foreign fleets and bases and hotbeds of tension. Believing in the necessity of realizing this objective, the Jamahiriya has moved to settle the dispute between itself and its neighbour, the sister State of Tunisia, over the continental shelf. The International Court of Justice delivered its judgment in the case on 24 February 1982.2 The dispute with Malta over the delimitation ofthe continental shelfhas likewise been referred to the International Court of Justice. 39. The effects of the acts of confrontation and war have sometimes extended to societies which have not participated in such acts and are not parties to them. This is evidenced by the tragedies and consequences of the Second Worid War which continue to surface in my country, causing economic, social and environ- mental problems. The minefields planted by the warring forces over vast tracts of territory in my country have delayed the carrying out ofdevelopment projects and raised the cost of such projects, in particular that of p~ospectingfor minerals. 43. We have endured a year of crisis in the world economy. The international monetary system has teetered on the brink of catastrophe. The twin evils of inflation and unemployment have ranged throughout the world; growth has slowed almost to a halt. 44. Nor has the world become a more peaceful and ~ecure place. On the contrary. The Middle East has been a cockpitofwar. We havejust seen a massacre of unarmed civilians in Lebanon on a scale we find hard to believe. Afghanistan is still occupied and tyrannized by the Soviet Union. Vietnamese troops still hold Kampuchea. A totally avoidable war has been fought over some remote islands in the South Atlantic. Great-Power relationships have deteriorated. There has been no progress towards disarmament. 45. I want to say a little more about the world eco- nomic situation. As a small trading nation, New Zealand is acutely sensitive to fluctuations in the health of our major trading partners. New Zealand is classed as a developed country, but we share many of the problems of developing countries. Our prosperity depends on the export of a relatively few primary products. In the current world situation, terms oftrade run against us. When the economic giants snee2e, we do not catch cold; we catch pn~umonia. 46. It is not surprising therefore that my Govern- ment has taken a leading role in recent months in advocating a revitalization of the international eco- nomic and financial institutions. The L,ystem estab- lished at Bretton Woods 38 years ago served reason- ably well during a long period of economic growth in the 1950s and 1960s. There is a widespread agreement that it needs to be improved and strength- ened, not torn down. There is no consensus yet as to how that can be achieved. 52. It is a matter of great concern to us that le_at process has not continued as intended. New Zealand has consistently supported Security Council resolution 242 (1967). We believe that Israel is entitled to exist in peace behind secure bord~rs. Equally, we believe ~bat the Palestinian people are entitled to determine their own fUh~:~ and to establish their own State, if that is what they wish, following the with- drawal of Israeli troops f;rom the occ~~pied territories. We beHeve also that an foreign combat troops should be withdrawn from Lebanon. The innDcent civilian population in that war-torn country has suffered long enough. If Ii~cessary. after the present temporary tJilr~e-nation force is withdrawn from Beirut, the role of the United Nations peace··keeping force should be eJlpa~lded to stabilize the situation in Lebanon for as lo"g as may be necessary. 53. In 'his report on the work of the Or~;anization [A/371I] the Secretary-General has comment~d with admimble frankness on the shortcomings ofthe Uoited Nations in carrying out its primary task of rreserving international ~ace and security. He has suggestgd ways in which the Security COl),ncil might operat,e with more authority. We support those suggestions. We beliey~ that a greater wiilingness on the part of the great Powers to work together ra.ther than against one another is the key to a more effective Security Council. Nevertheless. the non-permanent members also have an important part to play. We tar/{e seriously the obliga- tion conferred by the Charier on the Members of the Ur.lited Nations to make their own contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. It is with that obligation very much in mind that New Zealand has pres,mted its candidature for membership of the Council at the forthcoming elections. 