A/37/PV.45 General Assembly

I call on the representative of Finland on a point of order. 2. Mr. PASTINEN (Finland): My point of order, made on behalf ot the Nordic countries-Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and my own country-is in connection with the amendment in document A/37/L.9 submitted yesterday by the representative of Iran. The amendment proposes to reject the cre- dentials of the representatives of Isra~l. 3. On behalf of the Nordic countries, I formally move that no action be taken on the amendment, and I ask you, Mr. President, to put the motion [A/37/L.ll] to the vote immediately. 4. The motion is moved within the terms of rule 74 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. I wish to specify that it relates only to the Iranian amendment, and not to other aspects of the report of the Credentials Committee [A/37/543]. S. In puttingforward the motion t.he five Nordic coun- tries are motivated by their dedication to upholding the capacity and authority of the United Nations to act in fulfilment of its primary purpose-the main- tenance of international peace and security. We believe further that concern for the future of the Organization and its task of bringing peace to the Middle East is in the overwhelming interest of all Member States. 6. The PRESIDENT: The representative of Finland, on behalf of the Nordic countries, has moved a motion, in the context of rule 74 of the rules of pro- cedure, that the General Assembly decide not to take a decision on the amendment before the Assembly in document A/37/L.9. 7. Under rule 74, in addition to the proposer of the motion two representatives may speak in favour of it and two against, after which it shall be immediately put to the vote. 8. Mr. RAJAIE-KHORASSANI (Islamic ReDublic of Iran): I speak against the motion just presented by the representative of Finland simply because a vote for or against it is in fact an expression of a position on the amendment. We think that it is the amendment 11. I see no reasonable justification for ignoring the amendment, which serves the same purpose as the procedural motion. Therefore there is obviously no need for the motion.

As no other representative has asked to speak in favour of or against the motion submitted by the representative of Finland [A/37/ L.II], on behalf of the Nordic countries, I shall put it to the vote. A recorded vote has been requested. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Antigua and Barbuda, Argeutina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Belgium, Botswana, Brazil, Burma, Canada, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Denmark, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Germany, Federal Republic of, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Lesotho, Liberia, Luxembourg, Mexico, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay ~ Peru, Philippines, Portugal, Romania, Samoa, Singapore, Spain, Sri Lanka, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Cameroon, United States of America, Upper Volta" Uruguay, Yugoslavia, Zaire, ZafT'bia, Zimbabwe. Against: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Cuba, Grenada, Iran (Islamic Republic ot), Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Nicaragua,I Viet Nam. Abstaining: Bangladesh, Barbados, Bhutan, Bul- garia, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Congo, Czechoslovakia, Ethiopia, Gambia, German Demo- cratic Republic, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Hungary, India, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Madagascar, Mongolia, Niger, Pakistan, Poland, Rwanda, Saint L~cia,2 Sao Tome and Prin- cipe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Turkey, Uganda, • Resumed from the 4300 meeting. NEW YO,RK 20. It is Belgium's constant policy to approve in principle the reports submitted by the Credentials Committee. 21. Despite our aversion to the Khmer Rouge regime, we have voted in past years in favour of the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea. Belgiom could not accept Viet Nam's violation of the principle of non-intervention in the affairs of a foreign State. However, at the thirty-sixth session [4th meeting], Belgium indicated that it would be very difficult for it to repeat that vote in 1982 if a coalition government had still not been formed to replace the Government of that time, which was made up exclusively of mem- bers of the Khmer Rouge. The Coalition Government 41. I think that from the moment the President asked the question "Any objections?" whatever has been done or said in the Assembly has been contrary to the procedures and is therefore invalid. 