A/37/PV.28 General Assembly

First of all, Mr. President,"I wish to convey to you my most sincere congratulations on your assumption of your office at this thirty- seventh session of the General Assembly. I also wish to express my Government's and my own pleasure at the goo.d work done so tirelessly by the Secretary- General SlDce the day he assumed the lofty and im- portant responsibilities of his office. We are certain that his sound knowledge, his broad judgement, his sensitivity and his experience are and will continue to be positive factors that, together with his realistic outlook, will lead to the accomplishment of the mis- sion en~rusted to the Organization by the peoples of the world. 2. I should now like to present the general foreign policy views of the Government of National Unity, which I represent. Beginning in 1979, El Salvador took the first steps towards the establishment of appropriate and effective mechanisms to make the frequently postponed process of social, economic and political change a reality; to enable the great majority of the population to enjoy better living conditions, democracy and social justice; to bring about effec- tive enjoyment of human rights by the exercise of self- determination; in short, to enable Salvadorian society to improve its overall way of life. Now, as then, my G;:wemment is engaged in a hard struggle to reduce the numbers of people living in or on the borderline of poverty, while also attempting to establish new structures with the sole purpose of fostering the de- velopment of the human person. 3. The entire world already Clearly recognizes the scope of the structural reforms my Government has undertaken, particularly agrarian reform, whil;h has been· termed the most thorough ever undertaken in the Americas, and the nationalization of banking and foreign trade. At the same time, we are undergoing a political, democratic, participatory and pluralistic pro- cess the 'legitimacy of which was confirmed when, on 28 March this year, our country entered into history through the o~n door of elections held under the scrutiny of observers from more than 50 countries, recognized international organizations and institu- tions and some 500 foreign journalists. On that day, before the eyes ofa world that was halfindifferent and half amazed, the people of El Salvador rejected vio- lence, totalitarianism and terrorism and opted for the NEW YORK exercise of self-determination.by peaceful and rational means as a solution to our many problems. The coun- try chose the formula of pluralism and a multi-party system. The present Government thus joined the political forces that represent 92 per cent of the elec- torate and, acting in keeping with the aspirations of the people, adopted the basic platform of government known as the Pact of Apaneca, which emerged from the common objectives of the various political parties as expressed in the electoral campaign. Those basic objectives are peace, democratization, human rights the consolidation of social reforms, the establishment of a climate of institutional and juridical confidence, the streng~hening of international relations and eco- nomic recovery. 4: Naturally, since we are aware that good declara- tions are the framework of great actions, and that at t~e. present time pragmatic steps that can achieve VISIble results are called for, my Government has set up thr~e?,mmissions: a political commission t a peace commiSSIon and a hum~m rights commission. The Political Commission, which is made up, int~ralia, of the forc~s th~t wer~ proved ~ost representative by the elections, IS.deslgned to bnng a greater dynamism to the democratic process, to ensure its effective im- plementation and to adopt the necessary'measures for the implementation of the Government's basic plat- form. The Peace Commission seeks the attainment of peace in a social climate that will enable all Salvado- rians to live, work and fulfd themselves as human beings through national reconciliation, the abandon- ment of sectarian attitudes and the channelling of political interests along an institutional path. It also ,roposes the solutions necessary to bring about lasting harmony and social stability. The Human Rights <;ommission .serves as ~ instrument for the protec- tion, promotIon and mamtenance of human rights in the broadest sense and recommends appropriate meas- ures for the effective attainment of human rights. 5. To give an example of 'the way in which these commissfons operate, I am 2.ble to announce that the ~olitical Commission has prepared a timetable which IOcludes deadlines for important political events, amo~g them the holding of presidential and municipal electIons on 28 Marc.h 1984 at the latest. We hOpe that in these elections all political sectors will be' rep~sente~, witho~t distinction as to ideological or polttlcal vIews. It IS clear that we are moVing for- ward along the path leading tQ· peace, harmonyli jus- tice and national unity. 6. We must emphasize that the overall solution to the problem in El Salvador is not to be found in El Salvador alone, since everybody knows that there is a general situation of conflict in Central America which gives rise to fresh tension and .fosters old tension making it difficult for any political project to be viabl~ 8. Thus it is that there will be no peace in Central America if the arms race continues; there will be no peace if the traffic in arms continues; there will be no peace as long as people continue.to support armed groups which seek to overthrow established Govern- ments; there will be no peace if there is no respect for the right of peoples to self-determination; there will be no peace if people do not reject overt or covert foreign intervention; thef~ will be no ~ace if there is no respect for ideological pluralism; there will be no peace if unfair social and economic structures are not eliminated; there will be no peace if demo- cratic institutions are not strengthened and if human rights are not fully exercised. In sum, there will be nopeace ifpeopledo nothavefaith and workfor peace. 