54. The situatkm in Kampuchea also remains of deep concern. I~ undermines the stability of South- East Asia and adversely affects the security of our close friend'ii in the Associat~~",n of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN]. If unresolved, it carries the potential, by reviving great-Power rivalry in the area! to thr'aten the se~urity of the wider Asia-Pacific region. More im~::diateiy, the situation prolongs the human misery and suffering that have been a tragic fact of life ~n Kampuchea for too tong. 55. New Zealand firmly believes that any lasting solution to the situatinn in Kampuchea will have to take into account thf: legitimate interests of all the parties concern~a. V·le hope that the year ahead will s~e some pr!Jgress. The formation of the coal~tion Government in Kampuchea is a step in th~ right direction. We have never condoned the crimes and. atrocities ilf Pol Pot and his associates and we wel- come the broader representation of the Kampuchean people in the Government of Democratic Kampnchea. posith!~~y tu South Korea's various proposals for steps towards national reconciliation. 58. 'Vith regard to Africa, my Government has fol- lowed close!y the efforts of the five-member contact group to u~gotiate the withdrawal of South Africa from Namibia and permit the people of that country freely to exercise their right to self-determination and independence. Following the emergence of a Govern- ment in Zimbabwe reflecting the wishes ofthe majority, we expected to see more rapid progress towards the freeing of Namibia from illegal occupation. We hope that the situation will now be peacefully and speedily remedied and that the people of Namibia wiIJ very soon be able to decide their own future in free and fair elections. It is long since time Namibia took its rightful seat in the Orgar.ization. 59. New Zealand maintains its steadfast opposition to the sy~tem of institutionalized racism imposed by a minority Government in South Africa pn the vast majority of its people. New Zealand has no diplomatic or consular representative in that country. For many years we have embargoed. the export of arms to South Africa. In accordance with its obligations, as a member of the Commonwea!th, under the Gleneagles Agreement) my Government has consistently sought to discourage sporting contacts with South Africa. The great majority of New Zealand sport organizations, including the Olympic and Com- monwealth Games Association, have steadfastly refrained from such contacts. 60. It IS time that the disgrace of apartheid was ended. It is an affront to human dignity. Tragically, the South African Government has ignored the calls of its own people and of the world that it dis- mantle the aparthei,l system and introduce one which upholds racial equality and respect for human rights and basic freedoms. Only then can South Africa resume a normal relationship with the iest of the world and play its proper role in a continent which has desperate need of its technology and resources. 61. I should like to end by saying something about the small island co',ntries of the South Pacific and their problems. Thes~ are, after all, New Zealand's closest neighbours and friends. We have with them strong ties of history and culture. Many of their peo- ple have migrated to New Zealand but retain close links with their island homes. New Zealand's over- seas aid programme is increasingly concentrated in these countries. We welcome the fact that the great majority of the island countries have now achieved independence or an advanced slage of self-govern- 64. One of the few significant r~sources which the South Pacific countries can export is fish. The most important part of this resource consists of the highly migratory species such as tuna. The estab- lishment of the 200-mile economic zone under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea4 offers the island countries the opportunity to exploit this resource for their own benefit. It is for that reason, among others, that New Zealand and other South Pacific countries are strong supporters of that Con- vention and look forward to its early entry into force. My Government will continue to urge the major industrialized countries to accept and become parties to the Convention. All South Pacific countries are natu- rally sensitive to the possibility of pollution of the surrounding ocean, for example by the dumping of nuclear waste. We are also strong advocates of the complete cessation of nuclear-weapons testing, espe- cially in the' Pacific. It is a matter of great regret and concern that the negotiation of a comprehensive test-ban treaty has virtually come to a halt. 65. New Zealand and its South Pacific neighbours will continue to press for the conclusion of a test-ban treaty. Such a treaty not only will remove a possible environmeli::al threat from our own backyard, but will be an important step towards nuclear disarmament, which has seen no progress in the past year but becomes more urgent day by day. 66, Mr. HAMMADI (Iraq) (interpretation from Arabic): It is, Sir, a pleasure to expres~ to you on behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Iraq and on my own behalf warmest congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-seventh session of the GeD(~ral Assembly. I am sure that you will coneiuct the proceedings of this session with all the sess~(ln. We are satisfied that he enjoyed the confidence and appreciation. of this esteemed body, which made it possible for him to perform his functions most efficiently at the last session. I would also take this opportunity to express whole-hearted congratulations and best wishes for success to Mr. Perez de Cuellar on his election as Secretary-General. I am confident that he will be able to fulfil the functions of his distinguished post and to deal with momentous international events requiring him to exercise all the virtues of knowledge, patience and wisdom for which he is known. 