A/37/PV.44 General Assembly

Wednesday, Oct. 13, 1982 — Session 37, Meeting 44 — New York — UN Document ↗

THlRTY·SEVENTH SESSION
THlRTY·SEVENTH SESSION

20.  The situatio!! in Kampuchea: report of the Secretary-General The situatio!! in Kampuchea: report of the Secretary-General

Before calling on the first spe ..Ker, I should like to propose that the list of speakers in the debate on this item be: closed tomor- row, Wednesday, 27 October, at 12 noon. May I take it that the Assembly agrees to that proposal? It was so decided. 2. Mr. ROMULO (Philippines): In the summer of 1982 an event of great signifiCance took place in Kuala Lumpl.lr. In that historic city the anti- Vietnamese forces of Kampuchea formally signed the document which gave birth to the Coalition Government headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. The formation of the Coalition Government is sig- nificant for a number of reasons. First, it signalled the unity of the Kampuchean people in the common effort to liberate their country from the yoke of foreign invaders. Secondly, it disproved the myth that the Heng Samrin regime is in complete control of Kampuchea. And, thirdly, it put Viet Nam on notice that, while Kampuchea prefers a peaceful solution along the lines set forth in various resolu- tions of the General Assembly, it is prepared to defend its sovereign rights as long as Viet Nam remains recalcitrant with regard to the expressed wishes of the Assembly. 3. The decision of the General Assembly yesterday [43rd meeting, para. 222] in rejecting overwhelm- ingly and by a larger majority than before the cre- dentials of the Heng Samrin regime proves beyond any doubt which of the two Governments has, in the eyes of the international community, the sole and legitimate right to the allegiance of the people of Kampuchea. 4. Thus, a new and potent element has been added to the efforts to resolve the problem of Kampuchea. A rallying point has been created for the innumerable nationalist patriots who dispute the claims of the Phnom Penh regime to be the true repres~ntative of the Kampuchean people. 5. In a moving address to the Assembly, Prince Norodom Sihanouk said that "despite the efforts of a powerful Vietnamese army in control of Kampuchean territory, we have liberated and solidly held large zones not only near the Thai frontier, but also in several regions of the
Before calling on the first spe ..Ker, I should like to propose that the list of speakers in the debate on this item be: closed tomor- row, Wednesday, 27 October, at 12 noon. May I take it that the Assembly agrees to that proposal? It was so decided. 2. Mr. ROMULO (Philippines): In the summer of 1982 an event of great signifiCance took place in Kuala Lumpl.lr. In that historic city the anti- Vietnamese forces of Kampuchea formally signed the document which gave birth to the Coalition Government headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. The formation of the Coalition Government is sig- nificant for a number of reasons. First, it signalled the unity of the Kampuchean people in the common effort to liberate their country from the yoke of foreign invaders. Secondly, it disproved the myth that the Heng Samrin regime is in complete control of Kampuchea. And, thirdly, it put Viet Nam on notice that, while Kampuchea prefers a peaceful solution along the lines set forth in various resolu- tions of the General Assembly, it is prepared to defend its sovereign rights as long as Viet Nam remains recalcitrant with regard to the expressed wishes of the Assembly. 3. The decision of the General Assembly yesterday [43rd meeting, para. 222] in rejecting overwhelm- ingly and by a larger majority than before the cre- dentials of the Heng Samrin regime proves beyond any doubt which of the two Governments has, in the eyes of the international community, the sole and legitimate right to the allegiance of the people of Kampuchea. 4. Thus, a new and potent element has been added to the efforts to resolve the problem of Kampuchea. A rallying point has been created for the innumerable nationalist patriots who dispute the claims of the Phnom Penh regime to be the true repres~ntative of the Kampuchean people. 5. In a moving address to the Assembly, Prince Norodom Sihanouk said that "despite the efforts of a powerful Vietnamese army in control of Kampuchean territory, we have liberated and solidly held large zones not only near the Thai frontier, but also in several regions of the 7. It would be inaccurate to say that the forces of the Coalition Government are, at this point, a match for the Vietnamese occupation troops. What is accu- rate is that a spark has been ignited and a momentum generated in the struggle of the Kampuchean patriots to regain their homeland. Voiceless Kampucheans have suddenly discovered the power of speech and are prepared to translate their words into practical courses of action. Of equal significance is the fact that these recent developments provide incontro- vertible proof that the Heng Samrin regime is a paper government, a fa!rade with a frame but without a structure. 7. It would be inaccurate to say that the forces of the Coalition Government are, at this point, a match for the Vietnamese occupation troops. What is accu- rate is that a spark has been ignited and a momentum generated in the struggle of the Kampuchean patriots to regain their homeland. Voiceless Kampucheans have suddenly discovered the power of speech and are prepared to translate their words into practical courses of action. Of equal significance is the fact that these recent developments provide incontro- vertible proof that the Heng Samrin regime is a paper government, a fa!rade with a frame but without a structure. 8. I quote again from Prince Norodom Sihanouk: 8. I quote again from Prince Norodom Sihanouk: 9. In May this year a functionary of the Heng Samrin Foreign Ministry, Dy Lamthol by name, decided to defect. His example was followed in Sep- tember by a colleague who headed the regime's information office in Stockholm. Kept under wraps for several months, Dy Lamthol finally spoke out early this month. His credentials are impeccable. He had been the personal secretary of Phnom Penh's Fore.ign Minister and had been the chairman of the American and West European department of his ministry. What he had to say, as reported by the Far Eastern Economic Review in its issue of 15- 21 October 1982 and by The New York Times of 9 October 1982, has the impact of a sensational revelation. It depicts an alleged Government com- pletely in the grip of the tentacles of Viet Nam. Ac- cording to the Times, day-to-day decisions of the Heng Samrin Foreign Ministry are dictated by Viet- namese political advisers. It adds that every marning the Vietnamese Ambassador to Phnom Penh instructs 9. In May this year a functionary of the Heng Samrin Foreign Ministry, Dy Lamthol by name, decided to defect. His example was followed in Sep- tember by a colleague who headed the regime's information office in Stockholm. Kept under wraps for several months, Dy Lamthol finally spoke out early this month. His credentials are impeccable. He had been the personal