9. Through the introduction ofpolitical interests alien to Central America, which derive from confrontations on a larger scale, countries of the region tend to perpetuate our problems and to play the game of the merchants of war. If we do not begin to formulate ideas which lead to harmony based on trust, co- operation, ourcommon origin, ourcommon geography an~ our common destiny, our peoples can begin to write their own obituary-unless men of good will devote themselves with great enthusiasm to the quest for peace. As long as there is no peaceful coexistence, as long as there is no respect for the principles of the self-determination of peoples and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, as long as base foreign interests influence the behaviour of some countries in the region, stability, peace, democracy, development and social justice will be beyond our reach. 10. That is why I pledge the good will of my Govern- ment in the efforts to achieve that peace, which is the first and the essential factor in the attainment of the other conditions in which the well-being ofthe peoples can increase. For the same reason, it is essential that Central American countries adopt consistent policies to limit armament and military equipment; that we end all traffic in arms; that we neither accept provoca- tion nor harass a neighbour; for we are all entitled to organize ourselves atthe social, economic and political levels in the manner determined by the sovereign will of our peoples. My appeal, the appeal of my people and of my Government, is for the establishment of democracy, the full enjoyment of human rights, the rule ofsocial justice and peace, tolerance and brother- hood among the peoples of Central America. 13. Certainly the behaviour of the super-Powers in their mutual relations as well as with regard to coun- tries that are within their respective spheres of in- fluence has left much to be desired when it comes to the quest ror peace. Such situations lead only to greater conflict, increasing suspicion and the stepping up of the arms race. 14. Historical experience of relations between na- tions convinces us that no country remains indif- ferent to a disproportionate increase in a neighoour's arsenal, although the latter may claim threats to its territorial integrity as an excuse. Even an endless arms buildup cannot alter the absurdity of tliat argu- ment. That is why, in principle, the technological and economic gap between the developed and the developing countries must be closed, es~cia1ly when developing countries are poor in financial and invest- ment resources. 15. The question arises as to whether this might be a legitimate need in terms of security, and the answer is obviously that it is not. The pretence of absolute security when dealing with a super-Power is either an absurdity in itself or a pretext for extending hege- monistic designs. The irrational arms buildUp is offen- sive in its internal effects on the poor countries, a source of concern for the wiser and more prudent statesmen of the peoples living in the relevant region and sows the seedofdiscord. National situations which are exacerbated demagogically from outside and inter- national tension provoked by the extremist policies of ideological unilateralism which denies pluralism con- stitute an explosive mixture which, unless action is t9.ken, could set the region ablaze. 16. We recognize that the process ofchange in socie- ties becomes irreversible both nationally and inter- nationally and that the strategy to be followed is not to fight against the march of history but rather to adapt existing institutions to the necessary and inevitable change. But, if we have firm conviction and faith in the destiny of Central America, we can overcome our differences with a view to adopting, by mutual agreement, methods which, without sacrificing our vital interests, would allow harmonious coexistence in the region, bearing in mind that the peoples are those 19. Recent events in Lebanon, including the rep- rehensible massacre in the refugee camps, constitute a clear call to seek, by means of new political for- mulas, a lasting and just agreement in regard to the Palestinian problem, which continues to be at the heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The absence of an overall solution in the Middle East constitutes a per- manent threat to world peace. We believe that Presi- dent Reagan's proposal, which \Vas made known on 1September~ is truly intended to lead to a viable and just formula. There is no doubt that, because of the influence the United States has on events relating to the Arab-Israeli conflict, the initiative of the United States President represents a step towards the solu- tion ofthe problem and therefore towards the achieve- ment of peace in the Middle East. This initiative is also in keeping with the letter and the spirit of Camp David. In the circumstances we cannot but applaud such a praiseworthy proposal, which points in the right direction. 20. I need not repeat that my country condemns the acquisition ofterritories by force-regardless ofthe method used to that end-but we also believe that the formal existence of the State of Israel must be recognized and also its right to live, free from all threats or pressures, within its own boundaries. This is a legitimate aspiration, and equally legitima:e is the aspiration ofthe Palestinian people to establish its own State. 21. We must also refer to the question of Lebanon. After the trials that this nation has experienced, the international community must see to it that Lebanon enjoys full sovereignty, eliminating from its territory all foreign military forces regardless of the pretext that may be used for remaining there, and restoring to it, as an independent country, complete control 'and jurisdiction over its territory. In other words, Lebanon should be allowed to exercise all the attri- butes of a sovereign State, capable of rejecting foreign intervention or occupation. El Salvador, which does not and never will permit interference by foreign troops in its territory, supports ar.y international . . 27. The other question affecting southern Mrica is related to South Africa's behaviour in Nam!bia. Through the United Nations, the internationai com- munity has promoted a framework for a s-Dlution by 29. Nevertheless, the threat to the United Nations as an institution is even greater when it is given com- petence in the domestic affairs of States, simply because these issues are linked with ideological trends. In that case, the possible influence of the Organiza- tion would be an obstacle to overcoming problems whose only solution shou:. ~ lie, because ofits character and nature, in the hand"s of the people of the coun- try, which knows its own situation better than anyone. The artificiality of giving an international character to national situations clashes with the essential prin- ciple ofthe self-determination ofpeoples. I do not need to say that in giving such situations that artificial character the interventionist interests at work violate the principle of non-intervention in the internal or external affairs of other States. 