A/37/PV.33 General Assembly

Allow me first ot all to add the congratula- tions of the delegation of Burundi to those already addressed to Mr. Hollai on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. The Assembly's decision to make him its President is a reflection of the respect and esteem which his country, Hungary, and he himself enjoy within the international community. His experi- ence, competence and efficiency, as evidenced by his diplomatic career, have enabled him from the outset to give the work of this session a momentum that promises results in line with the hopes of the nations repiesented here. It is our firm conviction that he will manage to give our work the energy demanded by the seriousness and complexity of the questions being studied. We are all the more convinced of this as he .will be assisted by a General Committee whose com- 'petence and devotion we fully appreciate. I must also congratulate Mr. Hollai's predecessor, Mr. Kittani, for the outstanding work he did during the last session of the General Assembly. May I also pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for the effective manner in which he has carried out his lofty duties since his election. He has spared no effort to restore interna- tional peace and security wherever they have been threatened in the world. 2. The international community is going through a period of crisis ofdisturbing proportions. The peoples of the world, particularly those who are economically the weakest, are rightly turning once more their anguished gaze towards the Organization, which is the special preferred and most appropriate forum for a promising dialogue among Member States. It is here . that a new order--more just, more equitable and more human-is taking shape. 3. Our present discussions will once again make it possible to study the international political and eco- nomic situation, and to evaluate the depth of the current crisis in international relations. But these .debates will not yield fruit as long as the decisions taken bf the General Assembly are ignored and trampled on by some States Members of the United Nations, and as long as others want to paralyse the NEW YORK action ofthe Organization by subordinating that action to their own selfish interests. 4. The political problems affecting South Africa, the Middle East and other regions of the world cannot be solved if there is lack of respect for the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council and deliberate contempt for the obligations incumbent upon Member States under the Charter of the United Nations. s. Indeed, in South Africa the vile Pretoria regime has established apartheid as an institution, a system of colonial and racist oppression and exploitation that the Assembly has justly described as a crime against humanity. Pretoria's power and prosperity is being built on the denial of the most elementary rights of the black population, on contempt for them, and on their relegation to a social limbo. 6. Formany years the United Nations has continually demanded respect for the right of the black people of South Africa to freedom and dignity. Today, it is less a question of exrosing the ignomiriious crime of apartheid than of stressing the urgency of finding a just and definitive solution to that problem. 7. The international community must hope that, in order to react against the policy ofapartheid practised by the Pretoria regime in South Africa, the Security Council will use the powers given to it by the Cherter to put an end to that odious crime. With the exception of an arms embargo decided upon in Security Council resolution 421 (l977), which continues to be violated in a ooncealed fashion, the Security Council has remained" paralysed by the use of the right of veto by some of its permanent members ~ch time the situation in South Africa demands recourse to Chap- ter VII of the Charter. 8. The Security Council's inaction in the matter strengthens Pretoria in its policy ofoppression against the black population and in its aggressiveness against neighbouring countries. It is clear that the apartheid regime could notdaily defy the injunctions ofthe inter- national community calling for an end to its policy ofapartheid without the political, military, economic and financial support of its allies. 9. Faced with the gravity of the situation in South Africa, the struggle of the national liberation move- ments finds itself doubly legi!imized by the nobility of their cause and the extent of their sacrifices. We today reaffirm our Government's constant support for them. 10. A situation which isjustas anachronistic prevails in Namibia: the racistand colonialist regime inPretoria has become enmired in an illegal occupation by de- priving the Namibian people oftheir right to determine their own destiny. Each passing year unfortunately 12. Allow me, therefore, to repeat my Government's consistent position on the Namibian question. We continue to believe that it is indeed a question of decolonization, falling completely and solely under the responsibility of the United Nations. The de- colonization planned for Namibia, as endorsed in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), must be carried out fully. To that end, we urgently appeal to the five Western States, members of the contact group, to do everything in their power to persuade Pretoria to stop its speciou~ dilatory ta~tics aimed at delaying imple- mentation of the United Nations plan for the de- colonization of Namibia. 13. We also reject all parallelism intended to link South Africa's withdrawal from Namibia to that of the Cuban forces from Angola. Our view on this is based on our conviction that such linkage not only confuses two fundamentally different questions but also entails involvement in Angola's internal affairs. Indeed, we think it is for Angola alone to adopt, in complete sovereignty, the measures it deems most appropriate to ensure its own security as long as it considers that security to be threatened. 14. We further believe that Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia,· enacted by the United Nations Council for Namibia, must be strictly observed. We therefore ask those who are either directly or covertly involved in the exploita- tion of Namibian resources, regardless of their nature ororigin, to cease theirscandalous pillaging. Werepeat our firm and constant support for the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. 15. Moreover, we hereby reiterate Burundi's soli- darity and support for the front-line States, in particu- lar our brothers, the peoples of Angola and Mozam- bique~ who are the targets and the victims of acts of aggression and sabotage by the apartheid regime., 16. The question of the Western Sahara remains a burning issue, to the extent that no step seems to have been taken since the adoption by the Assembly of its resolution 36/46. None the less we keep our faith in the capacity of the Organization of African Unity [OA UJ to resolve, in collaboration with the United Nations, the problem of Western Sahara, while respecting the right of the Sahraoui people to self-determination and independence. ~ndeed, the survival of the planet. We also think it would be sterile for the super-Powers to limit them- selves to a debate in which each one would absolve itself from guilt in the eyes of the world public by attributing all the blame to the other. 26. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea finished its work on 30 AprH of this year by adoptingthe United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.2 The participants in that Conference succeeded after nine years of hard work and sustained efforts in reconciling positions and interests which at the outset were claimed to be irreconcilable. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will go down in the annals of history not only because of the complexity of the matters which it had to codify, the divergence of the interests involved or the time it lasted, but also and above all because it will prove to future generations that with a minimum of political will and good faith nations can, while respecting the essential interests of all concerned, solve the problems they iace ~~ the benefit of the international community as a whole, regardless of the scope and acuteness of those problems. 27. The results ofthat Conference will prove, further- more, that the United Nations remains the best frame- work for the North-South dialogue. Similarly, we believe in the viability and possible outcome of the global negotiations. It is our hope that those that for one reason or another were unable last April to agree to the adoption of the Convention on the Law of the Sea will realize the advantages offered to them by that Convention and rejoin the rest of the interna- tional community so that together we can make the 31. Recent events have shown that the bankruptcy ofthe developing COb.ftries, whatever the level oftheir . development, could, if we do not act in time, lead to the bankruptcy of the international economic and financial system. The time is past when some thought they could build their wealth on the growing impov- erishment of others. The economic inteniependence of nations is now a reality. 