secretary of Phnom Penh's Fore.ign Minister and had been the chairman of the American and West European department of his ministry. What he had to say, as reported by the Far Eastern Economic Review in its issue of 15- 21 October 1982 and by The New York Times of 9 October 1982, has the impact of a sensational revelation. It depicts an alleged Government com- pletely in the grip of the tentacles of Viet Nam. Ac- cording to the Times, day-to-day decisions of the Heng Samrin Foreign Ministry are dictated by Viet- namese political advisers. It adds that every marning the Vietnamese Ambassador to Phnom Penh instructs NEW YORK NEW YORK south-west and the north-east of our country" [11th meeting, para. 6]. south-west and the north-east of our country" [11th meeting, para. 6]. "Here [in the General Assembly] everyone -inchJding those who support its candidature for this seat-knows that that regime has no real existence, that it is under the control of Vietnamese occupying authorities, and that it depends in every- thing and for everything on the protection of two foreign nations." [Ibid., para. 8.] "Here [in the General Assembly] everyone -inchJding those who support its candidature for this seat-knows that that regime has no real existence, that it is under the control of Vietnamese occupying authorities, and that it depends in every- thing and for everything on the protection of two foreign nations." [Ibid., para. 8.] 12. Last year the ueneral Assembly adopted reso- lution 36/5, the third in a series of such resolutions, by 100 aftirmative votes. In that resolution the As- sembly asserted that the principal components of a just and lasting solution to the Kampuchean problem are as follows: first, withdrawal offoreign troops from Kampuchea; secondly, restoration and preservation of Kampuchea's independence, sovereignty and terri- torial integrity; thirdly, the right of the Kampuchean people to determine their own destiny; and, fourthly, commitment by all States to non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of Kampu- chea. In the same resolution the Assembly approved the report of the International Conference on Kam- puchea,t held in July 1981, with the admonition to the States of South-East Asia and others concerned to attend future sessions of the Conference. 12. Last year the ueneral Assembly adopted reso- lution 36/5, the third in a series of such resolutions, by 100 aftirmative votes. In that resolution the As- sembly asserted that the principal components of a just and lasting solution to the Kampuchean problem are as follows: first, withdrawal offoreign troops from Kampuchea; secondly, restoration and preservation of Kampuchea's independence, sovereignty and terri- torial integrity; thirdly, the right of the Kampuchean people to determine their own destiny; and, fourthly, commitment by all States to non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of Kampu- chea. In the same resolution the Assembly approved the report of the International Conference on Kam- puchea,t held in July 1981, with the admonition to the States of South-East Asia and others concerned to attend future sessions of the Conference. 13. It is a matter of profound regret that the re- sponses to these two basic elements of the resolution have been of an entirely negative character. One year later, foreign forces are not only still in Kampu- chea, but have initiated massive military operations in an effort to achieve the total subjugation of the Kampu(;hean people. l\.ampuchea's independence remains compromised and its territorial integrity violeted. The Kampuchean people continue to be the unwilling subjects of a spurious regime main- tained by a foreign military force. They yearn for peace, for a ne\\ beginning under their own auspices, but their hopes continue at (his stage to be beyond the reach of the people of that hapless land. 13. It is a matter of profound regret that the re- sponses to these two basic elements of the resolution have been of an entirely negative character. One year later, foreign forces are not only still in Kampu- chea, but have initiated massive military operations in an effort to achieve the total subjugation of the "6. Th~ Conference stresses its conviction Kampu(;hean people. l\.ampuchea's independence that the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kam- remains compromised and its territorial integrity puchea, the restoration and preservation of its violeted. The Kampuchean people continue to be independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity the unwilling subjects of a spurious regime main- and the commitment by all States to non- tained by a foreign military force. They yearn for interference and non-intervention in the internal peace, for a ne\\ beginning under their own auspices, affairs of Kampuchea are the principal components but their hopes continue at (his stage to be beyond of any just and lasting solution to the Kampuchean the reach of the people of that hapless land. problem." 19. That, in sum, is how the international com- munity views the nature of the Kampuchean problem: 14. At the end of the tunnel we perceive no light, but if this is the case if is not for lack of trying on our part. The past year has been spent in feverish efforts to start the process of ne&otiations that coulef lead to the comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean problem. So many have been involved in the difficult search for the key that could unlock the door to negotiations, and to all of them we express our deeply-felt appreciation for their selfless t;r1- deavours: to Secretary-General Perez de Cueliar: to his·· able Special Representative, Mr. Rafeeuddin Ahmed; to Mr. Willibald Pahr, Foreign Minister of Austria and President of the International Conference 14. At the end of the tunnel we perceive no light, 19. That, in sum, is how the international com- but if this is the case if is not for lack of trying on munity views the nature of the Kampuchean problem: our part. The past year has been spent in feverish ~ross violation of the principles of the Charter; the efforts to start the process of ne&otiations that coulef .invasion and continued occupation of Kampuchea by lead to the comprehensive political settlement of the foreign military forces; and the denial to the Kampu- Kampuchean problem. So many have been involved chean people of the free exercise of their right to self- in the difficult search for the key that could unlock determination. the door to negotiations, and to all of them we express Mr. Cineas (Haiti), Vice-President. took the Chair. our deeply-felt appreciation for their selfless t;r1- deavours: to Secretary-General Perez de Cuellar: to 2U. Viet Nam, however, views the issue in a different his·· able Special Representative, Mr. Rafeeuddin light. Th'" Kampuchean problem, we have been told Ahmed; to Mr. Willibald Pahr, Foreign Minister of by it in effect, is only a sideshow to a bigger and'· Austria and President of the International Conference more complex drama of big-Power involvement. Bring ~ross violation of the principles of the Charter; the .invasion and continued occupation of Kampuchea by foreign military forces; and the denial to the Kampu- chean people of the free exercise of their right to self- determination. Mr. Cineas (Haiti). Vice-President. took the Chair. 