30. I turn to another ma'uer-the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. It has been an exercise in patient negotiation in an attempt to reconcile very varied interests. For that reason alone, it is logical t\} say that no State could be com- pletely satisfied. How far have legitimate expecta- tions been expressed in the final text which has now been adopted? In our view that i~ the question which all States are asking themselves. On their answer will depend the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,l an international instrument gov- erning the norms and laws of the seas, including the sea-bed. The vote on 30 April this year shows that this international instrument commands wide acceptance. 31. Peace and development: these are two key words. Economic conflicts, such as the North-South confrontation affect international relations just as the hotbeds of political tension do. In that context, we all know that the question of global negotiations was re- examined by the General Assembly at its eleventh special session, just as it was at the thirty·fJfth and thirty-sixth sessions, without progress being made. · I do not believe that we should waste time by futilely apportioning blame for the lack of progress. Rather, we must emphasize the need to break out of this im- passe, which has hurt economic relations between developed and developing countries so much. 32. The great family of ~he Americas has so far this year given two exceptional examples of solidarity, to which I wish to refer because of the great significance 33~ The other demonstration of hemispheric solidar- ity was on behalf of the sister Republic of Argentina, arising out of the ~tubborn persistence of an obsolete colonialism. I am referring to the Malvinas Islands. My Government supports Argentina's aspirations to achieve full exercise of its sovereignty over the islands, on the basis not only ofhemispheric solidarity and of law, but also on the basis of the principles contained in Genera! Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). In keeping with these principles, El Salvador has supported, still supports and will continue to support the process of deco!onization everywhere in the world. In rea.tIrrming its commitment to peace, El Salvador urges the parties involved to seek the means availab!e through international law to put an end to the dispute, in particular by recourse to negotiation. 34. Today we celebrate the discovery nf America. Irrespective of polemics, legends or the myths of "popular history" concerning who was the first navigator to sight American coasts and where he came from, what is certain is that Columbus and Spain represent a symbol: the symbol of the faith and the valour of a man, the symbol of the faith and the valour of a kingdom. 35. Like the peoples of bygone days, the peoples of today are witness to incredible feats, which are not unworthy of the great epics recorded and transmitted by history. 36. However, to our shame, the peoples today, just as those of bygone days, continue to witness remnants of colonialism that defy the trend of history, provoca- tions, hegemonism, aggression and exploitation. While it is true that mankind has made prodigious techno- logical advances in its organization, procedures, aspira- tions and psychology, there yet remains something akin to that mankind which once lived in caves. 37. It is imperative for us to bring technological development into line with social development, and vice versa. It is imperative for us to break away from that absurd contradiction of a'human race thafhas not changed much since the Stone Age, with a technology that takes the elements of war into outer space. It is imperative for us, for mankind, to recognize the false steps that are taking us to the edge of the abyss. It is imperative for us all to remember that the victories of peace are nobler and more desirable than the victories of war. 38. Mr. SALIM (United Republic of Tanzania): Sir, I should like to begin my statement by extending to you our sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session. This is a fitting tribute to your country and to you personally. We are gratified to note that, at this crucial time when the United Nations is being put to severe tests by ever-eSCalating fa~t that this concept of linkage is now euphemisti- inalienable right to self-determination, including the cally called parallelism does not in any way change rigbt to establish an independent state of tbeir own. the substance of that policy. We have made it clear Tile a~quisition of ten;tory by force is inadmis- that this i5sue is against the letter and the 3pirit of sible, and henc~ Israel must witbdraw from all the Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and constitutes occupied territories. In consonance with that prin· interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign ciple it must equ&lly be underlined that respect for the State. This position was reiterated by the heads of sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States in tbe State and Govemmt..it of the front-line States and by ...rea is a necessary condition for the attainment of a the President of SWAPO in their communique issued , genuine, viable and lasting solution to the problem. at th~k summit in Lusaka on 4 September this year. Mr. Beye (Ma/i), Vice-President, took the Chair. When -Ne consider the p~nstaking effort~ that have been made by an concerned with a view to achieving 55. The war between Iraq and the Islamic Republic a negotiated solution to this seemingly intractable of Iran continues to be a matter of great concern ·problem. it would be very sad indeed if these efforts to my country. We regret the fact that the two non- were eventually to crumble because of an insistence align~d neighbours are still engulfed in a seemingiy on inject!og into ~~le ~egotiations an .issue w~icb ~s unending war which has already claimed heavy totally alien t(\ resolu~lon 435 (1978). We are, ID ~;as casualties and has led to appalling devastation. of connection, grataied by the clear statement made by property. My country has actively supported, and will the Foreign Minister of France, Mr. Claude Cheys- continue to support, the mediations efforts of tht> Cha~rman of the non-aligned movement. Thus, we onze more renew our appeal to the parties to the con- flict tbrough negotiations to bring about an end to the current comlict. 