67. The world is going through a delicate and fright- ening era unprecedented since the Second World War. Undoubtedly the tense world situation, with all the grave consequences that could flow from such a state of affairs, is being steadily exacerbated because of the intensifying rivalry among the great Powers, which jeopardizes world security and peace and disturbs the confidence of peoples and th~ir aspira- tions to achieve detente and peaceful coexistence. This hazardous phenomenon engulfs the third world coun- tries, particularly the non-aligned ones. It presents them with the dangers of confrontation and the devast!!ting effects of ten~io~s, and it thn:atel1:s.to expand the centres of polarization by lunng tfurd world nations and bringing pressure to bear upon them in a bid to exhaust material and human resources ihat otherwise would be used to achieve security, stability and development for those nations. 68. What the great Powers and colonial States are reluctant to accept is the fact that the non- aligned nations, which forced their way to freedom and sovereignty through decades of struggle and a deter- mination to achieve full independence and to exer- cise their free will, are determined not to form part of military blocs that are engaged in global conflict and to steer clear of (he currents generated by the centres of polarization. No wonder, then, that conflict persists between the non-aligned movement on the one side and colonialism, including zionism, on the other. 69. Iraq, being a non-aligned State, backs the policy of independence which aFy State might pursue. It maintains that an States should manage their affairs on the basis of the fundamental principles of the United Nations and in accordance with their legitimate national interests that are compatible with those principles, regardless of the requirements of bloc policies and cold war. That would serve the cause of maintaining world peace aiid encouraging the trend towards progress and freedom, as well as political and economic independence, and the cause of extending the principles of justice and equality to all nations, regardless of size, affiliation and of any power con- siderations. 70. Iraq abides by the principles ofnon-alignment and wishes to advance the non-aligned movement, to maintain a sound relationship among it~ members and to promote its effective role in international relations. Iraq is also determined to implement those' principles in order to ensure security, justice and economic 71. What should, however, be emphasized in this regard is that Iraq did not, from t:1e outset, present its bid to host that non-aligned conference in order to gain publicity or as a national cbjective. Rather, Iraq's initiative came to underscore its international good name, not to create one by so doing. Iraq viewed the matter with a sense of responsibility and concern for the well-being of the movement, both at present and in the future, for nono'aligned principles constitute a major component of our foreign policy and we believe that the strength and dignity of Iraq are identi- cal to the strength and dignity of the movement. 72. Being proud ofour commitment to the movement and anxious about its future and the development of its capability to face world events and in order to avoid possible division in the ranks of the movement's members, we declared our intention not to insist on holding the Seventh Conference in Iraq, as we recog- nized that some circles within the movement took seriously, either in good faith or otherwise, the black- mail and attempts at obfuscation carried out by Iran. There is no doubt that Iran's behaviour simply demonstrates the short-sightedness of the rulers of Iran and their ignorance concerning the importance of the non-aligned movement and their lack of belief in it. One cannot rule out the possibility that ~ran's objective is to undermine and weaken the movement and to diminish its role as an effective Power in inter- national relations by resorting to blackmail and threats as'well as by encouraging the enemies ofthe movement to belittle it. 73. The non-aligned movement considers the ques- tion of Palestine to be its probiem and is committed to supporting the struggle of the Palestinian people to realize their inalienable national rights. It empha- sizes that that struggle is one of the responsibilities of the non-aligned countries. Obviously, the question of Palestine is at the core of the Middle Easl: problem and represents the \:;ssence of the Arab-Zionist con- flict. Unless a just, comprehensive and lasting solu- tion is found that is acceptabJ~ to the Palestinian Jreople and satisfies their