2U. Viet Nam, however, views the issue in a different light. Th'" Kampuchean problem, we have been told by it in effect, is only a sideshow to a bigger and more complex drama of big-Power involvement. Bring "3. The Conference expresses its concern that the situation in Kampuchea has resulted from the violation of the principles of restJect for the sover- eignty, independence and territorial integrity of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and the inadmissibility of the threat or use of force in international relations. "3. The Conference expresses its concern that the situation in Kampuchea has resulted from the violation of the principles of restJect for the sover- eignty, independence and territorial integrity of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and the inadmissibility of the threat or use of force in international relations. "6. Th~ Conference stresses its conviction that the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kam- puchea, the restoration and preservation of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and the commitment by all States to non- interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of Kampuchea are the principal components of any just and lasting solution to the Kampuchean problem." L.l. The positIOn of the international community on these two issues is therefore clear and reasonable. But we have yet to hear clear and reasonable re- sponses from the other side. We perceive the proposals thus far advanced on their.side to be designed simply to improve their tarnished international image while preserving the status of continued foreign military occupation of Kampuchea. The announced unilateral withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea is a fake; it has no basis in fact. And the proposal to establish a security zone in the Thai-Kampuchean border area is an unacceptable imposition on Thailand, which is not a party to the conflict. In addi- tion, the proposed international conference on Kampuchea does not address itself primarily to the Kampuchean problem. Moreover it is envisaged that this will be held outside the United Nations, a move which in no way serves to strengthen the authority of the Organization. 23. The stand of ASEAN and its supporters on the question of Kampuchea has received the over- whelming support of the Assembly. Let me recall some facts that we sometimes tend to forget. In 1979, resolution 34/22 on this agen<ia item received 91 affirmative votes. In 1980 resolution 35/6 received 97 votes in favour. In 1981 reso~ution 36/5 received 100 favourable votes. In July 1981 the International Conference on Kampuchea adopted a Declaration and a resolution by consensus. Ninety-three States par- ticipated in that Conference or attended as observers, and the total population of those countries is one eighth of the total world population. 24. 1 submit that the fact that ASEAN and its sup- porters are obtaining such overwhelmingly and pro- gressively increasing majorities means that we must be charting the right course on the question of Kam- puchea. I propose that we stay on course. to the failure of its Members to abide by its decisions. 25. I have been entrusted with the duty of intro- In the words ofour perceptive and objective Secretary- 25. I have been entrusted with the duty of intro- ducing on behalf of the 45 sponsors the draft reso- 28. It also urges the countries of South-East Asia, once a comprehensive political solution to the Kampu- chean conflict has been achieved, to exert renewed efforts to establish a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia, and reiterates the hope that, following a comprehensive political solution, an intergovernmental committee will be established to consider a programme of assistance of Kampuchea for the reconstruction of its economy and for the eco- nomic and social development of all the States of the region. 29. The 45 sponsors respectfully submit this draft resolution for the consideration of the General Assembly and request that it be accorded the support of all its Members. 30. The world knows that the so-called weaknesses of the United Nations have in large measure been due to the failure of its Members to abide by its decisions. In the words ofour perceptive and objective Secretary- General, The Secretary-General continues: The Secretary-General continues: "Concerted diplomatic action is an essential complement to the implementation of resolutions. I believe that in reviewing one of the greatest prob- lems of the United Nations-lack of respect for its decisions by those to whom they are addressed- new ways should be considered of bringing to bear the collective influence of the membership on the problem at hand." [Ibid.] "Concerted diplomatic action is an essential complement to the implementation of resolutions. I believe that in reviewing one of the greatest prob- lems of the United Nations-lack of respect for its decisions by those to whom they are addressed- new ways should be considered of bringing to bear the collective influence of the membership on the problem at hand." [Ibid.] 31. In the Assembly, before the representatives of the entire human community, let it be known that the foreign invaders of Kampuchea, through their arro- gant and continued defiance of the wishes of the Assembly, certainly bear a heavy share of the respon- sibility for contributing to the erosion of the Charter of the United Nations. We should not allow that in any circumstances. 31. In the Assembly, before the representatives of the entire human community, let it be known that the foreign invaders of Kampuchea, through their arro- gant and continued defiance of the wishes of the Assembly, certainly bear a heavy share of the respon- sibility for contributing to the erosion of the Charter of the United Nations. We should not allow that in any circumstances. 32. Prince NORODOM SIHANOUK (Democratic Kampuchea) (interpretation from French): Before I address the situation in Kampuchea, allow me, on behalf of the people and the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, as well as on my own behalf, to express profound gratitude to the very many States Members of the United Nations whose delegations yesterday afternoon acted with justice in the ·General Assembly and gave their invaluable and firm support to the just cause of the Kampuchean people and to an independent, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea. That extremely significant political gesture will always be inscribed in gold in the annals of our country and of our national struggle for the total liberation of our unhappy country. 