42. The other point I wish to raise concerns the very peculiar and insidious statement made just now by the well-known aggressor. I believe that the statement was a masterpiece of banality, because the producer of that statement simply wanted to deceive the whole Assembly and to conceal the carnage his country has on many occasions wrought on the oppressed people of the Middle East. 43. I am quite confident that all the representatives know very well why the motion was passed and how the conspiracy succeeded. I think all the representa- tives, at least as far as personal opinion is concerned, are fully convinced that the Assembly is still not decent enough to remove the elements of indecency from the scehe of the international body. We have to suffer and work more and more for the revival of principles of morality here-I do not know for how long but I believe that we are ready to work long enough. 44. The contention of the speaker was that he was going to de&! with the content of the report of the Credentials Committee; I think that position was entirely irrelevant because once it was decided that the amendment would not be put to a vote all the rhetoric that was produced in order to conceal the criminal acts of Israel in the Middle East was irrele- vant. I am sure the individuals here know this very well, and we are quite happy that as far as the indi- viduals are concerned our position has a great deal of support. However, we can understand the difference b~tween the constitutional position and the personal position. 45, Mr. KESSELY (Chad) (interpretation from French): Chad has just supported the proposal made by Finland that the amendment contained in document A/37/L..9 not be put to a vote. That signifies that if [he text had been put to a vote my delegation would not have supported it, but it doe's not in any way mean that Chad supports the actions and the, be- haviour of Israel. We all know indeed that Israel undoubtedly holds the record for violations of the Charter and resolutions; yet it is unfortunately :!he only one that combines with this behaviour arrogance and contempt for the Organization. Thus, not content with occupying Arab and Pal~s~inian territories, it h~s gone so far as to invade peaceful Lebanon, where It has perpetrated massacres which have caused indig- nation and horror throughout the world. 52. The document containing those reservations [A/37/563 and Add.I], which has been distributed and which is endorsed by 49 signatories, expresses the views of the majority of countries and emphasizes that this international body does not accept the pres- ence of the Sharon-Begin-Shamir gang-which cannot in any way be called a State. However, by means of an underhanded method-I would even say unacceptable method, with all due respect to those that proposed it, the Assembly has taken a decision concerning the Iranian amendment. This does not in any way indicate direct or indirect support on our part as Arab States, as is made clear in the document containing our reservations and reasons; nor does it indicate our agreement with or acceptance of the presence of the neo-Nazi Israelis among us. 53. We stated in the document in which we expressed our reservations that it was a warning to' the repre-

The problem of Kampuchea touches upon the essence of the Charter of the United Nations. It involves the principle of the inadmissibility of the threat of or the use of force. It involves the rights of p~oples to determine their own national Governments and it involves non-interference in the internal affairs of States. But beyond these important and established principles, there is also the human dimension to this problem: for more than a decade the Khmer people have suffered tremendous deprivation. They have experienced a disastrous civil war, human rights violations on a massive scale, famine and, now, foreign occupation. 68. Thanks in the main to a swift and effective emergency reliefprogramme, it seems that the survival of the Kampuchean people is now assured. But if at present the lives of millions of people are no longer threatened by starvation, the need for a solution to the political problems, which remain, becomes all the more clear. In addition to humanitarian relief, the international community must assume responsibility for restoring to the Kampuchean people their basic right to determine their own future free of outside pressure or coercion.