naiional aspirations, peace cannot be established in the area and a state of con- tinuous conflict will persES\l, with all its continuing imp~~cationsfur world peace and seclJrity. Meanwhile, :g: it be known tbat might;> no matter how over- wheiming, will not dampen the zeal of patriotism and will not suppress the revolutionary urge of the people. Therefore, tQ achieve genuine peace in the area, the Zionist entity must withdraw unconditionally from all occupied Arab territorie§~. and the estab- 74. The latest form of brutal aggression by the military forces of the Zionist entity was the wale of mass annihilation against the PLO and the helpless, homeless refugees in camps in various parts of Leba- non. That war was launched in the first week of last June and continued through the last week of August. There then took place a massacre such as has never been witnessed in modem times. Those racist mali- cious forces brought destruction to all the towns and villages of southern Lebanon and slaughtered tens of thousands of innocent Palestinians and Lebanese, who were buried under debris in mass graves. Those forces wrought devastation and havoc in that patt of Lebanon, which is an independent neutral State, a founding member of both the United Nations and of the non-aligned movement. The forces of the .Zionist enemy unleashed the burning fire of its military machine from land, air and sea at Palestinian refugee camps, killing unarmed children, women and the e~derly, destroying plantations and reducing buildings and houses to rubble. Those forces pursued their crimes in west Beirut and its suburbs, exposing their latent hatred to the extent of cutting off water, medi- cine, food and electricity from the residents while bombarding the city with heavy artillery and con- tinuing air and sea attacks for many hours daily for several v/eeks. Many shells and rockets were tired indiscriniinately at residential communities and civilian installations, causing the IQSS of thousands of human lives; it will not be possible to assess the amount of property destroyed for a long time. 75. The barbari~ invading forces did not stop at genocide and brutal acts committed througb':Jut Lebanon. They also organized a m~§sacre;n Beirut en 16 September 1982. Over ),000 urlarmed Palestinians were annihilated for no reason except that they were Palestinians. This racist massaCl'e outraged the entire world, including even the traditional friends of the perpetrators. The carnage at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps is a disgraceful stain on the history of mankind that will never be forgcuen. The inter- national community is called urJOn to take, through the international organs of the United Nations, the appropriate deterrent. measures, to condemn cate- gorically the actions and policies of the Zionist entity, to impose sanctions that are proportionate to its hC'rrifying acts, and to.consider seriously disqualifying it as a Member of the Organization, for its presence 79. The ciearest evidence proving the de:;berate cover-up of the repeated Zionist acts of aggre~sion by some great Power~ and their' failure 'to shoulder theh· res~nsibm~ies was the raid by Zivnist planes of American manufactuf~ on 7 June 1981 on !be Iraqi nuclear installations, despite the fact that tho§~ instal- lations, as certified by IAEA, were meant for st~ictly peaceful purposes and were §ubject to reguiar inter- national inspection. ~rogrammes required for the reslIrgence of the Arab nrJion and its economic and social progress. In fact it goes be~'ond all that to threaten to continue its intensive effort in developing the Zionist nuclear programme for military purposes and using it against t.he Arab countries. It is no longer a secret that the Zionist entity has now acquired a number of nuclear bombs and weapons, with the relevant systems to direct and deliver them against any part of the Arab world. It is indeed regrettable that no great Power has paid seriClusattention to this imminent dan~er 80. Iraq firmly adheres to the principles of the Chart~r which call for the policy of the n~" use of force, settlement of international di§putt~'~ 'Jy peaceful means and non-interfer~nce in the domestic affairs of other countries. Altho~'gh Iraq stro\'~ to establish good relations with Iran &fter the fall of the Shah's regime, all our endeavours were in vain in persuading di~ rulers of Iran to c~ase their acts of provocation, aggression an{il interferenc:e ill our internal affairs, as well as to fulfil their international obligation!i towards Iraq. 81. That remained our approach in dealing with Iran even after it started its armed aggression against Iraq on 4 Septem(~r 1980. Since that day, the Presi- dent of the Re~ublic of iraq. Mr. Saddam Hussein, has stressed the fact that we ICl()k forward to enjoying relat.icns of good-ne~!!hbouriinesswith the countries of the region, iacbiding in particular Iran, and that Iraq has neither any te:rritorial ambitions in Iran nor any intentkm 'if waging war against it, nor does Iraq intend to expand the scope