32. Prince NORODOM SIHANOUK (Democratic Kampuchea) (interpretation from French): Before I address the situation in Kampuchea, allow me, on behalf of the people and the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, as well as on my own behalf, to express profound gratitude to the very many States Members of the United Nations whose delegations yesterday afternoon acted with justice in the -General Assembly and gave their invaluable and firm support to the just cause of the Kampuchean people and to an independent, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea. That extremely significant political gesture will always be inscribed in gold in the annals of our country and of our national struggle for the total liberation of our unhappy country. 33.' Permit me now to express my profound grati- tude to the United Nations, which by a vast majority of its Members, has for three successive years, in 1979, 1980 and 1981, adopted resolutions seeking a just solution to the problem of Kampuchea. Briefly, those resolutions called for the· total and uncondi- tional withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampu- chean territory, recognition of the sovereignty and right to self-determination of the Kampuchean people and the holding of general elections under the super- vision of the United Nations. I 34. As a sovereign State, Kampuchea would have' been absolutely within its rights to reject the clause about supervision by the United Nations. In accepting that clause, my country seeks to give a public guar- antee of honest and truly democratic election pro- ceedings. In this way it seeks to remove any pretext that Viet Nam may have for refusing to withdraw from our country and restore Kampuchea's inde- pendence. 33.' Permit me now to express my profound grati- tude to the United Nations, which by a vast majority of its Members, has for three successive years, in 1979, 1980 and 1981, adopted resolutions seeking a just solution to the problem of Kampuchea. Briefly, those resolutions called for the- total and uncondi- tional withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampu- chean territory, recognition of the sovereignty and right to self-determination of the Kampuchean people and the holding of general elections under the super- vision of the United Nations. I 34. As a sovereign State, Kampuchea would have' been absolutely within its rights to reject the clause about supervision by the United Nations. In accepting that clause, my country seeks to give a public guar- antee of honest and truly democratic election pro- ceedings. In this way it seeks to remove any pretext that Viet Nam may have for refusing to withdraw from our country and restore Kampuchea's inde- pendence. 40. In my most recent statement from this rostrum [42nd meeting], I had the honour of reading to the Assembly in extenso the overwhelming testimony sent by cablegram on 16 October last from Munich by Mr. Prom Ieng, former Director of the Informa- tion Office of the so-called "People's Republic of Kampuchea" in Stockholm. 41. Today permit me, in concluding my present statement, to read some exte,sive excerpts from an interview given to the press in Bangkok by another deserter from the Phnom Penh administration, the puppet of Hanoi. I quote from The Nation Review, Bangkok. Friday morning, 8 October 1982: "Viet Nam has imposed absolute control on the foreign policy of its puppet regime in Phnom Penh, whose Foreign Ministry rece:·.res daily instructions from Hanoi through Vietnamese advisers, a former Kampuchean official said yesterday. Dy Lamthol, who was Chairman of the Department of America and Western Europe of the Heng Samrin Govern- ment before his defection in May. He was acco J- panied on his flight by his wife, Neang Seda, 33, and his two sons, 7 and 9. 'I dislike the Heng Samrin regime, which supports the Vietnamese aggression of our country', he said when asked about the reason for his defection. He said 17 Vietnamese advisers were posted in the Foreign Ministry and they were parts of the Vietnamese officials from the so-called 'B-68 Unit' in Hanoi. Dy Lamthol de- scribed the unit as one that controls Vietnamese experts and advisers working in Kampuchea. Dy Lamthol explained how the Vietnamese advisers exert control on the foreign affairs of the Kampu- chean Foreign Ministry. Every morning, the Vietnamese advisers would call a meeting with high- ranking officials of the Foreign Ministry and read them 'secret telegrams' from Hanoi. He described the secret telegrams as instructions which told the Kampuchean leaders how to deal with specific issues or how to conduct their daily foreign affairs. Foreign Minister Hun Sen, his vice and assistance ministers were normally present at the daily meeting, he said. The instructions from the Viet- namese advisers would then be passed on to heads of varkms department~ concerned who could carry out their duties according to the letters. "Hun Sen, whom he described as being 'not very intelligent', had two personal advisers. One of them was Vietnamese Ambassador to Phnom Penh Ngo Dien and the other was identified as Cau. He said Cau was the head of the Vietnamese advisers in the Kampuchean Foreign Ministry, who took orders directly from Hanoi. The Vietnamese control on the Foreign Ministry also reached the department level, he said. Dy Lamthol said when- * Quoted in English by the speaker. * Quoted in English by the speaker. 46. If, in conformity with United Nations resolu- tions, the Vietnamese withdraw all their troops from Kampuchea, my Government, for its part, is ready to sign with the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam a treaty of peace and non-aggression, including recog- nition of and respect for the territorial integrity of the two neighbouring countries within their existing borders. Thus, peace and concord will be re-estab- lished in our Indo-Chinese peninsula and the prospect of wider conflicts will disappear. 47. This year, for the fourth time, the General As- sembly has to take a decision on a draft resolution submitted by various sponsoring countries which reiterates the appeal to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to cease its aggression against my country and to withdraw all its forces from Kampuchea so as to enable the people of Kampuchea freely to determine their own destiny, in accordance with previous United Natt0Qs resolutions on Kampuchea and with the Decla- ration ofthe International Conference on Kampuchea. 48. On behalf of the people of Kampuchea, who have already suffered so cruelly from the Vietnamese invasion and occupation, and of the Government of Democratic Kampuchea, I should like to express my warm thanks to all the spol'lsoring countries, among them' the members of ASEAN, the initiators of draft resolution A/37/L.l/Rev.l, which has jur. been brilliantly introduced by Mr. Carlos Romulo, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Philippines. I ask all repre- sentatives ofcountries which cherish peace and justice to give their invaluable support to' that draft resolu- tion. Their massive vote in favour of it will con- tribute to bringing the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to its senses and to making it respect the prin- ciples and rules governing international relations between States. I thank all those representatives in anticipation of their invaluable sllpport, which the people and nation of Kampuchea will always remember.