56. Last year we expressed optimism oyer the situa- tion in Cyprus. The momentum which has been in- jected into the intercommunal talks with the submis- sion of comprehensive proposals encompassing both the territorial and constitutional aspects of the prob- lem seems, unfortunately, to have lapsed.· The per- sistence of this problem continues to plunge that tormented country inte deeper division. My deiegation. will continue to support tbe efforts to promote dia- logue and to search for a }:\olitical framework within which the problem can be settled. We remain hopeful that the parties to the conflict will demonstrate a genuine willingness to co-operate fully with the rep- resentatives of the Secretary-General in evolving a mutually acceptable framework for bring,ng the tragedy to an end through the restoration of that country's unity and territorial integrity, as well as through the preservation of its sovereigiilty, indepen- dence and flon-alignment. 57. Tanzania supports the noble efforts ofthe Korean people towards the peaceful reunification of their country. At the same time we firmly believe that the withdrawal ofall foreign troops from the area would be a significant step towards ushering in a dialogue between the two parts of Korea, aimed at eventuaUy bringing about peaceful reunification. 58. Both in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, there must be concerted efforts on our part to settle the outstanding problems on the basis of respect for the prin~iplesof sovereignty~,territorial integrity and non- intervention in the intern,al affairs of those States. 10 rlo this, however, there must be a willingness on the part of everyone to evolve a political framework within which these problems can he solved. For our part, we shall continue to support initiatives which are aimed at finding a political path to their final set- tlement. 59.. We view with deep disappointment th~ sterility of the many disarm~ment negotiations which have so far taken place. The second special :iession on disar- mament was particularly disappointing. It reflected the trend away from a serious pursuit of disarma· menta The arms race, far from being curbed, has been given a new and powerful impetus. The politics of force are threatening to destroy the fragile fabric of detente as preparations for war continue without let. Weapons are being perfected and new and more sophisticated ones roll from the assembly lines. Mili- tary budgets are at a record high. Notions of limited nuclear war and ofso-called enhanced security through nuclear superiority seem to be working to undermine the basic climate of searching for peace through disar- mament which has all this time been the cornerstone of all the negotiations. In sum, the spectre of a holocaust haunts the world as the international situa- .--~ --- .IPJ; ;II • • ar~ being established and nuclear warships and other weaponry are being introduced into the area. The ever-increasing foreign military presence and the rivalry of the great Powers put the peace of the coun- tries in the Indian Ocean region further in jeop;;lrdy. We have also witnessed the regrettable obstruction by certain Powers of the bolding of the' Conference on the Indian Ocean. That situation calls for acHon. We therefore believe that, now more than ever, the Con- ference on the Indian Ocean is neclessary. 62. To an impoverished people, peace and security means more food, shelterand security from the scourge of economic' underdevelopment. Because the arms race fritters away so much of the scarce resources and manpciwer while the majority of the people ~f the world live in abject poverty and miserY,: lIly dele- gation sees those two elements as inextricably linked: linked, on the one hand, by the coexistenCe between lavish expenditure on armaments and the need for economic development; and, on the other hand, by the·insecurity created by those armaments and that caused by economic hopelessness. 63. In considering this close interrelationship between disarmament and development, theref()re, the need to ensure that disarmament makes viable contributions to the social and economic development of the developing countries, and particularly to the establishmentofthe new international economic order, 'is an ~mperativeone. 64. All States Members of the United .Nations do recognize the gravity of.the4eepening w,orld economic crisis. Short-term measures adopted by certain devel- oped countries in attempJs to stimulate global eco- nomic recovery have failed to bring about the desired results. The crucial need to adopt a more realistic approach in order to eliminate the st~cturul dis- equilibrium which characterizes the existing inequic table int~rnational economic system is becoming self- evident. .; :,;,i 65. Although the i~pact of the deteriorating world economic situation is increasingly beir-a] felt b}~ the developed countries, it is the developing countries which continue to bear the brunt of this crisis be- cause Gf the yulnerability of their poor economies 10 the unfavourable external conditions. These 'con- ditions, which are themselves stf'"dctural in character, mat~ria1s and manufactured goods exported by the developing countries have led to a continued deterio- ration in the terms of trade of the developing coun- tries. Many develoF;ng countries are having severe balance-of-payments problemr • Yet the international monetary and financial institutic'Rs created t!> deal with such problems have proved insensitivf~ to the devel· opment needs of the third world. 66. Interdependence among nations ~an be of mutual benefit to all countries tlmly if we also rel:ognize !h~ imperative need to act cf41er.:tively in our search for appropriate solutions to the ~lobaleconomic problems. But the ir.ternational community is not l~,~king in its recolU\ition of the need for coll~ctive action on those problems. Through numerous resolutions and decla- rations, the Assembly has re,peatcdly appealed to all Members of the Organization to ~!1gage in meaning- ful negotiatious with a. view to implementing the goals and objectives of the new international economic order. General Assembly resolution 3;4/138, on the launching of global negotiations reiating to inter- national economic co-operation for development, still offers the oost framework fur the comprehensive, coherent and integrated treatm:,;", of the interrelat-ad issues in the fieid of raw materials, Energy, trade, development, money and finance. 