of the conflict with Iran beyond the defence of ~ts rights and sovereignty: But the armed Iranian aggression against us has coniinued at an intense level to this very day, while the Iraniar regime has declined to respond in a spirit ofconstructive co-operation to any ofthe inttmational endeavours to settle the dispute and has turned down all the peaceful initiatives put forward by Iraq ~o reach a just and honourable solution. The rulers of Iran favour the continuance of aggressi(\n, and that can only be interpreted as evidence of their desire for expansion at the expense of our country; as~'(lfSl stage, to be followed by lran's.overrunning the Arati countries of the Gulf region, including Saudi Arabia, for the purpose of colonial expansion' and .the con- solidatkm of a reactionary regime and in order even· tuaHy to force our region back into the Dark Ages, in which nlcism and religious intolerance would reign 83. At a time when efforts to seltle the dispute ami stop the fighting are being made by the United Nations, which is a source of hope i';Of an peace-loving nations, the Iranian regime is carrying out a further act of aggression against the central sector of Iraq. By the morning of 1 October 1982 Iran had made four large- scale attacks. The Security Council discussed this ma:ter on 4 Oc~ober and unanimously adopted resolution 522 (1982), in which the Council recalled its two earlier resolutions and urged Iran once again to act in accordance with the principles of the United Nations by settling the dispute by peaceful means and emulating Iraq's co-operative attitUde to the Council. 84. . My delegation wiH explain to the General Assem- bly in detail lhe peace initiatives Iraq has taken in order to reach a just and honourable settlement of the dispute with Iran when the Assembly debates agenda item 134; entitled "Consequences of the prolongation of the armed conflict between Iran and. Iraq". At this juncture, I should like to say that Iraq has given adequate proof of its good intentions and of its. sincere desire to see peace and security estab- lished'in our region, which is ofsignificantimportance to international peace and security. The rejection by the rulers of Iran of all peace initiative§ indicates that they lack a sense of responsibility for security and stability in the area, and this could exacerbate the disturbances and tension there, lead to an escalation of the conflict and jeopardize international peace and security. I would ah~o like to stress thal should Iran continue its intransigence and its rejection of the call for peace and persist in its aggression, Iraq. would inevitably have to resist that aggression by all the means available to it in the exercise of its legitimate right to self-defence. In tne mean time, we believe that the Iraq-Iran dispute warrants the Gene'l'al Assembly's maximum attention and care, since it represents a test of its will and of the strength of the Charter. By the same token, any succ~ss in ~~6. It is important to recall that the reactionary racist regime in South Africa violates all values, and that it was owing to its antagonistic stand that the most recent meeting, held at Geneva, on the im,Jle- meGtation of the United Nations plan for the inde- pende~ce of Namibia proved abortive. We must also mention the conclusions of the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, which was held in Paris in 1981, and commend the declara- tions it adopted,5 which, in keeping with the Charter, reject racist concepts. 87. Furthermore, we should like to draw attention to the fact that a number of Western countries, and the Zionist e[,tity, boycotted that humanitarian con- ference. While the great majority of the States Mem- bers (.If the United Nations supported General Assem- bly iesolution 36/172, which calls for comprehensive manda!ory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter against the racist regime in Pretoria, the same group of Western countries and the Zionist entity continue to take negative positions. That confirms theircollusion with the racist regime in South Africa and their deal- ings with it in the economic, trade, diplomatic and military areas, as well as the development and co-ordination of joint action with that regime in the nuclear field, including the production of enriched uranium. Obviously, such behaviour on the part of Western countries and the Zionist enti1ty constitutes a flagrant violation of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) and of the relevant General A:isembly resolu- tions, and encourages the racialist regim~ in Pretoria to pursue its policy of aggression against the peoples of Namibia and South Africa, and to disregard any action, even if adopted by the overwhelmin~majority of Members of the United Nations. 