For the fifth time in three years, we are considering the situation in Kampuchea. This demon- stratesthe concern of the international community with respect to this matter, as evidenced by the state- ments that we have heard during the past few 55. It is in the name of those same principles of law that my country remains resolved to support the 56. In that spint It. IS heartening to nOle that, as stressed by the Secretary-General in the report which he submitted to us, that ••... clmsultations among the countries of the region, as well as with other States, have acquired a new impetus. These consultations, of which I have been kept regularly informed, regrettably did not achieve any substantial progress towards a resolution of the problem. They constitute, how- ever, a positive development in so far as they have led to a better perception of the respective positions and encouraged a process of dialogue. To be truly productive, this dialogue should IJe developed further, with a view to initiating negotiations on the fundamental issues involved." [A/37/496, para. 8.] •• ... clmsultations among the countries of the region, as well as with other States, have acquired a new impetus. These consultations, of which I have been kept regularly informed, regrettably did not achieve any substantial progress towards a resolution of the problem. They constitute, how- ever, a positive development in so far as they have led to a better perception of the respective positions and encouraged a process of dialogue. To be truly productive, this dialogue should lJe developed further, with a view to initiating negotiations on the fundamental issues involved." [A/37/496, para. 8.] 57. Thus, since the adoption of resolution 36/5, a spirit of dialogue seems to have prevailed over high feelings and attitudes of suspicion which had been evinced up until that time on both si,des. This spirit of dialogue, which is a prerequisite to negotiation or dynamic compromise, is something we owe, on the one hand, to the Secretary-General, who has spared no effort to bring this about, for which we congratu- late him, and, on the other hand, to the :,upport of the international community and to the attitude taken by the parties involved, which, with the heightened awareness of the scope of the event and its possible consequences for international peace and security, have made positive gestures-albeit inadequate ones-which could, if wisely taken advantage of, help us to assemble the elements needed for a settlement of the conflict. Among those, we can refer to the decision taken by the Government of Viet Nam to withdraw part of or all its troops in Kampuchea. It is now essential to study that decision and its imple- mentation within the framework of the pertinent resolutions on the question of Kampuchea. We can also refer to, and express satisfaction at the formation of the Coalition Government headed by Prince Noro- dom Sihanouk in that it is trying to reunite the entire Kampuchean people and to have them share in the search for a just and honourable soluticn to this conflict. 57. Thus, since the adoption of resolution 36/5, a spirit of dialogue seems to have prevailed over high feelings and attitudes of suspicion which had been evinced up until that time on both si,des. This spirit of dialogue, which is a prerequisite to negotiation or dynamic compromise, is something we owe, on the one hand, to the Secretary-General, who has spared no effort to bring this about, for which we congratu- late him, and, on the other hand, to the :,upport of the international community and to the attitude taken by the parties involved, which, with the heightened awareness of the scope of the event and its possible consequences for international peace and security, have made positive gestures-albeit inadequate ones-which could, if wisely taken advantage of, help us to assemble the elements needed for a settlement of the conflict. Among those, we can refer to the decision taken by the Government of Viet Nam to withdraw part of or all its troops in Kampuchea. It is now essential to study that decision and its imple- mentation within the framework of the pertinent resolutions on the question of Kampuchea. We can also refer to, and express satisfaction at the formation of the Coalition Government headed by Prince Noro- dom Sihanouk in that it is trying to reunite the entire Kampuchean people and to have them share in the search for a just and honourable soluticn to this conflict. 58. For its part, the Ad Hoc Committee on Kampu- chea, creation of the International Conference on Kampuchea, over which my country has the honour ofpresiding, is stepping up its efforts to involve public and governmental opinion in all countries in the search for a solution to the problem and to obtain the sup- port of such opinion for efforts by the United Nations in this area. 58. For its part, the Ad Hoc Committee on Kampu- chea, creation of the International Conference on Kampuchea, over which my country has the honour of presiding, is stepping up its efforts to involve public and governmental opinion in all countries in the search for a solution to the problem and to obtain the sup- 64. Mr. L6PEZ DEL AMO (Cuba) (interpretation from Spanish): Some ten years ago the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea were involved in an heroic and exemplary common struggle against im~ perialism, for independence and a future of peace, friendship and co-operador.. All of the progressive and peace-loving peoples of the world, including the 59. Similarly, the visits to Moscow and Peking by the b I . Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs, President of the est e ements 10 the United States of America, gave their support and solidarity to. the struggle· of those International Conference on Kampuchea, as well as three peoples. In the face of that, the Yankee impe- missions sent by the Ad Hoc Committee to France, Belgium, the Federal Republic of Germany, Sweden, rialists suffered their greatest military defeat. Austria and Thailand, were essentially aimed at giving 65. It is an imquestionable historical truth thatt.