I think the clarification could be found in the proceedings of the Assembly. 60. Mr. DOUNTAS (Greece)~ I should like very briefly to explain my vote on the Finnish motion as a purely procedural one. This vote should in no way be interpreted as affecting the very well-known and repeatedly stated position of my Government against the Israeli policies in the Middle East and in favour of the Palestinians. 69. An essential first step for returning Kampuchea to normalcy must be the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces. Not only is their presence a continuing affront to international law, but the travail ofthe Kampuchean people will continue as long as foreign military inter- vention persists. Effective measures must be taken to ensure that after the withdrawal no armed group can

The delegation of the Syrian Arab Republic is of the view that it is the duty of the General Assembly to reject the credentials of the

The General Assembly is once again called upon to debate the so-called situation in Kampuchea, without the approval or the participa- tion of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the sole legal and authentic representa- tive of the people of Kampuchea. Thi.s is flagrant interference in the domestic affairs of an independent and sovereign State. It violates Dne ofthe fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and goes against the legitimate aspirations of a people which, having escaped genocide, is in the process of overcoming innumerable difficulties and obstacles in order to reconstruct its country and build a new life in human dignity. 98. The deleg?.tion of Viet Nam believes that it would be better for the General Assembly to discuss, in order to take a position and adopt appropriate measures, the need to put an end without any delay to all attempts and acts designed to hamper the resurgence of the Kampuchean people and to restore the .genocidal Pol Pot regime in Kampuchea. 99. Having· been victorious in 1975 in resisting American aggression and defending its national well- being, the Kampuchean people should have been able to enjoy peace, independence and freedom, and to devote all of its energies to reconstructing its country, ravaged by war, and building a prosperous and happy life. But, following the instructions of Peking, the Pol Pot clique, equipped with Chinese weapons and buttressed by some 20,000 Chinese "advisers", for more than three successive years engaged in unpre- cedented genocide, exterminating almost 3 million Kampucheans. At the same time, it launched military attacks against Viet Nam and perpetrated odious massacres of Vietnamese along the entire Viet Nam- Kampuchea border. 100. Indeed, Chma took the place of the United States in Kampuchea and was using the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary-Khieu Samphan clique as agents in order to fulfil its criminal designs of making Kampuchea an inferno and a springboard for carrying out its expan- sionist and hegemonist ambitions in South-East Asia. A plan of attack against Viet Nam, involving a two-front pincer operation-in the south-west and in the north-was quickly developed and put into effect. 103. For nearly four years, with a country ravaged by genocide, with more than a third of its population slaughtered and with a society ravaged and cast back into medieval times, the people and the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea have over- come famine, rapidly normalized life and made great achievements in all fields, earning themselves the well-deserved tribute ofhaving effected a "miraculous rebirth". 104. Only two years after Kampuchea's liberation from genocide, free democratic general elections were organized, with the participation of more than 97 per cent of the voters. On 27 June 1981 tbe first democratic constitution of Kampuchea saw the light of day. Order and security are assured throughout the country. The people's Government has all the country's affairs, both domestic and external. we)) in hano, and is dealing with the life of the people diligently and efft:ctively. 105. In 1981 agricultural production reached 1.6 mil- lion tonnes of paddy. The harvest of the 1982 dry season is virtually double last year's. Hundreds of industrial installations and cottage industries have been restored, and many communications and trans- port networks, including posts and telecommunica- tions. have been put back into service. The national currency has bee.! in circulation since March 1980. Trading services, both private and public, have been expanded throughout the country. 