88. The practices of the racial minority regime in Pretoria are not limited only to the peoples of Namibia and South Africa, but also include the artificial creation of crises and other conditions, as weH as the recruit- ment of mercenaries to commit .11i1itary aggr-ession against many independent peaceful African States, especially Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland and Seychelles. Apart from violating the security aad sovereignty of the cou1lltries of the region, c~untries; and the recurrent application of irrespon- Co~mlttee de~lded t~ rec0!Dmend the Il}cluslon ?fthe slble concepts, such as gradualism, s~lectivity and Iraqi propos~ll.n the Itst ofItems to be discussed m the discrimination, which are being introduced by the ~lobal nego.tlatl0!1s. W,e now trust that the industrial- industrial nations in their trade t.ransactions with Ized countnes Will senously consider this plan, which the developing world. All those factors impede the we hope will eventually be translated into action. eff<?rts made. by the developir~g co~ntries to secure 95. ECGnomic. co-operation among the developing their e~onom~c growth, to contmue mte~est p~yments countries has undoubtedly become more important in on !helr foreign debts and to meet their baSIC needs recent years. Iraq, as a developing country, views this for Imported goods. matt~r as a. m~,or component of its foreign policy, 91. The developing countries sought seriously and and It contnbutes to many regional and international sincerely to maintain a constructive dialogue with funds. We also.try to help to.enhance and promote the industrialized countries in a bid to restructure such co-operation through bilateral agreements. I the world economy on just and balanced terms. But should like to recall in this .regard that .the High- the industria! nations were not responsive to such Level. G~nference ~n Eco~omlc Co-o.peratlon among endeavours and initiatives. On the contrary, some Developmg Countnes herdIn Caracas ID 1"9~1 approveo of them even opposed any international action to an overall pr~gramme f<?r such c<?-operatlon and that improve the world economic situation. Among the vital !he devel~pI~g countnes are m the process of issues raised by the developing countries was the Implementing It. initiation of glo~al eco~omic talks ~ithin the frame- 96. We call upon all the industrial nations and the wor~ of the .Unlted Nations. Ever smce the eleven~h international institutions to take all possible action to special session of the ~ene~l Assembly,. ~e.Id . m ensure a constant and increasing flow of assistance to 1980, o.bstacles have remame~ In the ,,!a~ of mltlatlOg the developing world to help to maintain that co-oper- those Important and essential.negotlatlo!'s. There- alion. At this point we must emphasize, however, fore, Iraq and al! other developmg countnes support that the expansion ofeconomic co-operationamong the the caU for startmg those talks as early as possI~le, developing countries does not relieve the industrial an~ we u!~e all. State~ that oppose them ·0 reconSider countries of their responsibilities towards the devel- theIr posItions m the Interests of us all. oping nations. 92. The Group of?7 this year submitted constructive 97. Mr. STREET (Australia): On behalf of the Aus- and .moderate propo~als to resolve the questi~n of tralian Government, Sir, I congratulate you on your st~rtmg sU~h neg<?tlatIOl~s, but those proposals did not e!ection to the presidency of the t!tirty".lieventh ses- SUit some mdustrlal nations. slon of the General Assembly. It gives me particular 93. The problems of debts and cash liquidity which pleasure to pay a tri~ute .to ~he Sec~tary:Ge~era.!, face the developing countries have become so dan- who has ~hown great Imagmatlon and mtegnty 10 hiS gerous and pressing as to require an overaH solution. first year 10 office. In our j.u~~e~ent,.the indu~trial coun!ries bear great 98. No one can ignore the sombre. mood of the responslblht}/ m thiS connection. At their recent annual Assembly as it faces the critical issues of the day, ~elcome, a full and independent inquiry into these app~ies to the Securit)'Council applies even more in the appalling events. General Assembly and other organs of the United 99. Beyond Beirut, however, there is a wider tragedy Nations. of 30 years and more of the Middle East connict that 106. All that, as the Secretary-General has aptly inexcusably still defies resolution and clouds the observed, amounts to a crisis in the multilateral future ofthe region. One can only hope that the events approach to resolving world problems, and to a crisis in Beirut will shock more countries into a realization of confidence in the United Nations itself. But we of the need for a comprehensive settlemt:nt. must not be overawed by the problems. Their effects 100. Australia has always been deeply conscious of can be moderated if not overcome. The Secretary- h 1 =:. f h . hid h' General himself has proposed a number of measures t e age- ong sUuenng 0 t e Jewls peop e an t elr which could improve the situation. Some ofhis propo- right to a homeland. We understand Israel's concern that it be able to live in peace, free ofterrorist attacks. sals, moreover, could be realized immediateiy. That is Recognition of Israel's right to exist in peace can, the case, for example, with