28. In parallel with the international political situa- tion which I have just described, a world economy is developing in a way that is of no less concern, in particular with regard to the developing countries. Unemployment, recession, inflation, the colossal debt of the developing countries, the disruption of the economies of the least developed countries, the reduction of official development assistance, the r~tum to protectionism, the problems with United Nations funds which channelled the fruits of inter- national solidarity to the least developed countries, the precipitous fall in raw material prices, which constitute the esse,tial source of revenue for the developing countries-this is the not very comforting picture of the world economy. That picture is espe- cially painful because it se~ms to combine with the present economic malaise actions which are even more disruptive and ineffective and which, if con- tinued, would merely strengthen the status quo. 29. Whereas the present economic disorder affects international relations and requires a global approach, some persons seem to be proposing as remedies for the situation the return to selfish national interests and the strengthening of international financial and monetary mechanisms, the inability of which to meet the global needs of the international community has become clear. The role of the United Nations in the formulation of this global approach to the solution of the economic problems of our time is a primary one, although some seem to wish, for various reasons, to block its efforts in this matter. None the less, the Member States, by unanimously adopting General Assembly resolution 34/138, committed them:;elves to global negotiations in order to establish a new inter- national economic order. 30. The global negotiations have not been begun precisely because there is a suspicion that they would in the long run challenge the lack of equality in inter- national economic relations. But the opposition to those negotiations cannotcontinue indefinitely because the present state of the world economy makes the launching and conclusion of the global negotiations an overriding necessity. It is equally clear that the settle- ment of the present economic crisis demands more determined solidarity on the part of the international community. 32. The economic crisis affects the whole world. Nevertheless, there is a category ofcountries for which the present crisis is most bitter. I refer to the least developed countries. Whereas in the developed coun- tries the crisis affects the customary well-being of the population, in the least dev~loped countries it involves the loss of the essential minimum. In the toda~( we launch an appeal to the entire international community to ensure that the spirit of solidarity and gen\;fosity that inspire,d the Substantial New Pro- gramme of Action fer the 1980s for the Least De- veloped Countries3 adopted at the end of the Paris ConferenzF. is finally given practical effect. 35. The economic difficulties faced today by (he de- veloping countries have prompted them to explore new methods of co-operation which eau best take account of their own limitations and also enable them to' speed up their own economic growth and improvet"..;ir posi- tion in the system of international economic rela- tions. It is to this concern that the Programmes of Action of Ardsha, M:exico, BL~nos Aires and Caracas respond with a view to establishing a system of collective autonomy. The Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Econom~c Development ofAfrica,4 which was adopted at the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and GOvernment of the OAU also liesponded to that necessity. 316. It is through strengthening the regional and sub- regional economic groupings that we will achieve the collective autonomy envisaged in the different pro- grammes ofaction mentio:1ed. It is to this end that. in collaboration with our partners, we intend to strength- en the various types of cQ-operation within th(~ sub- regional and regional groupi~gs, of which Burundi is a part. 37. The analysis of the international ~iiticai and eco~mic situation which I have just present~d to tile Assembly is based on the principles w~ich gu:;!de our foreign policy, v.am~ly, international co-operation with reciprocal ref.pe,-:t among partners, non-inter- ference in the int(~rnal affairs of other Statesr good neighbourliness, positive non-alignment and support for national Iibemti"" movements. 38. Sometimes justified criticisms of the United Nations have been made. But these present short- 42. My de~egation also wishes to express its gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Coellar, whose experience and hard work in the service of the United Nations have already been clearly demon- strated, and representfor the countries ofthe American continent a source of legitimate pride and satisfaction. The report which he has submitted to the General Assembly is brilliant, and is proofof this; of the many documents that the Organization produces, only a very few are as important as this call to reflection. His words not only enumerate the great problems that oppress the world, but also propose solutions to these grave and multiple problems. With the sincerity and emotion essential to the task of considering the fate of peoples, the Secretary-General has made recom- mendations that do not shrink from criticism of and alternatives for the action of bodies within the United Nations itself, such as the Security Council. His con- sidered and valuable presentation has won the support and general approval of world opinion, and my dele- gation supports it fully. 43. The Dominican Republic is conscious of the complex and seri\Jus problems affecting the inter- national community that are being debated at this session, and of the fact that tho£e problems require measures commensurate with their seriousness and urgency. We are confident that within the frame- work of the law and the principles of the Charter It wit~ international treaties. . 55. The declaration emphasizes: SO. In his inaugural speech as constitutional Presi- dent of the Dominican Republic, Mr. Salvador lorge Blanco outlined the attitude of his Government in international affairs in the following words: "We declare ourselves men of America, an essential part of an international community full of heroic deeds, an integral part of the new world searching daily for a collective existence, of the union of wills and efforts dedicated to the defence 54. This position on the part of my Government had already been expressed in the joint declaration issued in Santo Domingo on 16 August last by the heads of State of Venezuela, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Belize and the Dominican Republic, on the express initiative of my Government, in which those distinguished statesmen ratified their support for the fundamental principles of international law, which include the sovereign equality of all countries, respect for their independence and the territorial integrity, respect for the principle of non-intervention, non-recourse to threats or use of force to resolve international conflicts, ideological pluralism, the self-determination of nations and respect for and faithful compliance "within the framework of the different proposals for peace in the Central American region and the mechanisms to implement them, rejection ofviolent solutions, negotiations and dialogue are necessary for the solution of this crisis, a solution which must be the exclusive product ofa common will and effort, with a view to promoting democracy, eco- nomic development and social justice.n Moreover, we also made a cordial appeal to tho&e democratic countries interested in the establishment of peace to apply their best efforts to achieve that end. 6<.\. An invariable aspect of the foreign policy of the Dominican Republic is our opposition to all forms and vestiges of colonialism in any part of the world. This has been a firm and consistent position expres- sed on innumerable occasions and in different inter- national forums. Within the Organization, from the very outset, the Dominican delegation has constantly supported all anti-colonial recommendations and measures and has with clear determination contributed to the worthy prccess of decolonization that has been realized by the United Nations. 