67. Even at the risk of ap~aringrepetitive, it SllOUld be stressed that what has :'een lacking is the neces- sary political will, particul~rly on the part of certain develop-ed countries, to translate the desires of the international community into cOJlcrete action. And it is disappointing to note that some developed countries still insist on certain conditions which continue to delay the launching of these much·desil'ed global negotiations. We wish, therefore, to express our sin- cere hope that all Member States represented her,e will rededicate their efforts at this current session to facilitating the launching of the global negotiations without further delay. Towards this objective my dele- gation pledges its full co-operation. We firmly believe that it is only through dialogue and negotiation that nations can find commonly acceptable solutions to their common problems, for the benefit of all the peo- ples of the workt. 68. There has been hardly a.'y field in recent history where so many interests have been involved, where such interests have been so much at variance with one another and where reconciliation has been so complex a pua'Suit as the law to govern the oceans and seas of the world. If, therefore, there is one contemporary example of what the world community of nations can ~chieve thr9ugh colle:.ckve e_nde~~ou!_S wben such efforts are coupled wi(h political will and a determination to succeed, it is the just-c~n­ cluded United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.' 69. Nobody has been, or could be, fully satisfied with it. It is, after all, the product of give-and-take. Indeed, many of us believe that more justice cDuld have been done. That notwithstandingf we are con- fident that the Convention constitutes an adequate certainty·tha~r.he work ,)fthis session wii! b:?- c<)odl1lc f ec; with comretenc~ anJ ~ft1de~cy. Th~ deje!~a~ioa of Zaire: aS3ure~ him of its "vhole-heart,~d CO-GIp':rF.,t~c:,n. I also express our appr~ciat~(n to hns ~:m~d~,...;sscr, Mr, KiHani. fOl' the comretence, d~v3Li"n, t~ct aild efficiency with which ille conduca~d tlte procqJeQ!ngs of the th~rtY-:l:xtb session~ J.t & parjj'Cular!y difficult time in iaternational affairs. ! shouli !ike, in addition, to extend onc~ again to f"ir. Perez de Cta':Har the sin- cere congratulations of the President, the Executive Council and the people of ~He ~epublic of Zaire on his election to the post of Secretary-General, to assure him of our whole-h~artedc"'j-opf'r"'tir·- and to express our best wishes fJ"' succe3S in 'e. jischarge of his mandate, in the ultimat2 interests of peace, security and development in the world. 72. The delegation of Zaire wishes to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General for his report on the work of the Organization [A/37/1], in which his lucid and striking analysis confirms the merits, competence and experience of a man eminently aware of our com- mon concern for international peace and security, progress and d,:velopment through the confident co- operation of nations and peoples. This report is an invitation to all of us to renew our commitm...nt to the letter and spirit of the Charter and to reaffirm our commitment to the maintenance of international peace and security, the p.'omotion of co-operation for development, the easing or reducing of tension ,in the world, the adoption of measures to increase .confidence iD international relations, recourse to the collective security machinery provided for in the Charter; in a word, the principles of international law governing friendly relations and co-operation among States. 73. The Republic of Zaire, whose policy has always been guided by the goals and pIinciples of the Charter, attaches the utmost significance to the role of the Organization. Our struggle for the recognition of 71. Mr. YOKA ~AANGONO (Z~U,:<-' (imerpr,ot~ifaon from French): First of ~Hi 1wish to convey my WURl congratulations to Mr. HoUai of Hm~gary l>~~ ~is elec- tion ~o :!UJ presidenc} of the thirty-seventh £'ess~o(~ of th~ GeWlera! }~ssembly. His c01.!n~l;;'s f<,ttadun\;;:it ta, peace, togetiler with his !~f<te~man-like and diplr.j- ma!ic q!lalities, a~ well as bis periect maste!1' of the m~or probiem~of international ('('nc~rn~ r.~v ~!) us Hr~ deprac~aHon of every kind, but also by the incessant struggh~ ~n diff~rent ways for national liberation. It also derives from our history after independence, one of division and secession resulting from two evils -tribalization and servile adoption of imported ideologies-but also one of a courageous struggle waged by the popular movement of the revolution, our party of the rally of the masses, headed by its founder, Mobutu Sese Seko, to regain its cultural identity. 77. We base our struggle for cultural liberation on a policy of a return to our authentic values. It can be defined as a critical and vigilant appmach in which, without disregard for the contributions of other cul- tures, we draw, above all, from our own rich cultural heritage whatever is likely to permit us to affirm our own identity and personality and to achieve our overall objectives in the building of our country, and thus ~ontributing to world civilization. We want to live in peace and friendship with other States. Vt'e do so as a country situated in the heart of the African continent, whi~h shares more than 10,000 kilor.letres of borders with nine other countries, each with its own history, and using as a means of expression the French, English, Portuguese and Arabic languages. 78. This policy of peace, friendship and co-oper- ation followed by Zaire has been demonstrated in each particular case by policies of good-neighbour- liness, attachment to Africa, and respect for the policy of non-alignment and the principles of the Charter governing relations among various countries. 