his concern that there however, settle only one side of the Middle East should be more systematic use ofthe Security Council. problem. Israel must also recognize the legitimate There is clearly a rote for the Secretary-General . h f h Pal .. . h h' h h Id' I d himself, acting within the terms of Article 99 of the fig ts 0 t e estmlans, ng ts w IC S ou mc u e Charter, to bring potentially dangerous situations to the a homeland for the Palestinians alongside Israel. Israel, attention of the Security Council. The Council itself pre-eminently among nataons, should understand the should be able to move more promptly into a dispute significance of a national homeland for a dispersed without, as the Secretary-General says, waiting for people. those directly involved to bring the dispute to its atten- 101. Equally impor.ant is the need for movement tiob. The Council and the Secretary-General acting from the Arab side. We recognize that the proposals togethercould do much to defuse smouldering conflicts from the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez through, for example, the early dispatch offact-finding provided an implicit recognition of Israel by calling and good offices missions. Such measures could con- for the Security Council to guarantee peace among stitute a "diplomatic early warning system" designed all States of the region. WhYt however, cannot the to identify and isolate disputes before they degenerate implicit be made explicit? All Arab nations should into armed conflict. clearly accept what so far Egypt alone has accepted, 107. The SecretarynGeneral has gone further; he has namely, that Israel has a right to exist in peace and urged the need for improving t:te collective security secu~ty behind stable borders. provisions ofthe Charter provided under Chapter VII. 102. So the problem has two aspects. It will need Specifically he has proposed-and Australia supports courage and imagination on both sides to deal with it. him-that Member States should use their collective Otherwise there will be no peace in the Middle East- influence to ensure respect for decisions ofthe Security and the Middle East without peace will remain a Council. In an ideal situation Security Council peace- threat to the peace of the world. keeping orders would be backed up by guarantees of collective action, including guarantees by the per- 103. The Middle East ~s only one area of conflict. manent members, to ensure compliance with all deci- Other crises in other areas seem to arise with fright- sions of the Council. ening frequency. It is only too apparent that the international machinery developed here in New York 108. We recognize that these constructive ideas to;conlain and settle conflicts has not been working ofthe Secretary-General will be the subject ofintensive as it should. The fact is that some Member States, scrutiny. They presuppose, as he saYSt at least a including Australia, have had to go outside the United modicum of co-operation among the permanent Nations framework for alternative peace-keeping members. It is the lack of that co-operation in the arrangemehts. Examples are the Sinai Multinational past wbich· has so often frustrated the work of the Force and Observers, in which Australia is a par- Council. But some such evolution along the lines the ticipant, and the current international force in Secretary-General has ouUined is essential if the Lebanon. present drift is to be arrested. 104. In an unusually candid report on the state of 109. Not that the recent record has been all bad; tQ~ United Nations, the Secretary-General has tliis we should recall and reflect upon some of the sigp'ifi- yc~r set out the concerns so many of us feel about cant achievements of the United Nations. One notable the· present weaknesse,~ in the Organization. Wc example is decolonization. The Organization has made commend ,him for doing so. The recent record is it possible for very many peoples to attain indepen- dismal. As, the Secretary-General has observed, we dence and thereby make their own contribution to are perilously near to a new internationSlI anarchy. the international community. 105. The Security Council, the primary organ for the 110. There are t~ay very few situations where maintenance of international peace and security, non-self-governing peoples have yet to exercise their 111. Decolonization is not the only area of United Nations success. There have been, and continue to be, considerable achievements in the economic, social and technical fields-so much so perhaps that we sometimes take these achievements for granted. As a clearing-house for ideas and as an instrument for technical assistance and co-operation, the United Nations and its agencies have fulfilled a unique and valuable role. 112. In the North-South area, too, there has been progress, although we have not yet achieved our ultimate goals. Australia shares what I take to be the general sense of disappointment at the failure thus far to launch global negotiations. We also share in the concern, so evident at the recent meetings of IMF and \\t'orld Bank in Toronto, about what the future holds. Finding durable solutions to the financial and economic problems besetting the world has never been more urgent. 