61. Throughout its history the Dominican Republic has been a peace-loving country. This position is un- changeable and is universally recognized. We believe that peace is the common goal of all mankind, the highest of social values, the indispensable norm for a harmonious and civilized life within each country and internationally. 62. We therefore address a cordial appeal to the Re- public ofArgentina and the United Kingdom to resume within the framework of the United Nations the necessary negotiations that will through dialogue and understanding permit a dignified, honourable and permanent solution to the conflict through the peace- ful mechanism available to sovereign States under tbe Charter of the United Nations and international law. 63. We consider it appropriate to point out that this deplorable experience has deeply affected public faith in the effectiveness of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, signed at Rio de Janeiro in 1947, as a proper instrument for the preservation of peace in our hemisphere and has once again demon- strated the urgent need to enrich and strengthen the 70. Let us pledge th",t during the current decade, through global negotiations within the framework of the Organization, those indispensable measures reouired for the achievement of the much awaited new international economic order will be taken and make it possible for us to live in a more secure and just world. 71. As we examine the problems that affect the international commllnity, we cannot forget the danger posed by the policies ofincreasing armaments pursued by the super-Powers. Our concern increases when we observe with anxiety and frustration the paralysis of negotiations on disarmament and the fact that we cannot foresee the establishm~nt of a new order that will give peace to the world. It is a paradox that while the great nations argue over formulas to reduce the tremendous power of their forces of mutual destruc- tion new installations with nuclear missiles of incal- culable efficiency are being set up on their territories. If this latent menace became reality, it would imply the total destruction of the world that we live in~ The danger becomes greater with the outbreak of limited conflicts in sensitive areas of the world, conflicts that could easily become uncontrollable and result in a nuclear holocaust. 72. In this situation of extreme danger to all man- kind, there is an urgent fieed for all Member States to act together to create the proper climate for con- structi~!e dialogue between the big world Powers. 73. One of the dangers is the explosive situation of increasing violence in the Middle East which during recent decades has been a negative factor for the prospects for balance and peace in the world. The seriousness of the situation has been made tra- gically evident by the recent horrible massacre of Palestinian refugees in the camps of Lebanon, a dread- ful act of genocide that has shaken the conscience of the entire international community. Our Govern- ment has publicly emphatically condemned that horrible massacre, and has demanded that international bodies prevent its repetition and determine respon- sibiJity for it. 74. Our voice has joined those of other nations clamouring for an effective guarantee of the integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon, an unfortunate country with which we have very cordial relations. We are aware that the problems in that area of conflict have demonstrated that the Palestinian question is one ofthe decisive factors in the crisis. We believe that no permanent, serious solution can be reached if we do not provide a mechanism that assures the Palestinian people the exercise of its inalienable right to self- determination, which has been recognized by the united Nations. 75. Similarly, we reiterate our policy that any serious attempt to achieve peace and coexistence in that tormented region must take into account Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which, among other things, affirms the State of Israel's right to exist. 83. At this time, when territories are the source of still-unresolved conflicts and problems, the seas may contribute to the well-being of the world. We are now witnessing the humanization of the seas through the Third United Nations Conferera~e on the Law of the Sea that declared the sea-bed to be the c.Jmmon heri- tage of all mankind. The Conference was one of the great successes of the General Assembly and proof of this body's effectiveness within the United Nations. Since 1973, when the Conference on the Law of the Sea began, it has been working with a new vision of international law and co-operation and is laying down rules that would satisfy our aspirations to abolish privileges, to protect the environment and to achieve peaceful coexistence. The new Convention on the Law of the Sea, in establishing a new and fruitful reality, is an example of the infinite possibilities inherent in negotiation, good will and mutual understanding. 84. Among the social items on the agenda of the Assembly, the Dominican Republic considers as being particularly relevant those related to the right~, evolution and developmentofwomen as well as to their participation in the political, social and economic life of their countries. In this connection, the new Domi- nican Government has set up an office for the advance- ment of women within a Ministry of Social Welfare as a first step towards integration of the different aspects of human advancement. We express our deep satisfaction at the fact that our country has been selected as host to the International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women, whose formal installation will take place early next year in Santo Domingo and for which the Dominican Government has already made a substantial appro- priation. 8S. We are confident that the report the Secretary- General will submit with regard to this matter, which has already been endorsed by the Economic and Social Council, will prompt other Member States to contribute to the support of this Institute and thereby assure the fulfilment of its important functions. 86. Under the present difficult international cir- cum§tances, cuitural co-operation-widely deb~ted and d,~fined at the World Conference on Cultural Policies, known as MONDIACULT, organized by UNESCO in August-is evoked to strengthen the ties that exist between peoples. There can be no argu- ment that all cultures have the same dignity and equality; that freedom is necessary to all intellectual and artistic creation; that all patrimonies, be they architectonic, written or oral, need to be protected and that those values are the bedrock of an inter- 98. My country believes in the possibility and the desirability of peaceful solutions. It defends the appli- cation of the principles and norms of international law in the settlement of disputes and advocates non- intervention, self-determination and strict observance of treaties. It none the less believes that justice complements law and it is therefore prepared to consider with an open mind all those intrinsically just causes that, for this very reason, warrant the attention of the international community. 99. The United Nations, created under the noblest of auspices to save the world from the scourge of war, to promote more equitable conditions and standards of living for the peoples and to ensure a stable economic order and harmonious development, has all too often been prevented from fulfIlling its noble mission. In the view of many it has even become ineffectual. To a large extent this view is correct: purely political controversy has invaded all United Nations forums. Agencies designed to promote social progress, economic recovery and technological progress have become arenas of bitter polemics. The spirit of co-operation is gradually disappearing; self- ish interests predominate and the policy of blocs is expanding. Against the backdrop of this kind of Tower of Babel, the imminent danger of universal cataclysm emerges as the only reality. 100. It is not surprising that, in this atmosphere, the arms race should have intensified. What until recently was a phenomenon exclusive to the great Powers has spread like a malignant growth to mod- erately developed States and even to poor countries. Often it is the industrialized nations themselves that encourage this trade in death. 101. Miljtary and economic might create conditk s of dependence. The world's backward countries ml.l~t sacrifice their dignity to necessity and their conceptual independence in the face of threats. The will to sur- vive leads to a servilepragmatismwhichdestroys ideals and fosters resentment. This concentration of the factors of power explains the formation of the major blocs and the humiliating situation of those nations that h~.ve been forced to submit to one or another sphere of influence. 