79. Speaking of peace, what can we see about us today? At the present time, failure to respect commit- ments, in terms ef peace, decolor.ization, interna- tional co-operation, the interdepenrtence of States, human solidarity, the rights of peoples and individ- relatio~s between States, an escalation of the arms race, interference in the internal alTairs of other f,tates, recourse to violence, and difficulties in inter- national co-operation for de-.relopment, thus jeop- ardZzing peace and, hence, the very s:Jrvival of man- kind. 82. lbe crisis~ at ow:e political, econom~c and social, wb~cb is at present unsettling the world, has severely handicapped the United Nations in a!.....~ning its objec- tives. This inability of the United Nat~cns, resulting from the failure of States to respect commitments freely entered into, has had the effect of adding to the complexity of the problems of the world today, and has aroused a general feeling of insecurity. 83. Article 2 of the Charter lays down the principles ofjus cogens, which has binding force and binds all States in the international community. Unfortunately, however, a number of States, in abusing their pmNer, quite often shirk their obligation 110t to have recourse to force, not to interfere in the internal affairs of other States, and peacefully to settle their disputes, thus undermining the authority of the Organization of which they are Members. Some go so far ~ to institutionalize methods of violence, the sole goal of which is to ensure that they continue to benefit from unjust and arbitrary situations. 84. Since the creation ofthe United Nations 37 years ago, the question of disarmament has been the sub- ject of numerous rounds of negotiations. Resohaions piie up, treaties are concluded and negotiating bodies, both within and outside the framework of the United l";ations, proliferate. Unfortunately, and this must be said, none of this has served to halt or turn back the arms race. Quite the contrary, the ~lT'S race proceeds apace. 85. In spite of the international instruments prohib- iting nuclear-weapon testing, we are daily shocked to learn of new developments·and improvements in weapons whose destructive capacity boggles the imagination. Under the Treaty on the N~n-Prolifer­ ation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], many States have undertaken not to produce or to possess such weapons. Nevertheless, the major Powers continue the nuclear arms race in the name of a so-called balance of power and th~ dangerous theory of deterrer..ce, each day' accumul~ting ever- greater quantities of nuclear weapons cmd refusing 88. However, to be morefruitfu:, subsequent negotia- tions should examine the most crucial aspects of the problem posed by conventional weapons, namely, their overproduction, their sophistication and their transport towards areas of tensiori. Responsibility for this state of affairs lies solely with the manu- facturers, who are more concerned about the profits they earn from the arms industry than about the danger the dissemination of weapons ~ses to inter- national peace and security. 89. The Final Document of the Tenth Special Ses- sion of the General Assembly [resolution 5-10/2], devoted to disarn.ament, aptly laid stress on the need to approach the gamut .;fdisarmament problems from the standpoint ofdevelopment, because the arms race swallows up considerable resources that could be used to solve urgent economic and social problems. Indeed, in 1981 alone, arms expenditures amounted to $600 bil- lion at a time when UNICEF, to mention only that organization, was drawing attention to the tragic plight of children throughout the world. Only 1 per cent of that figure would have been enough to alleviate their suffering. 90. The reduction of military budgets is something that falls within the context of the goal of halting and reversing the arms race in order to free the re- sources necessary for economic development, in par- ticular tbat of the developing countries. Resolutions adopted by the United Nations to that effect have not been implemented because the international com- munity's, interest has not been sufficiently aroused. This impotence of the international community has once again been illustrated by the failure of the sec- ond special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, which was able only to produce a programme for the World Disarmament Campaign. 91. As the President of Zaire recalled at the recent conference of heads of State of France and Mrica held in Kinshasa, the tragic events in Lebanon have highlighted the complexity of the crisis in the Middle East, where the situation remains extremelydisturbing. 97. With regard to the problem of Namibia, the posi- tion of Zaire has recently been recalled most clearly by the President of the Republic in the aforemen- tioned statement, and we venture 'to repeat its main points in the Assembly. 98. In terms of the proposed settlement of the Nami- bian question approved by Security Council resolu- tion 435 (1978), Namibia was to become independent in 1978. But, five years after the approval of that proposal, the transfer of power to the people of Na- mibia with the assistance of the United Nations has still not been carried out and South Africa is main- taining its illegal occupation and administration of this Territory, in defiance of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and international public opinion. 99. While SWAPO has repeatedly given proof of its constant readiness to co-operate in the implementation of the United Nations settlement plan, South Africa's attitude has been characterized by fre'iuent recourse to delaying tactics and other manreuvres designed to impede the implementation of Security Council resolu- tions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) and to postpone for as long as possible the inevitable independence of Na- mibia. 100. We must all realize that the continuance of the illegal occupation of Namibia 'by South Africa, to- gether with the denial ofthe inalienable rights and fun- damental freedoms of the Namibian people, the exten- sion of the policy of apartheid to this Territory and the transformation of Namibian territory into a spring- board for attacks and aggression against neighbouring independ~nt African States, in particular Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Botswana, constitute a grave threat to peace and security in this region. 