\1e ~~~::",~t:~~._::~==:::i.tnam.repoopl. bore the great.st burd.n of that port of such opinion for efforts by the United Nations in this area. 59. Similarly, the visits to Moscow and Peking by the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs, President of the International Conference on Kampuchea, as well as missions sent by the Ad Hoc Committee to France, Belgium, the Federal Republic of Germany, Sweden, Austria and Thailand, were essentially aimed at giving a hearing to the parties involved or interested in the 60. In this connection, paragraph 26 of the report of the Ad Hoc Committee, states: "In this context, the Ad Hoc Committee wishes to stress that, in accordance with its mandate, it is determined to continue its efforts towards the implementation of the Declaration of the Interna- tional Conference on Kampuchea and the relevant General Assembly resolutions. It will seek, in particular, to develop further consultations in order to contribute to the initiation of a negotiating process leading to the peaceful resolution of the Kamp'ilchean problem and creating the conditions for a lasting peace, stability and co-operation in the whole region. The Committee expresses the hope that all parties concerned will co-operate towards the early achievement of this goal."4 60. In this connection, paragraph 26 of the report of the Ad Hoc Committee, states: "In this context, the Ad Hoc Committee wishes to stress that, in accordance with its mandate, it is determined to continue its efforts towards the implementation of the Declaration of the Interna- tional Conference on Kampuchea and the relevant General Assembly resolutions. It will seek, in particular, to develop further consultations in order to contribute to the initiation of a negotiating process leading to the peaceful resolution of the Kamp'ilchean problem and creating the conditions for a lasting peace, stability and co-operation in the whole region. The Committee expresses the hope that all parties concerned will co-operate towards the early achievement of this goal."4 61. It is true, as the Secretary-General has empha- sized in his report, that "wide differences continue to exist between the positions of the parties concerned, both on the nature of the problem and on the mo- dalities for a peaceful solution" [ibid., para. 9], but all of the positive facts to which I have referred, which appear in the report of the Secretary-General and that of the Ad Hoc Committee are, on the whole, encour- aging elements which may lead to an honourable solution to the conflict. With the support ofthe interna- tional community, this pos,tive evolution of the situa- tion in Kampuchea could be expedited. 61. It is true, as the Secretary-General has empha- sized in his report, that "wide differences continue to exist between the positions of the parties concerned, both on the nature of the problem and on the mo- dalities for a peaceful solution" [ibid., para. 9], but all of the positive facts to which I have referred, which appear in the report of the Secretary-General and that of the Ad Hoc Committee are, on the whole, encour- aging elements which may lead to an honourable solution to the conflict. With the support ofthe interna- tional community, this pos,tive evolution of the situa- tion in Kampuchea could be expedited. 62. That is why I should like to launch an appeal to all Member States of the Organization, asking them to do more to help to find a global political solution to the question. Furthermore, they should endeavour to increase their contributions to the United Nations programmes for humanitarian assistance to refugees. In this regard, it is a great pleasure for me to pay a tribute to the Government of Thailand for what it has done for these refugees. 62. That is why I should like to launch an appeal to all Member States of the Organization, asking them to do more to help to find a global political solution to the question. Furthermore, they should endeavour to increase their contributions to the United Nations programmes for humanitarian assistance to refugees. In this regard, it is a great pleasure for me to pay a tribute to the Government of Thailand for what it has done for these refugees. 63. The international community, through the actions that I have just outlined, will thus have helped the countries in that part of the world to undertake together, motivated by the same f~ith, efforts to bring about a future marked by peace, stability and co- operation in renewed unity. 63. The international community, through the actions that I have just outlined, will thus have helped the countries in that part of the world to undertake together, motivated by the same f~ith, efforts to bring about a future marked by peace, stability and co- operation in renewed unity. 64. Mr. L6PEZ DEL AMO (Cuba) (interpretation from Spanish): Some ten years ago the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea were involved in an heroic and exemplary common struggle against im~ perialism, for independence and a future of peace, friendship and co-operador.. All of the progressive and peace-loving peoples of the world, including the best elements in the United States of America, gave their support and solidarity to. the struggle' of those three peoples. In the face of that, the Yankee impe- rialists suffered their greatest military defeat. 65. It is an imquestionable historical truth thatt.\1e Vietnamese peilple bore the greatest burden of that 71. The repeated efforts of the Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to bring about peace were continuously rejected by the Pol Pot regime. n. Successive uprisings of Kampuchean patriots against Pol Pot's tyranny finally led to the establish- ment of the National United Front for the Salvation of Kampuchea. Pol Pot's army, which was waging a border war against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, was defeated by the glorious armed forces of Viet Nam. An end was thus put to the nightmare of the Kampuchean people, and to the slave labour camps. The survivors returned to their homes, families were reunited; factories schools and pagodas reopened: freedom and fundamental rights were restored; In short, a start war; made on Kampuchea's revival. 