102. It would be unfair to·overlook the ideological motivation surrounding some of the decisions of the great Powers. This irleological confrontation is be- coming increasingly rare, however. Above all, what we have is a power struggle which threatens to en- gulf the entire world community. As long as the system of major blocs persists, peace will be impos- sibie. 1(;3. Colombia is profoundly cor.r.~rned about this state of affairs. In the past year, far from decreasing, the causes for concern have act-uallY increased. The number of situations which disrupt world peace is growing, the economic crisis is becoming increasingly complex and the imbalance 4iltOng nations is becoming increasingly marked. 111. We C8.nnot 5ta~d hy ard let the countries of Central America become a prey ..0 international ambi- tim~s and tileir weak politi~al and economic structures be suddenly thre~tened by violence and civil war. It is essential to restore peace and, by means of a constructive dialogue, to create the conditions for r peaceful coexistence and development. In achieving . these objectives, it would be most useful to eliminate the pernicious influence of the military apParatus that in one way or another has become involved in Central America.'1 politics. 112. At the beginning of October, Colombia par- ticipated in a meeting of Foreign Ministers organized by the Government of Costa Rica with the aim of finding common ground and discussing specificactions 115. We are now faced with the consequences: the loss of 3,000 human lives and damage estimated at over $1 billion. But this tragic outcome is not the only cause for concern. The truth is that as a result of the armed conflict the possibility of a st~ble solu- tion for the islands now appears more remote than ever. 116. The United Kingdom, having gained a military victory, refuses to discuss the question of sovereignty over the islands. Although explicable in the light of recent events, this position will prove untenable in the long run. The anti-colonialist determination of the vast m~ority of countries, Colombia among them, will finally prevail. 117. In order to obviate the risk of further conflict and avoid a prolongation of the harmful consequences of this confrontation, Colombia proposes that the Malvinas should immediately be made neutraland their administration entrusted to a multin&tioaal authority until a way is found of reconciling Argentina's rights with the legitimateinterests ofthe islands' inhabitants. 118. TIle conduct of the United States in this un- fortunate im:ident warrants special comment. That COH~itcy'S decision to abandon its initial neutral posi- tion and to afford economic, political and military support to the United Kingdom aroused justified indignation in Latin America. That episode has given rise to the feeling throughout the continent that the United States cares littlefor the fate of its neighbours. The United States attitude none the less had the salutary effect ofuniting the peoples of Latin America for the first time in their entire history. We must seize this opportunity to create effective machinery which will make possible a joint response in moments of crisis. 119. The impact of this conflict on the continent's political future cannot. be ignored. Europeans and North Americans will in the short term be able to correct many of the decisions taken during the war, but it will take a long time for the wounds to ,heal. Clearly, Latin America is not a priority on the 'great Powers' list. t 121. In analysing the factors which contribute to disturbances of the peace we are also concerned at the discouraging results of the second special ses- sion of the General Assembly devoted to disarm- ament. VIe see the problem as one not only of nuclear weapons but also of conventional weapons. It is not enough for the great Powers to declare their willingness to refrain from the use of nuclear weapons. A decision must also be taken drastically to reduce conventional weapons and to agree to abso- lutely trustworthy verification procedures. 122. In Colombia's view peace is not and cannot be a precarious balance between heavily armed nations but rather the result of a just international order. Pope Paul VI made this abundantly clear when he stated in his encyclical Populorum Progressio many years ago that development was the new name for peace. The Pontiff's historic maxim becomes drama- tically relevant in a world where opportunities are dangerously concentrated in the hands of a few and three quarters of mankind continues to be excluded from a development which would make justice fea- sible and freedom attainable. 123. It was this time bomb which prompted the inter- national community a decade ago to seek a new inter- national economic order which would make it pos- sible to correct imbalances and bridge the gap between rich and poor. Without wishing to belittle the initial efforts that were made, we must agree that the situa- tion is not encouraging and the prospects of estab- lishing such an order are increasingly remote, above all in the midst of one of the worst economic crises to face the international community in three gener- ations. 124. This crisis, which is probably both the cause and the effect of the chaotic situation in which man- kind is living, is the result of numerous factors, in- cluding theoretical dependence on rigid models which for a long time now have failed to take into account the whole purpose of economic management for the advancement of man and have become worn·out con- cepts which, at the political level, point the way to failure. 125. The peripheral countries that traditionally revolve around these systems are often used as testing grounds. The all-out free enterprise of the so-called Chicago school on the one hand and the rigid self- management and planning, with total State inter- vention, advocated by the current Marxist school, on the other, are the most recent examples of how 127. In practice, those resources have become volatile material and there are difficulties in repaying loans because production has not increased in pro- portion to indebtedness. There are, of cour§e, excep- tions but in the end only those countries that have exchanged foreign currency for progress will be successful and it will be difficult to find a remedy for those which exchanged loans for prestige or used them for ill-planned inv~stments to find a way out of their difficulties. 128. The external debt problem has reached such insane proportions that what formerly generated dependence today engenders mutual fear between debtors and creditors. The entire·financial problem must be approached in new terms before this fear degenerates into political confrontation. 129. Colombia is not subject at present to the pres- sures of a disproportionate foreign debt. Its foreign debt amounts to over $7 billion, but to a large extent this figure represents development loans whose short- term impact is manageable. The annual debt service takes up barely 15 per cent of our foreign trade earnings. International reserves stand at over $5 bil- lion. We are not, therefore, pleading our own cause but rather speaking, out of an elementary sense of solidarity, as advocates of those countries which need rapid and effective support. To this end we sup- port the preparation and implementation of a short- term emergency plan a5 a first step in the process of global negotiations. 130. The economic crisis also has its roots in the policies of the industrialized countries. The restric- tion ofdemand in order to control inflation has caused a drop in the growth ofprice·indices and more recently in that of interest rates, but at the high social cost of slowing down growth and increasing unemployment. 131. This affects international trade, which is the basis for the growth of most of the developing eco- nomies, and thus exports unemployment, the social and political consequences of which are felt far more acutely in the third world than in the industrialized world. Protec~ionism has taken hold of the major markets, with obvious consequences for trade but also with the distressing result that the developing coun- tries, seeing the deterioration in their trade balances and balances .of payments, try to save themselves and are in turn accused of protectionism, of violating free trade agreemems or simply of being trade ter- 134. Almost all the Powers could be accused of this kind of policy with regard to other commodities. The sale of strategic reserves, the stockpiling of others by mining multinationals, the unilateral fixing of quotas for access to markets and the use of food- stuffs as a political weapon are only some of the many aberrations against which the international com- munity as a whole will have to fight. 135. We should, however, also mention, within this bleak commodity situation, the success just achieved in London in connection with the International Coffee Agreement, of which my country has always been and will continue to be an ardent supporter. This agreement to protect the market reached between producers and consumers in the same forum is an example which I should like to mention here and whiqh would not have been possible without solidarity between the two interest groups. 