101. Furthermore, the irJection into the Namibian matter of extraneous factors which can serve only to distort this problem, which is in essence colonial, contains within itself the germs of a grave threat to international peace and security, while at the same time removing the protagonists even further from the climate of tranquillity and confidence so necessary for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian question. 102. Africa as a whole desires authentic and rapid independence for Namibia. Although we are con- vinced of the need to take into account certain prac- tical considerations, we believe that resolution 435 (1978) remains the only basis for a negotiated settle- ment of the Namibian question that wiJ) bring about authentic independence, on conditions acceptabl~ to the Namibian people and hence to the international community. 105. To talk of Namibia is in a sense also to refer to the distressing situation in which th~ black peoples of South Africa have been kept for decades. To these victims of atrodous humiliation, who are sutjering, in the middle of the twentieth century, under the shame- ful yoke of the criminal policy of apartheid, we say that Zaire, in unison with all the States of the world that cherish peace,justice, freedom and equality, reaf- firms its solidarity in their just struggle for national liberation and the recovery of their rights. 106. The situation prevailing in South Africa has all the characteristics of a typical colonial situation, aggravated -by the elevation of racism and racial discrimination to the government poHcy known as apartheid, an outrageous policy which the United Nations and the whole civilized world have con- demned as a crime against humamty. It follows from this condemnation that every State, every member of the international community, is duty-bound to help to ensure the abolition and eradication of apartheid and to refrain from a.ay action that might directly or indirectly give comfort to South Africa in its pur- suit of this policy and its denial of the inalienable rights and fundamental freedoms of the black popu- lation of South Africa. 107. It is our dearest hope to see emerge in South Afric~ a genui~ely democratic soc~ety governed by the majority and guaranteeing the rights of all the minor- ities without distinction as to race, colour, sex or religion. lOS. The situation which has arisen in the extreme2Y sensitive area of the Gulf with the persistence of the conflict between the Islamic Republic ofIran and Iraq, two brother countries members of the non-aligned movement\, is particularly disturbing. We can only deplore the fact that the efforts which have been made so far within the United Nations and the non-aligned movement, as well as the Organization of the Islamic Confer~nce, to bring about the peaceful settlemept of this conflict have not proved successful. . 109. We should like to ap~al once again most urgently to the parties to overcome their differences and co-operate in good faith in a search for a negotiated solution in. accordance with the 'purposes and prin- ciples of the Charter of the United Nations. 116. With regard to the question of Cyprus, the re- sumption of intercommunal talks appears to us to be the best method of bringing about a just and lasting settlement of the crisis aftlil-;ting that country. We believe that the United Nations, through the Secretary- General, should continue its efforts to help the two communities to find a negotiated solution to their dif- ferences and create the necessary conditions for the restoration of peace. 123. The Vienna l"'rogramme of A.;tion on Science and Technology for Development, adopted in August . 1979,5 has so far not even begun to be implemented . and no agreement has been reached on its financing. The same applies to an international code of conduct for the transfer of technology negotiated within the framework of UNCTAD. I should like to stress the role and the importance which the third world coun- tries attribute to this question of the transfer of tech- nology as a catalyst for development, whether it be within the framework of the International Develop- ment Strategy for the Third United Nations Deve(op- ment Decade [resolution 35/56, annex] or in the more 117. In the economic field, the international com- munity is facing a serious crisis, a symptom of a profound breakdown in the structures of the present international economic and monetary order. Indeed the present international economic order is widening 118. The various economic summit meetings of the countries of the North in which the countries of the South had placed so much hope have not lived up to their expectations; the multilateral trade negotiations continue to mark time, while the global negotiations remain deadlocked. 119. In the realm of trade, the developed countries continue to be both judges and parties by unilaterally setting prices for primary commodities, to the detri- ment of the third world countries, for which the in- creasingly serious decline in the terms of trade, the high rate of inflation, unemployment and the increase in the burden of f~reign debt lend dramatic dimen- sions to the crisis. 120. The negotiations under way in UNCTAD, in the framework of the Integrated Programme for commod- ities, have made no progress. Of the 18 products on the Nairobi indicative list only coffee, cocoa, tin, natural rubber and sugar have been the subject of agreement. The Common Fund for Commodities which shouid in particular contribute to the financing of measures for commodi~y development so as to im- prove market ~tructures and strengthen competitive- ness and the long-term prospects for these products, has not yet been put into effect. 121. We hope that the w~althy countries will dem- onstrate a greater measure of political will so that the sixth session of UNCTAD, which will be held in June 1983 in Belgrade, can produce better results than the fifth session. 122. In the intiustrial field, the objectives pursued since the Second General Conference of UNIDO in Lima in 197j are far from having been attained. We hope that everything possible will be done to ensure the success of the Fourth General Conference of UNIDO, which will be held in Kenya, and we appeal once again for a. spirit of sincere co-oper- ation on the part of the industrialized countries. 