73. One would have expected this event to be jubilantly welcomed and the National Ullited Front for the Salvation of Kampuchea and the People's Government of Kampuchea, who were beginning the heroic task of reconstructing their land and emerging from a life of hel! to one of hope, to have received well-deserved international recognition. However, the temporarily converging interests of the Govern- 73. One would have expected this event to be jubilantly welcomed and the National Ullited Front for the Salvation of Kampuchea and the People's Government of Kampuchea, who were beginning the heroic task of reconstructing their land and emerging from a life of hel! to one of hope, to have received well-deserved international recognition. However, the temporarily converging interests of the Govern- 74. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam also had then to face and defeat along its northern borders the aggression by more than half a million troops of its powerful neighbour who, furthermore, imposed upon it a total economic blockade, which is still in force, depriving Viet Nam of its main traditional market. 74. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam also had then to face and defeat along its northern borders the aggression by more than half a million troops of its powerful neighbour who, furthermore, imposed upon it a total economic blockade, which is still in force, depriving Viet Nam of its main traditional market. 75. Some representatives speaking from this ros- trum, deliberately misrepresenting the fraternal unity forged in a common struggle, have sought to portray the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as a small hege- monistic Power eager to gobble up its neighbours, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. To those who say this we might ask: what property does the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam have in Laos or Kampuchea? What resources of those nations are being exploited by the Socialist Republic ofViet Nam to its advantage? 75. Some representatives speaking from this ros- trum, deliberately misrepresenting the fraternal unity forged in a common struggle, have sought to portray the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as a small hege- monistic Power eager to gobble up its neighbours, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. To those who say this we might ask: what property does the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam have in Laos or Kampuchea? What resources of those nations are being exploited by the Socialist Republic ofViet Nam to its advantage? 76. No slander can conceal the sincere aid which the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam gives to Laos and Kampuchea. Steeped in poverty as it is, a p<.'verty which was the legacy of colonialism, Yankee aggres- sion, and the aggression and blockade by China, the heroic people of Viet Nam shares with its neighbours the little it has, and nourishes with the blood of its children the defence of the best causes of those peoples. 76. No slander can conceal the sincere aid which the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam gives to Laos and Kampuchea. Steeped in poverty as it is, a p<.'verty which was the legacy of colonialism, Yankee aggres- sion, and the aggression and blockade by China, the heroic people of Viet Nam shares with its neighbours the little it has, and nourishes with the blood of its children the defence of the best causes of those peoples. 77. We have heard voices in this Hall claiming to show concern for the fate of the people of Kampuchea and for peace and stability in the region. Those who sincerely desire the welfare of the Kampuchean people and wish the region to become one of peace, stability and co-operation, must demonstrate this by their actions. 77. We have heard voices in this Hall claiming to show concern for the fate of the people of Kampuchea and for peace and stability in the region. Those who sincerely desire the welfare of the Kampuchean people and wish the region to become one of peace, stability and co-operation, must demonstrate this by their actions. 78. To offer the territory of their country as a base of operation for aggression by the Pol Pot gangs and their ilk does nothing to help the Kampuchean people nor does it contribute to peace and stability in the region. To invent a fiction such as the so-called "Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea" and disregard the legitimate People's Government in Phnom Penh, which has a..thority over all the terri- tory of Kampuchea, is no help to the Kampuchean people, nor does it contribute to peace and stability in the region. To deny the People's Government of Kampuchea its legitimate representation in the United Nations and to maintain the Democratic Kampuchean phantom in the seat it has usurped does not help the Kampuchean people, nor does it contribute to peace and stability in the region. 78. To offer the territory of their country as a base of operation for aggression by the Pol Pot gangs and their ilk does nothing to help the Kampuchean people nor does it contribute to peace and stability in the region. To invent a fiction such as the so-called "Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea" and disregard the legitimate People's Government in Phnom Penh, which has a..thority over all the terri- tory of Kampuchea, is no help to the Kampuchean people, nor does it contribute to peace and stability in the region. To deny the People's Government of Kampuchea its legitimate representation in the United Nations and to maintain the Democratic Kampuchean phantom in the seat it has usurped does not help the Kampuchean people, nor does it contribute to peace and stability in the region. 79. The People's Government of Kampuchea, in a responsible and generous gesture, has declared that the doors are open for all Kampucheans, even those who today follow Pot Pot, to take part in the life of the country, recover their citizenship and exercise their right to participate in the general elections pro- vided for in the Constitution of the country, at which there will be international observers, as announced on 18 September by Foreign Minister Hun Sen. 79. The People's Government of Kampuchea, in a responsible and generous gesture, has declared that the doors are open for all Kampucheans, even those who today follow Pot Pot, to take part in the life of the country, recover their citizenship and exercise their right to participate in the general elections pro- vided for in the Constitution of the country, at which there will be international observers, as announced on 18 September by Foreign Minister Hun Sen.