136. This already long list also includes the affront constituted by military spending. According to United Nations calculations, at 1978 prices the world spends $1.2 billion a day on armaments, $900 million ofwhich represents the combined military budgets of the United States, the Soviet Union, China, France and the United Kingdom. This daily arms expenditure is equal to the sum total of the annual budgets ofUNDP, the World Food Programme, UNICEF, UNRWA and UNFPA. 137. And, one further comment, compared with the over $380 billion spent each year on military budgets, the $21 billion in direct aid, the $80 million from the World Bank, the $24 million from the Inter-American De~elopment Bank and the $67 million from the Inter~ national Monetary Fund seem paltry amounts. The $825 million of United States financial assistance to the Caribbean and the Soviet Union's $1,856 million to Cuba, North Korea and Viet Nam are even more insignificant. These figures speak for themselves. 138. The subject of the North-South dialogue is perhaps one of the few on which we all agree: we have failed miserably. Since 1973, the year of the oil embargo and the floating of the principal currencies, 149. Colombia was one of the 130 ~ountries to vote in favour of the Convention and hopes that at this session the General Assembly will provide the Sec- cretary-General with the necessary means to take on the responsibilities assigned to him. 150. The Second United Nations Conference on the Exploration and Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, which was held at Vienna in August, enabled the United Nations to review the conquest of space, and the developing countries to call the attention of the technological Powers to the need for more effective and systematic international co-operation. 151. For Colombia, an equatorial country, it was significant that several of the recommendations of the Conference stressed the urgent need to plan and regulate the use of the geostationary orbit, a limited natural resource which can be over-exploited by its de facto appropriation by the technological mo- nopolies. 152. Since 1975, my country and nine otherequatorial States have been demanding a special regime for the geostationary orbit. In Vienna, all the developing countries, within the framework of the Group of 77, turned our demands into a dire necessity. We reiterate to the Assembly today that technological development must be regulated by international law and that con- 160. Never in the history of its existence has the Assembly convened against such a background of pervading universal gloom. Unemployment figures in i~ developed countries who .must struggle to survive matters with the utmost seriousness and ask our- on State support and many more millions in poor selves what justifications, if any, there are for them countries who must suffer with no support at all. and what can be done to restore the Council to the position of influence it was given in the Charter". 163. In the 1930s, when mankind experienced a global economic recession such as the one we now face, 167. There is no doubt that there exists among the economists called it "the Great Depression". Member States a genuine fear that in certain cir- It was the forerunner of a terrible war which brought cumstances members of the Security Council could even greater human suff~ring than had obtained before act in a partisan manner. In fact recent history has it. As conditions currently exist in the world, it would shown that the veto has been used to safeguard narrow not be too far-fetched for some to contemp~atewars, national interests in defiance of world opinion and however limited, as a solution to the curren~economic the decisions of the Assembly. The use of the veto in crisis. Indeed some are already advocating the Key- such a manner does not inspire confidence in the nesian theory that military spending will create jobs, Security Council. increase public demand and stimulate economic growth. 168. In this context my delegation contends that the most effective action that can be taken to restore 164. In these troubled times, the global community the Council to the position of influence which the should be able to spurn the irrationality of the war- Charter intended for it is to end the veto system mongers and turn instead to the United Nations and to democratize the process of decision-making. for a sane and sensible direction. The words spoken in-the Assembly by the world's leading personalities 169. Even as I state my delegation's position I am should invoke in mankind a spirit of hope and a sense sadly aware that it has little chance of becoming a of optimism for the future. But we are yet to hear reality, for those that hold power seldom relinquish those words. We are yet to hear an attelllPt at dialogue it willingly. None the less that is precisely why I state between the two super-Powers; we are yet to hear an it, for the attention of the Organization and other attempt at peace between warring neighbours in the international organizations must be focused on their Middle East; we are yet to hear nations climb down coUective impotence to meaningfully address the from their nationalistic pedestals to the table ofpeace- problems ofthe world while the willof & few dominates ful discussion for the benefit of all mankind. What the aspirations of the many. we have heard is a discourse of the deaf; a mouthing ofprem-ranged statements with no interest in response 170. As we consider the issues about which the or reply. Statements have not been made for the many in the Organization have been concerned, we benefit of ether nations, let alone the world; they are struck by the dismal record of failure which have been made for po!itical mileage in national confronts us. Let us first examine efforts in the As- • aI sembly to bring about change in the global economic caPlt s. arrangements. Althougb 1981 was the date set for the 165. In that context the report of the Secretary- completion of global negotiations on trade, energy, General on the work of the Organization [A/37/1] is raw materials, development finance and monetary both important and timely ~ for its summons us to re- issues, the few have ensured tbat this body has failed call the principles of the Charter and to leview the to produce agreement even on the procedures for mechanisms of the Organization in order to make this such negotiations. Discussion on the global negotia- body strong, not sterile; decisive, not dilatory; func- tions has been shunted from the thirty-sixt!t to the tional, not ornamental.. It wams us that in a world thirty-seventh session of the Assembly. . . tio~s. At the recent joint meeting of the International MOJIetary Fund and the World Bank group in Toronto the few ensured that an urgent call by the Group of 24 for an increase in the Fund's quotas of not less than 100 per cent would be ignored. Equally, efforts to persuade donors to the International Development Association to improve their contributions in view of the Association's vital importance to poor coun- tries met with only partial success. 172. Developing countries have not only been denied the opportunity to discuss a framework for an inter- national economic system based on the fundamentals of social justice and equality; they have also experi- enced a reduction in the quantum of badly needed assistance. 173. Official development assistance from the Western industrialized nations decreased by 4 per cent in real terms in 1981. Offichil development assistance from the Eastern European countries, including the Soviet Union, is of course selective, and these coun- .tries have yet to show any interest in the international dialogue on aid, though they are active participants, to their own benefit, in the process of trade. 174. Only a few nations provided more than 0.7 per cent of their gross domestic product, which this body established as a desirable minimum, in the form of assistance. Those countries have the gratitude of the developing world; they deserve the respect of the international community as a whole. They are Den- mark, France, 'he Netherlands, Norway and Sweden, from Europe, and Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, three major donor countries that are members of the Organization of Petrok~!lm Exporting Countries, which gave 3.02 per cent of their gross national product in 1980. 