106. Achievements in various fields-educational, cultural and social-are very encouraging, as they have been brought about since the genocidal ~rimi­ nals of the Pol Pot clique massacred from 80 to 90 per cent of the teachers, doctors, pharmacists, writers, artists and intellectuals, and turned the schools and pagodas into prisons, places of torture and arms depots. In the school year 1981-1982 there were more than 1.5 million pupils at the primary leveL All the high schools and universities have resumed their activities. Ninety per cent of the villages now have clinics and maternity wards. The outstanding feature of life under the new regime is the spreading of cultural and artistic activities among the masses of the people. The people's Government is ensuring the 107. The miraculous rebirth of the country and of the Kampuchean people has been highlighted by numerous impartial foreign observers. At the beginning of 1980 William Shawcross described the deep impression made on the journalists who visited the country of the temples of Angkor, and made the succinct statement in The Washington Post of 18 March 1980 that Kampuchea had come back to life under the Government of Heng Samrin. The following year Fran~oise Correze wrote, in Un an apres -Kampuchea /98/-Temoignages, of a surprising rebirth after the crushing physical and moral oppres- sion of the dark years. Whilst in the 21-27 May 1980 edition Chris Mullin simply commented in The Times that smiles were reappearing upon the lips of a people that had forgotten how to smile, Daniel Southerland gave a lively example of. the new kind of life in Kampuchea in an article in The Christian Science Monitor of 3 Fehruary 1982, in which he said that courting, which had. been discouraged under the Khmer Rouge regime, h8d once again become a part of normal life-and that there were plenty of babies. ' 108. Needless to say, this rebirth is all the more miraculous as it took place, and ~s still taking place, in a difficult context, in which Peking and its agents, the genocidal Pol Pot-Ieng Sary-Khieu Samphan ciique, have tried ti) sabotage it by all possible means. This is evidence both of the unshakeable determina- tion of the Kampuchean people to become master of its own destiny and of the stability of the people's Government in the face of all trials. This makes it posl'.ible for the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea to go ahead with the implementation of its domestic policy of national unity and its foreign policy of peace, friendship and non-alignment. 109. The following are some tangible proofs of what I have just said. On 18 September, the Foreign Minister, Hun Sen, reaffirming the policy of clemency of the Government of the People's Republic of Kani- puchea said that: "All Kampucheans who are still in the ranks of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary-Khieu Samphan clique, or who are collaborating with it directly or indirectly by opposing the rebirth of the Kampuchean people and by. helping the plans of the Chinese hege- monists, but who have now left the ranks of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary-Khieu Samphan clique, cease collaborating' with it and respect the Constitution of the People's Republic of Kampuchea will be given the opportunity to enjoy the rights of citizen- ship, including the right to vote, and will be eligible to take part in free general elections, as the Consti- tition stipulates. Foreign observers will be invited to observe the general elections in Kampuchea.', That attitude of broad national reconciliation is further evidence of the solid popular support for the new regime. acc~ptable to the ruling circles of Peking. One has only to see them in action to realize that their goals, both short-term and long-term, regarding Kampuchea and South-East Asia, remain unchanged. For them, Kampuchea must always be a bastion for the purpose of weakening Viet Nam and a springboard for achieving their expansionist and hegemonist goals in South-East Asia. That is why the Pol Pot clique, their henchmen, remain an irreplaceable tool for them, especially in terms of the brutal and adventurous behaviour of those crimin.als, and in spite of the fact that their odious genocidal image is detested by the whole of progressive mankind. 113. The efforts of the Peking leaders to supply and equip Pol Pot's armed rabble, sheltering in the Thailand sanctuary, and their attempts to impose their views on the so-called International Conference on Kampuchea and to retain the genocidal Pol Pot clique~s seat in the United Nations by means of that farce they are calling a "Coalition Government", are all parallel manreuvres to implement the consistent policy I have described. 114. My delegation considers that it is necessary at this time to make the following fact clear: as the Peking authorities raise the hue and cry that Viet Nam must withdraw its troops from Kampuchea, with the intention of isolating it politically in the eyes of tlte world, they are in fact doing everything they can to keep the Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea. In fact, by increasing their assistance-above all military assistance-to Pol Pot's armed rabble for the purpose of repeated incursions into Kampuchean territory from their sanctuaries in Thai territory, the Chinese authorities expect to achieve several aims at a single stroke: first, to maintain a continual state of tension on the Kampuchea-Thailand border; which, in practice, prevents the Vietnamese troops from with- drawing from Kampuchea; secondly, to inflict a con- tinuing haemorrhage and economic weakening on 136. Th'.: large-scale inl~ernational support enjoyed by the Kampuchean people in its heroic struggle to regain its legitimate rights i~, indeed the best evidence of the fairness and justice of ~ts cause. The three previous sf;ssions of the General Assembly saw a noticeable im:rease in international concern over the Kampuchtoan problem. This increasing concern was expressed in the overwhelming majorities 'JY which General Assembly resolutions 34/22, 35/6 and 36/5 were adopted, as well as in the large-scale international support fDr the Declaration and reso- lution. adopted by the International Conferenc~ on Kampuchea,s which offered a positive and practical basis for a comprehensive settlement of the Kampu- chean problem in such a manner as to guarantee the protection of the legitimate dghts of all parties con- cerned in the problem and provide the necessary guarantees. 