117. What distinguishes the Australian approach is that we are ready to commit ourselves to action along these lines-provided that other comparable countries do likewise. In other words, the Australian Government, having considered the matter, has already taken the decision that, if the other major trading nations were to apply the approacb we have outlined, or to attempt something like it, we would immediately join it. 118. It follows from what I have said that this is an area which must be addressed multilaterally and in which States will inevitably be looking to progressive, balanced global reductions in trade barriers, export subsidies and other trade-distorting measures as a condition of their own participation. It is a further rationale for getting on with global negotiations. 119. Now is not the time for a detailed analysis of the present difficulties in launching global negotia- tions, but a basis emerged from the Versaiiles Eco- nomic Summit. I interpreted the Versailles language to mean: here is an opportunity to launch global negotiations now. If it is rejected, I bt}lieve it could be some time before we get another chance., Indeed, 'if the debate is allowed to drift again into the details of what groups should be constituted here to handle the ~alks, and thus what the agend~ and ~egree of decentralization should be, this wiU amount to turning the clock back to a much earlier and-·more difficult phase in the discussions. 113. One major issue rightly causing growing con- cern is the extent of the world's indebtedness. A par- ticularly disturbing aspect is the concentration in areas with limited ability to service and repay bor- rowings, the cost of which has in some cases tripled since the time of the original loan. 114, Australia wants a break in the impasse in the North-South dialogue. There is a need to galvanize the kind of political will evident at the Common- wealth Heads of Government Meeting at Melbourne in September/October 1981, anu at the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, at Cancun in October 1981. In both cases it was shown to be possible to break across traditional North- South lines. Australia accepts the North-South frame- work, and the developing country Group of 77 as a valid negotiating ,partner. But we also see merit in more flexible and open contacts across North-South lines as a meaQ.s of bridging differences. 120. As in the North-South so in the humanitarian area the United Nations has an important role to play. Here it can point to a number of significant achievements. In some cases results have beenattained only after arduous and lengthy negotiations. This has often obscured the significance of the ultimate result. 121. The Universal Declaration:'of Human Rights of 1948 and the two International Covenants on Human Rights provide the world community with a set of standards for the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. The adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Elimination of all Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief [resolution 36/55] is a further step along this road. Working through the Commission on Human Rights, ILO and other relevant bodies, the United Nations system has been able siiJnificantly to mitigate some of the worst breaches of human rights. Human rights in South Africa and countries such as Poland, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Guatemala have come under increasing scrutiny. Australia will remain active in these important areas. 115. The benefits of such an approach were demon- strated in the recent law of the sea negotiations. It was a remarkable achievement for a Conference of 150 countries to draft and reach consensus on hun- dreds of articles of new international treaty law. While the Convention on the Law of the Sea perhaps never could have been entirely satisfactory to all parties, it represents a m~or step forward in the codification of maritime law and in co-operation between nations. This experience shows that we must not relax efforts to tackle the seemingly insoluble as well as the apparently soluble. 116. Among present international economic prob- lems none concerns the Australian Government more st~tegic and political concern. 125. I conclude by returning to the earlier theme of the role and promise of the United Nations. State- ments made in this debate already indicate a sense of failure, frustration or disappointment felt by many The meeting rose Clt /2.45 p.m. NOTES I United Nations publicalion, Sales No. E.82.IX.I. l See 1.e.J. R(!port.'. 1982. p. 18. .1 See FilwlCommuniquitiftht! CtJIIlllwnll't!(/lth Ht!lIJs tifGm'ern- ment Mt't'tinR in umJml. 8-/S Jllllt' /977 (London, Commonweallh Secretarial). pp. 21-22. 4 og;dtll Re(""J.f ,ifthe Thi,.,,1 U"itecl Nt,timu C"nft'rt'II('t! "" the' Lt"" tiftht' Secl, vat. XVII. document A/CONF.62{122. ~ See A/CONF.I07/8. chap. X.