175. It is true that by providing aid in the volume that they have those donors have greatly assisted poor third-world States which are the worst victims of the current recession. But those donors have also rendered a service ,0 the global community, espe- cially the rich, for the third world countries are now the biggest market for the goods of the industrialized nations. For instance, one in every 18 jobs in the United States is in manufacturing for the third world. In such circumstances it is in the interests of all, in- cluding the industrialized nations, for third world States to survive. For if we are unable to purchase goods produced by the developed States they will lose many more millions ofjobs, and that may be the trigger for those violent ractions which have not yet erupted in. the streets. 176. I have already mentioned our failure to advance the global negotiations and the reduction of aid to developing countries as setbacks to a prosperous global economy. Let me now add ~rotectionism. The protectionism practised by some developed States is the short-term answer to the problems of adjust- ment raised by the current recession. It is believed in some capitals that by shutting out the goods of developing countries local production will be stimu- lated to the benefit of the national economy. 180. South Africa continues to be a running sore upon the face of this earth. The inhuman system of apartheid has gone beyond excess in its brutality against the black majority. The iniquities of its rCgime continue to mock the authority of this body. And what is reprehensible about the success ofthe South African regime is that Pretoria has received tacit support from many large transnationals and some of the very Gov- ernments which sit in this Hall. 181. Many will plead that, although they have a connection with South Africa, they decry and bemoan the system ofapartheid. But this is simply an excuse. for they are as aware as we are, though perhaPs not as painfully, that any support given to Pretoria serves only to strengthen the regime and intensify il$ atrocities. 182. Those atrocities are now legion: the permanent imprisonment of South African blacks for the crime of believing that they have a right to be free; the sentencing (0 death of young men because they fought to wrest their country from minority control; the dumping of hundreds of thousands of black South Africans in hastily created Bantustans in order to deprive them ofcitizenship in the land of their birth. 183. We do not appear to have much chance of addressing the problem of South Africa in the com- prehensive manner which it demands if we are unable to compel Member States to comply with our resolu- tions. We do not appear to have much chance of isolating the virus of South Africa, when an Ad floc Committee established by the General Assembly in 1976 to draft an international convention against apartheid in sports is unable to present an agreed convention six years later. 184. But we must continue to try, for what is hap- pening in South Africa is a mark against all mankind, an assault on our decency, a violence to our worth 186. I wish I coult! point to the Middle East as an 193. One.cannot help but wonder how many thou- area where fIe Uniicd Nations has been effective for s~'\nds of hves would have been saved how much if this were true thousands of lives would have been destruction averted and how much real development sp~red, cities would have been saved from ruin f a..lld achieve-cl had the Assembly's work on disarmament millions of doliars would have been channelied into pr!)viae\l positive results rather than unmitigated improving rather than destroying societies. Un- fadure. Much was expected from the second special fc)rtunately, the principles of the Charter have been session devoted to disarmament held earlier this flagrantly di~regarded and resolutions of the Secunty year, particularly as tension heightened in so many Ct:"''ilncil have be~n wilfully ignored. Consequently parts of the world. Not least among those who had the people of the Middle East, who have suffered s~ high expectations of the disarmament session were agonizingly long, have found no respite from the hundreds of thousands of young people all over the pain of war. world. This summer they openly demonstrated in major cities, including here in New York the seat of 187. The recent massacre in the Pales~.inian refugee the.United Natio~s. The protests of l:hi~ generation camps in Beirut was a cold-blooded and brutal act of agamst the contmuous, unrelenting stockpiling of barbarism. It goes beyond merely epi~omizing the weapons have broken out like a rash. It is a rash of tragedy of the Middle East; it add& a nr:w dimension resistance, an epidemic of l..~alth in an c~herwise un- to the horrors of the confrontation. health~ world. Many of those young people associate 188. Lebanon has b~colTie the bleeding heart of the the fadure to halt the arms race with. the inef- world. Its anguish is shar;ed in every man's con- fectiveness of the Assembly, for in the creation of the sC:ence. This cuuntry deseIrVes the urgent support United Nations did not Governments enshrine in the of the international community to bind its wounds, Chart.er a role. for collective security? Did they not restcre its nationai pride and reconstruct its economy. pro.mlse m~nkmd. to make the world a safe place in !he IsraeH forces.could n,?w be helpful to that process which to hve? D~d they not extend the hope ef an If t~ey were to Wlthc!iaw Immediately from Lebanese enduring respite from the horrors of war? remrory. 4 19 '. A generation has come to maturity with con- 189. The tragedy of Lebanon points once again to ventlonal wars and the threat of nuclear war still the manner in which some nations are willing to by- menacing their lives. They are not content that it pass .the Urmited Nations and to disregard its peace- should remain so. They want a broader more com- keepmg rok~. The fact that a search for a solution to pre~e,sive response from Government~, and it is the ~,,'Hddle East problems is going on and that a obvIOUS tbat such a response must be practical s~eps peace-~{eepi~'gforce is in Lebanon without the involve- to arrest the arms race and to devise a system of ment of the Security Council considerably dilutes the collective security which demands of each nation a worth ef the Organization. It makes small countries commitment to the protection of mankind as a whole. like mi1.e wonder about tne purpose of coming here at a Cl)st we cannot afford, when the United Nations 19~. !he arms race competes with developmen: is ciismis!\ed l)y those who are its greatest power- obJectives. It not only robs the productive process of broke~-s. resources, it also deprives humanity of the funds needed ~o impr~ve the q~ality. of life. It not only 190. Centra! tD the issue which has wrought such creates mternatlonal tenSIOn, It stagnateg national ca!ast~phe in the :Middle East is the right of the economies. Palestmlan people £0 seif-determinati(u,] and their further right t() a Lmd of their own in the West Bank and Gaza. Thl~se legitimate rights of the Palestinian people must be satisfied, and my Government will steadf25tly support every initiative to secure those rights for the Palesiinian people, while recognizing that Israel also has a right to exist securely within agreed and recognized boundaries. 196. There are shocking statistics available to all who would pay attention. Funds allocated for technical assistance to all developing countries for the next five years are less than will be spent on weapons in the next five days. Developing countries received approximately $20 billion in assistance from industrial- ized nations last year; this yeii;" the United States alone will spend $18 billion on exploring the military uses of outer s'p~ce. Total military spending" last year was $700 bdhon. That sum totals more than the entire 199. A halt to the arms race has become a matter for urgent global action in the cause of mankind's survival. The Assembly would fail to satisfy the noble ideals for which the United Nations was established if we turn a deaf ear to the eloquent calls for peace and a halt to the arms race that have echoed so profoundly across so many continents. 200. The depression of the 1930s and the Second World War were followed by unprecedented interna- tional co-operative efforts to reconstruct the world economy. The international economic order, which was establisheu as a result of those efforts, can no longer cope with the realities of the 1980s, but the efforts which attended its creation are worthy of emulation. For it is a similar kind of international effort which our global community requires today, one which includes countries of the North and South, the East and West. 201. Such an effort must have as its goal a vision of how the world could be ifthere were a will by Govern- ments to make it so. It should be a vision which acknowledges the pluralistic nature of our societies, accepts the inevitability of our economic interde- pendence and resolves that our children should inherit a peaceful and prosperous planet. 