141. The situation of the Kampuchean people under the present occupation of their country and the threat imposed by this dangerous situation to the security of the peoples of South-East Asia makes it incumbent ·on the international community to take decisive action to put an end to this situation by means of a comprehensive political settlement of this problem. 137. There has been an Important positive develop- ment recently in regard to the Kampuchean problem, namely, the formation of a Coalition Government of Kampnchea. hi::aded by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. Egypt, like all countries supporting international legality, welcomes the formation of this coalition and regards it as the sole legitimate representative of Kampuchea and as people. 138. There is no doubt that this is a posilive step along the path to a comprehensive settlement of the problem, one worthy of the appreciation and support of the international community. In this regard, I must pay a tribute and express appreciation respecting the persistent efforts made by the countries of ASEAN to arrive at a fair settlement of the Kampuchean problem. , 143. Egypt fully appreciates the persistent efforts exerted by the Secretary-General to bring about a political solution to the Kampuchean problem, as well as his efforts concerning humanitarian aid to the people of Kampuchea. We also appreciate the efforts exerted by the Ad Hoc Committee of the Inter- national Conference on Kampuchea to start a dia- logue between the parties concerned as an initial step towards negoti~tions on implementing·, the Declaration of the International Conference on Kam- 139. Egypt, in suppnrting the just Kampuchean cause, is doing so not because it is biased towards one side or wishes to defend any regime or rulers. 140. Egypt's unqualified commitment internation- ally to these noble principles is the firm basis of its position with regard to this problem as well as other international probl~ms. On th~ basis of this position, Egypt voted in favour of accepting the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea, while reaffirming its constant p,.)sition stemming from its commitment to interna- tional legality and its rejection of the recognition of any regime imposed on a free people by foreign military intervention. 142. Egypt's policy concerning the settlement of this problem is based on its belief in the need for the following conditions to be fulfilled: the total and unconditional withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea on the basis of a specmed timetable; the restoration of Kampuchea's independence and sovereignty over all its territory; the possibility for the Kampuchean people to exercise their right to self- determination, under the auspices of the United Nations and free from any outside or foreign inter- ference; the possibility for all Kampuchean refugees to return to their homeland in safety; respect by all States for the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of Kampuchea, and a guarantee of the right of all States in ~he region to live in peace. ISO. For these reasons, and on the basis of the positive components and elements of the o,raft reso- lutions, Egypt will vote in favour and ~alls on all representatives a~so to support it, in the interest of peace. 151. Egypt, which believes in peace and considers it the sole means of resolving all problems among nations, invites the United Nations and the Govern- ments of peace-loving nations to exert further joint efforts to arrive at ajust, comprehensive settlement of the Kampuchean problem which will restore stability and security to the region. 152. Mr. LING Qing (China) (interpretation from Chinese): The General assembly has, at three con- secutive sessions, adopted resolutions calling for the total withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea so that free elections may be held by the Kampuchean people without outside interference. Owing to the obstruction and sabotage by the Vietnamese author- 154. The past year has witnessed new develop- ments in Kampuchea. Conscious of their national aspirations and historical responsibilities, Kampl;!- chean patriots and leaders of insight proclaimed in August 1982 the formation of the Coalition. Govern- ment of Democratic Kampuchea, rallying all Kampu- chean patriotic forces resisting Vietnamese aggres- sion. This significant event has dealt a heavy blow to those who manreuvre to legalize the Heng Samrin puppet regime and given tremendous encouragement to the Kampuchean armed forces and the people figbting at the battlefront. Therefore, the Coalition has received universal approval and support in Kampuchea and from world public opinion. 