Address by His Majesty King Hassan II of Morocco
Address by His Majesty King Hassan II of Morocco
The President on behalf of General Assembly #6873
The Assembly will now hear an address by His Majesty King Hassan 11 ofMorocco, President of the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, whom, on behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations and to invite to address the Assembly. 83. His Majesty King HASSAN 11 (Morocco) (inter- pretation from Arabic): It is an honour for me to address the Assembly today as President of the most recent Conference of Arab States, held at Fez, and also as Chairman of the group appointed by the Con- ference to visit some of the world's capitals to explain our position and obtain clarification of the positions of others. 84. I am proud to be the spokesman today of the Arab States, which have shown themselves te be in step with the times and doing serious and positive work, within the framework of their authentic cultural traditions and in association with all other States, to strengthen human civilization. 85. The Fez Conference can be divided into two parts. The first part was held in 1981, and the second this year. I emphasize that the Conference had two phases. We met a Fez the first time to consider our programme of work, which at that stage consisted of Prince Fahd's plan. We studied the various points of that plan, including point 7 [see A/37/696, annex, sect. I] but we decided to suspend our work--not because we had decided to rejclct the plan but because we thought it should be thoroughly studied by our States so that they could unhesitatingly express their unanimous final opinion on it. 86. Thus, in the first phase of the Conference last year, the Prince Fahd plan became a document of the League of Arab States, and subsequently became known as the "Arab plan". I should like to stress this point to make it clear to everyone that our call for peace, coexistence and security is not based on a position of weakness and is not the result of the events in Lebanon. From the moment when we decided to concentrate on this programme, and especially on point 7, we had free scope for action, free of any military, geographical or occupation-based pressure. If anyone claims or believes that the Arabs did not come to their senses until after the events in Lebanon, I refute any such assertion. Since 1981, the Arabs
The President on behalf of General Assembly #6874
The Assembly will now hear an address by His Majesty King Hassan 11 ofMorocco, President of the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, whom, on behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations and to invite to address the Assembly. 83. His Majesty King HASSAN 11 (Morocco) (inter- pretation from Arabic): It is an honour for me to address the Assembly today as President of the most recent Conference of Arab States, held at Fez, and also as Chairman of the group appointed by the Con- ference to visit some of the world's capitals to explain our position and obtain clarification of the positions of others. 84. I am proud to be the spokesman today of the Arab States, which have shown themselves te be in step with the times and doing serious and positive work, within the framework of their authentic cultural traditions and in association with all other States, to strengthen human civilization. 85. The Fez Conference can be divided into two parts. The first part was held in 1981, and the second this year. I emphasize that the Conference had two phases. We met a Fez the first time to consider our programme of work, which at that stage consisted of Prince Fahd's plan. We studied the various points of that plan, including point 7 [see A/37/696, annex. sect. I] but we decided to suspend our work--not because we had decided to rej~ct the plan but because we thought it should be thoroughly studied by our States so that they could unhesitatingly express their unanimous final opinion on it. 86. Thus, in the first phase of the Conference last year, the Prince Fahd plan became a document of the League of Arab States, and subsequently became known as the "Arab plan". I should like to stress this point to make it clear to everyone that our call for peace, coexistence and security is not based on a position of weakness and is not the result of the events in Lebanon. From the moment when we decided to concentrate on this programme, and especially on point 7, we had free scope for action, free of any military, geographical or occupation-based pressure. If anyone claims or believes that the Arabs did not come to their senses until after the events in Lebanon, I refute any such assertion. Since 1981, the Arabs 88. Once the work of the Conference had been con- cluded, the kings and heads of State of the Arab coun- tries decided to form a committee to tour the various capitals of the world for discussions and enquiries. But there is still a long way to go, and we do not imagine that a war that has bathed the whole area in blood for the past 40 years can be ended in one or two months. What is important is that the Arab 88. Once the work of the Conference had been con- cluded, the kings and heads of State of the Arab coun- tries decided to form a committee to tour the various capitals of the world for discussions and enquiries. But there is still a long way to go, and we do not imagine that a war that has bathed the whole area in blood for the past 40 years can be ended in one or two months. What is important is that the Arab 92. We seek inspiration from the teachings of Islam. I shall therefore end with the following verse from the Koran: 92. We seek inspiration from the teachings of Islam. I shall therefore end with the following verse from the Koran: " ... Repel (Evil) With what is better: Then will he between whom And thee was hatred Become as it were Thy friend and intimate! " ... Repel (Evil) With what is better: Then will he between whom And thee was hatred Become as it were Thy friend and intimate! And no one will be Granted such goodness Except those who exercise Patience and self-restraint, None but persons of The greatest good fortune." And no one will be Granted such goodness Except those who exercise Patience and self-restraint, None but persons of The greatest good fortune." [Sura 4/. verses 34 (md 35.] [Sura 4/. verses 34 (md 35.]
The President on behalf of General Assembly #6875
On behalf of the General Assembly I wic;h to thank His Majesty King Hassan JI ot Morocco for the important address he has just made.
The President on behalf of General Assembly #6876
On behalf of the General Assembly I wic;h to thank His Majesty King Hassan JI ot Morocco for the important address he has just made. NOTES NOTES I United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.1.20. I United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.1.20. 2 Ibid., annex I. ] Ibid., annex 11. 2 Ibid., annex I. ] Ibid., annex 11. 4 AlCONF.I09/6, para. 26. 4 AlCONF.I09/6, para. 26.
The meeting rose .at /.05 p.m.
The meeting rose .at /.05 p.m.