202. The Assembly is in a unique position to help mankind establish that vision, for the conditions out- side this building-in the cities and rural dwellings of our many countries-demand urgent change. It is a task which should be embraced with alacrity, for future generations will judge us harshly if, despite our recognition of a need to act, we sacrifice long- term global well-being for short-term national gains. Antigua and Barbuda stands committed to help make such a vision a reality. 203. Mr. BODSTROM (Sweden): I should like first of all to congratulate the President on his election to his office for !his session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that, with his wide experience of the Un;ied Nations, he will successfully carry out the important tasks ahead of him. I should also like to pay a tribute to the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. Kittani, who presided overthe previous session with great distinction and skill. It gives me great pleasure to join the many preceding speakers who have congratulated the Secretary-General, inte~i1ationalpeace and co-operation. 204. The international situation has increasingly deteriorated since the late 1970s. We are living in an era of distrust. The policy of detente has been super- seded by a policy of confrontation between the super- Powers. A dialogue between the United States and the Soviet Union has, it is true, been initiated, but there is reason to be sceptical about the possibility of its yielding any quick results. We must, by our concerted efforts, reverse these trends. 205. My country has chosen to pursue a policy of neutrality, one of non-participation in alliances in peace time and neutrality in the event of war. This policy, supported by a strong defence relative to our situation, contributes to the calm and stability in our part of tile world. We shall pursue this policy with firmness and consistency. 206. Swedish territory will be protected from viola- tions with all available means. Such violations will be treated with equal determination, no matter whence they emanate. International law gives us the right and the duty to safeguard our sovereignty and ter- ritorial integrity. Let no one entertain fears or expecta- tions that Sweden would, ev"n under strong external pressure, abandon its policy of neutrality. 207. Our policy of neutrality does not, however, condemn us to silence or passivity. On the con- trary, it challenges us to pursue an active foreign policy in the cause ofpeace, freedom and international co-operation. 208. Sweden will, in accordance with its traditions, seek to promote peaceful solutions and to play an intermediary role in interrtational conflicts. In common with so many others, we have three fundamental values to safeguard, namely, sovereignty, security and solidarity. 209. All our considerahons must start from the right of peoples to determine their own future. National sovereignty is the foundation of political legitimacy in international contexts. This is self-evident, but not uncontested. Peoples have had to struggle for their independence, and that struggle is still going on. More than 100 States have gained their independence in recent decades. But they know~ as do all other small and medium-sized States, that in a world dominated by great Powers and powerful transnational economic interests, this is a struggle that must go on for a long time to come. The real content of sovereignty is largely conditioned by the' ability to putsbe an inde- pendent, effective economic policy. 210. Against that background it is not surprising that the movement of non-aligned countries has attracted such a large membership and has shown such great vitality, despite internal"crises and conflicts ofinterests. National sovereignty must always be safe- guarded. One recent example of the violation of this principle is Israel's invasion of Lebanon. By invading Lebanon, Israel has demonstrated indifference to the principles of the Charter and of international law. It is 217. For the United Nations to play a role in solving the conflict, it is necessary that Israel remain a Mem- ber of the United Nation~ and that the fLO continue tQ be able to present its views before this forum. My Government disassociates itsdf from any attempt to deprive Israel of its membership er to limit it. To be effective the United Nations must rest on the principle of universality. 218. The Soviet Union has occupied Afghanistan for nearly three years nuw. The Assembly has con- demned this brutal assault. But the Soviet troops are still there, and reports leak out about continued assuIts on the civilian population. This is all the more serious when we considerthe fact thatthe Soviet Union is a permanent member of the Security Council with 224. In our time, the issues of national security have assumed a new dimension. Beyond the questi(m ofwho is right or wrong in a conflict, there looms the greater question ofthe survival ofmankind. In tite world ofthe super-Powers, one side cannot ~\chieve security at the expense of the other. We must, together, try to find common security for everyone's survival. 225. Nuclear weapons have changed the rules of the game. If that ultimate weapon is used, the result will be collectiv~ suicide. We Ir.ust create the political conditions which will ensu~ that weapons of mass destruction will never be used. 226. .In Europe, considerable headway had been made In the process of detente at the beginning of the 227. The process of detente must be resumed and carried forward. National security is promoted by extensive exchanges across borders in the interests of all pak1ies. The c,ommon interest in peaceful develop- ment will then grow. 228. At their meeting in Stockhom in August, the Foreign Ministers of the neutral and non-aligned States in Europe declared their intention to play an active and constructive role in the meeting of the Conference on Security an'd Co-operation in Europe to be resumed at Madrid. Provided the two super- Powers show a minimum degree of willingness to compromise, at that meeting the Conference should be able to achieve a comprehensive an'd balanced final document on the basis of the Helsinki Final Act and also to decide OT. the convening of a conference for disarmament in Europe. 229. In our part of Europe, close 21nd trustful co- operation has existed for many yean. Ther~ are no nuclear weapons in the Nordic countries. It is essential that this situation remain unchanged. Sweden is striving to achieve agreements which, among other things, will make the Nordic region a nuclear-weapon- free zone. Agreements of that kind can ease the ten- sion between the blocs and reduce the risk of th"'se countries being subjected to nuclear attack. 230. In Europe, there is the most horrifying accumu- lation of weapons of destruction anywh~re in the world or at any time in history, as well as the largest standing armies. It is a ",repared battlefield. Never- th~!ess, VIe must noklat it is in Africa, Asia and Latin America that th< wars have been fought, ever since the end of the Second World War. Tt ose wars have already claimed, and are still claiming, in- numerable victims. Starvation, disease and depriva- tion follow in their wake. 231. All this is very largely due to a colonialism which is not so far back in the nast. The world is still shaken by the convulsions of liberation, which are the more violent and the more prolong~dthe longer the powers-that-be try to suppress the peoples' strug- gle for independem;e. 239~ World trade and world production have been experiencing the deepest crisis of the post-war period for several years now., The international system of payments is creaking at the joints. 'i he world has been confronted by acute and chronic problems in regard to its supplies of energy. The North-South ·dialogue has become a series of parallel monologues. Small countries have a particular interest in trying to strengthen international co-operation. In the prevailing economic situation, the GATT Ministerial Meeting and the coming world trade conference will b~. pf great importance. t 232. In Central America, centuries of oppression have given rise to a revolutionary situation. It is absurd to claim that the workers, the farmers, the students and the middle class have revolted in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala because some foreign Power asked them to do so. On the other hand, it is obvious that a foreign Power-the United States-plays a crucial rok~ when it comes to keeping tottering dic- tatorships on their feet. 234. Fundamental national security may not and cannot be won at the expense of the freedom and development possibilities of other nations. Peaceful development on reasonable terms for everyone pre- supposes solidarity. The demand for solidarity mu&t be equally strong whether it appiies to individuals in the struggle for human rights or to nations in the struggle for international justice. 