125. If there is one thing on the credit side 'of the balance sheet for this year, it is undoubtedly the adoption on 30 April of the United Nations Conven- tion on the Law of the Sea. We must, however, deplore the fact that it was adopted by a vote and not by consensus and that some States have not felt that they could undertake to· sign it. This Convention rep- resents a victory for reason and it is an important step towards bringi{lg about the new international economic order. 126. The results achieved after such difficult negotia- tions have c(~rtainly not satisfied all delegations-my own included-but nevertheless they constitute a basis which will allow for some improvement in the course of tht~ work of the Preparatory C;>mmission for lthe Intenlational Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. 127. There remain a certain number of problems, particularly for the developing countries that are land producers ofthe same mineral resources as those found in the sea-bed and ocean floor, and the Republic of Zaire has already, from this very rostrum, drawn the attention ofthe United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea to the harm that may be done to land producers, including ourselves, as a result of uncon- trolled exploitation of the resources of the sea- bed and the ocean floor and any disruption of the structure of international markets which may follow. 128. That is the international environment in which economic relations between States areevolvingat pres- ent. All projection studies indicate that this interna- tional environment will continue to be marked by an increase in protectionism on the part of the industrial- ized countries, their adherence to an outmoded and anachronistic international economic order and the erosion of multilateral co-operation, leaving the way clear for politically and ideologically inspired bilat- eralism. 129. In the view of my delegation, the time has come for the international community to take specific measures to ensure the launching of global negotia- tions under the auspices of the United Nations, which is theonly appropriate framework for a global, coheren~ and integrated approach, in conformity with General Assembly resolution 34/138 and the Charter of Eco- nomic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. adopt~d its resolution 1981/68 in July 1981. The Repub- lic of Zaire hopes that at the current session the As- sembly will consider concrete measures to accelerate the implementation of those resoiutions, on the basis of the Secretary-Genercl's.report. 136. That is the substance of what Zaire wishes to say at this session, which, as I have already -said, is being held at a particularly difficult time in the evolu- tion ofinternational relations. At the political level, th~ arms race and the many areas of tension in the world threaten international peac;~ and security. In the field of economics, the developed countries, thE: bene- 1~7. In spite of these negative findings and the gloomy prospects, the Republic of Zaire reaffirms its unshakable faith in the ideals ofthe United Nations and proclaims its devotion to the principles and purposes of the Charter, for, as President Mobutu Sese Seko said from this very rostrum at the twenty-eighth session of the Assembly, on 4 October 1973: U ••• thanks to [the United Nations] and through it, we shall be able to do more to promote co-oper- ation among the inhabitants of our planet in the economic, cultural, scientific and technical fields, for the building of a better, fairer and· more just world, in absolute respect for the authenticity of everyone." [2/40th meeting, para. 206]. 138. The PRESIDENT (interpretationfram French): I call on the representative of Iraq, who has asked to be allowed to speak in exercise ofthe right ofreply. I remind him that in accordance with decision 34/401, such statements are limited tQ 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their places. 139. Mr. ZAHAWIE (Iraq): This morning the As- sembly heard the representative ofIran state that Iran rejects all forms of domination, that it respects other countries' sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, and that it believes in non-interference in the internal affairs of others, on the basis of reci- procity. The fact is, however, that the present Iranian regime's foreign policy is based on the concept of the export of the so-called Islamic Revolution, which is a blatant violation of all those principles, of the Charter and of iflternationallaw and practice. 140. Over a decade ago, as a first step towards fulfilling Iran's imperialist dreams, the Shah occupied by force of arms three strategically situated Arab islands in the Arabian Gulf, islands which rightfully belonged to the United Arob Emirates. Today Iranian forces continue to occupy those islands. Iran's with- drawal from the islands would have provided an indi- cation that the new regime in Iran did indeed want to coexist amicably and peacefully with its Arab neigh- bours. 141. Iraq had sincerely hoped that the change of regime in Iran would usher in a new era of good- neighbourly relations in the region. Iraq extended its hand to Iran and invited the new leaders in Tehran to make such a gesture. The a.n~wer was a cate- gorical refusal to withdraw from the occupied Arab islands and a continued refusal to implement the provisions of the treaties concerning the international boundaries between our two countries. Iran not only refused to withdraw from territories which legally and historically belonged to Iraq, but also proceeded to shell Iraqi towns and villages from those occupied Iraqi territories. That sheUing started on 4 September 1980. 142. In spite of numerous notes and protests, Iran continued its aggression against Iraq. Finally, in seRf- 148. Furthermore, the Iranian representative stated this morning that the Islamic Republic of Iran itself was responsible for the security of the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz. Thi3 is very reminiscent of the allegations and claims made by the Shah's regimein Iran. Obviously, the pfiesentregime continues NOTES I Official RecQrds ofthe Third United NatIons Conference on the Law ofthe Sea, vol. XVII, document A/CONF..62/122. 6 Adopted by the High-Level Conference on F.conomic Co-oper- ation among Developing Countries. See A/36/333 and Corr.l. 7 Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Mrica. See A/S-U/14, anner ~. a A/36/S39, annex I. 9 See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fifth Session, vot. I, Report andAnnexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.II.D.14), part one, sect. A.