235. In our neighbouring country Pohm<f, the central trade union confederation, Solidarity, has beell1. declared illegal. The military take-over shccked us de~ply. The process of democratization was inter- I1.tpted: and fundamental human rigi'\ts are still being trampled under foot, in conlravention of the Helsinki Final Act. And thus, the dream of genuine reform has been temporarily shattered. Ifreal dialogue and re- conciliation are to be achieved'in Poland, martial law must be lifted, imprisoned and interned trade union leaders and other political prisoners must be released and trade union activities must be allowed to be carried on freely, in accordance with IL() r.....,nventions \I]hich Poland has undertaken to restJ~ct. The strikes and protests of the ~ast few days ~onfirm the fact that the Polish worken' are not prepared to accept an imposed model for their trade union activities. 236. Our protests also' apply to the military dictator- ship in Turk;,;>y, where polit~caI parties are banned and trade unions are prevented from working freely. The regime's opponents are subjected to mass arrests and mock trials. 237. Demands for democracy, for social justice, for human dignity ["nd for national independence are made with the samF rorc~ and conviction in the East as in the ~i'est, in the North as in thf~ South. Oppression may assume different guises and forms, but it causes its victims the S!ime human suffering, the same enslave- ment. Our solidarity must therefore never be one- sided. 238. It is obviously in the interest of all to have rules governing political relations. Presumably they also wish to have rules governing economic exchanges. But in th.e long run, rules of this kind work only if they can satisfy the legitimate interests of all parties. fer~nce in positions as regards the initiation of the global negotiations. 241. A few years ago the Independen.. Commission on International Development Issues, under the chair- manship of WilIy Brandt, presented a report with the challenging title North-South: A programfor survival.5 The members of the Commission were people of varying political convictions and geographic origin; nevertheless they succeeded in arriving at common conclusions. Their report becomes increasingly valid. 242. A common strategy is needed to solve the growing problems of the international payments system. More and more countries are staggering under a debt burden which stiflesexpansion potential not only for the countries themselves but also for their trading partners. Transfer of resources must be increased and as far as possible reformed in ordr.r to make them more automatic and predictable. Tile need for con- cessional resources is particu!!arly great for the poor- est countries. 1".. CO!!!ffiCn strat,egy is necess,lry also for the adjustment of world trade to new realities. One such reality is the industrial development of the dev- eloping countties. 243. Sweden is among those countries which, as a result cof their own expc.d~nce, regard free trade as extremely beneficial. The industrialized countri~s must now demonstrate that they are prepared to allow other countries and peoples to enjoy the fruits of free trade. An adjustment of this kind must take place, with account being taken oftwo conflicting but equally legitimate inter~sts: the need of the developing coun- tries to create sufficient resources so that they can participate in trade for their own benefit and the need of the traditionally industrialized countries to realign their production without creating even greater unemployment. 244. Thta,countries producing raw materials must receive reasonable and foreseeable incomes from their production and gradually acquire the capacity to process a much greater proportion of their own raw materials. No country should be confined to the role of mere suppliers of raw materials. 145. In a world marked by heightened antagonism between the great Powers it is essential to emphasize the possibilities which none the less are available. The Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues, under the chairmansip ('f Olof Palme, consisted, like the Brandt Commission, ofpeople with varying backgrounds and political convictions. In spite of considerable conflict of interests, they also managed to achieve a measure of mutual under- standing. Allow me to comment briefly on a few points.6 ' 246. The Commission proposes a total ban on nuclear-weapon tests. This has long been the central issue in the disarmament negotiations. Sweden has for its part, by its own proposals and monitoring effort~, done all it can for the attainment of this goal. I wish to indicate the Swedish Government's satisfaction at the fact that th~ Soviet Ur.ion has submitted to the 247. The military forces stationed in Europe today are much larger than can be justified by the security requirements of the parties concerned. In fact, large balanced reductions would increase security. 248. The vast number of nuclear weapons deployed :in Europe or targeted against that continent are the source of special problems. Substantial reductions of these arsenals of nuclear weapons are necessary; but there is a connection between nuclear weapons in Europe and balance between East and West as regards conventional forces. One condition for getting rid of nuclear weapons in Europe is that both sides should also agree on a rough parity in conventional forces. The smaller-so-called battlefield-nuclearweapons in Europe constitute a particular danger, as they could be used at a very early stage of a conflict. The Commission proposes that these battlefield weapons be withdrawn from the most forward positions and that a zone be created in Europe which is entirely free of these weapons, a zone which could stretch 150 kilo- metres on each side of the East-West border. This idea has our full support. 249. The Swedish Government attaches great im- portance to ail negotiations, such as those on mutual and balanced force reductions and on theatre nuclear forces and the planned European disarmament con- ference, which aim in this way to reduce or abolish ~he role of nuclear weapons in Europe. 250. The Commission also proposes an international agreement on the total prohibition of chemical weapons, as well as a chemical-weapon-free zone in Europe. In the view of the Swedish Government, the pre-conditions of implementing such an arrange- ment for the purposes ofconfidence-building should be examined more closely. The proposal should also be used in the extensive efforts being made in the disarm- ament negotiations in Geneva to achieve the total prohibition of all chemical weapons. 251. The most important instrument we have for achieving common security is the Unit~d Nations. It is encouraging that during this debate so many Govern- ments have emphasized that it should be possible to use this instrument for preserving peace and security ili the world in a more resolute way. ~52. The Secretary-General has emphasi:r~d the impoitance of this question by devoting the whole of his first report on the work of the Organization to it. His report is a clear-sighted asseS3ment of the inter- national situation and of the role ofthe United Nations in the international &~, stem. By departing from the standards and duties which we set ourselves in the Charter of the United Nations we are as the Sec- r~aso~, place the Secretary-General in impossible situations but, on the contrary, must give him all pos- sible support in the assignments he is given. 256. Many ideas similar to those f ut tbrward by the Secretary-General are to be found in the report of the Palme Commission, to whiclt I have already referred. The report deals, inter alia, with the need for agree- ment among the permanent members of the Security Council on early action primarily in border countries in certain predetermined areas. This would mean that in case of such conflicts it would be possible to initiate action by the United Nations in time to prevent t~e use.of force. In this way the risk of great-Power rIvalry m areas of conflict would diminish. ~f the e~onomic c~sis..The defence ofthe principles of mternatlOnallaw IS a Vital task for the United Nations. This is a challenge for the future. With the rapid advances in the field of technology, more and more issues ar~ of a kind that cannot be solved by each State on Its own. Here we are faced with the neces- sity for common ~iternational solutions. 259. We must co-operate. The future always contains both promise and threat. Let us together ward off the threat and fulfil t~Je promise. NOTES 3 See Report of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, Paris, 1-14 September 1981 (United Nations publication~ Sales No. E.82.I.8), part one, sect. A. 4 See A/S-11/14, annex I. S Cambridge, Massachusetts, The MIT Press, 1980. 6 See "Common Security-a programme for disarmament". See NCN.I0/38. See also NCN.I0/Sl.