155. On the battlefield, the aggressors have stepped up their military deployment, launched one offensive after another, and even thrown in several divisions of troops aTi.d large numbers of tanks, guns and aircraft in massive mopping-up operations against territories held by Democratic Kampuchea. How~ ever, as the saying goes, "An army fighting for a just cause has high morale, while that fighting for an unjust cause is in bad shape". The fourth dry-season offensive mounted by the aggressors has once again ended in a fiasco. The Kampuchean patriotic armed forces have not only maintained their strength but have wrested control ofmore rural territories, thereby extending the liberated areas and guerrilla zones. The myth about the "irreversibility" of the situation in Kampuchea has thus been shattered. We are con- vinced that under the leadership of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, with Prince Norodom Sihanouk as its President, so long as the Kampnchean people strengthen their unity and persist in the struggle, they will surely realize their nation's sacred aspiration-to expel the invaders and win complete victory in their patriotic war. 156. The Vietnamese authorities, although facing serious diffi<;ulties, have nut abandoned hegemomst' ambitions in their region. With the support of a super-Power, they have not shown the least restraint in their aggressive expansionism. In order to extricate themselves from their predicament and to deceive their own people and parry world censure, they have resorted to a few new tricks. 157. To begin with, they announced that they would effect a "unilateral partial withdrawal" of troops. As a matter of fact, this is nothing new. Two years ago, at the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, Viet Nam already talked about a "partial with- drawal", but up till now there has been no reduction· 158. Secondly, Viet Nam calls for an international conference on South-East Asia. Everybody knows that the General Assembly has, at consecutive ses- sions, adopted resolutions, and the Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea has also laid down the basic principles for solVing the Kampu- chean issue. The Vietnamese authorities have refused to implement these resolutions and the Declaration, and now they want to have another international conference and suggest that prior con- sultations be carried out on matters regarding the conference between the countries of ASEAN and Incio-China, including the Heng Samrin regime. Viet Nam'soccupation of Kampuchea is the key issue in South-East Asia. To talk abo~t questions of South- East Asia without touching on this key issue is clearly a ru~e designed to forestall the application of the United Nations resolution on the Kampuchean issue and then remove that issue altogether from the agenda of the world'forum. Another purpose of the proposed international conference is to impose the Vietnamese- installed Phnom Penh puppet regime on the partici- pants and to legitimize it so that Viet Nam can perpetuate its occupation of Kampuchea and justify its control and domination of Indo-China. Thus, the proposed international conference on South-East Asia is nothing but a rehashed version of the regional conference once promoted by Viet Nam. 161. Another argument of Viet Nam is that the so-called "China threat" can be removed only if China agrees to resume talks and conclude a bilateral agreement on peaceful coexistence with it. That is a ruse which Viet Nam has habitually employed. Prob- lems between China and Viet Nam should not have been difficult to resolve. The Chinese people have always cherished a profound friendship for the Viet- namese people and wished that the two countries can live in peace. We are merely against Viet Nam's regional hegemonism and expansionism. If only Viet Nam withdraws all its troops from Kampuchea, 159. Thirdly, Viet Nam continues to harp on the renounces aggression and expansionism and abandons so-called "China threat", alleging that "the presence its anti-China position, the Chinese Government is of Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea is aimed at countering this threatby China", and that "the Kampu- ready to resume talks with it and to negotiate and chean problem is essentially one between China and adopt measures to restore friendly and good- the Indo-Chinese countries". This is a downright lie neighbourly relations between the two countries. and utterly untrue. It is a plain fact that Kampuchea !62. Viet Nam's invasion of Kampuchea has became an issue only after Viet Nam launched armed brought untold sufferings to the Kampuchean people. aggression against that country and that it is not the ~ It has posed a grave threat to the peace and stability consequence of a dispute between China and Viet of South-East Asia and seriously violated the basic Nam. Viet Nam had always regarded 'China as its norms of international relations. The Chinese Govern- friendly neighbour until it invaded Kampuchea. As ment has always advocated an early political settle- recently as 1977, the Vietnamese leader Le Duan ment of the Kampuchean question on a fair and kept saying: "Having a brother like China on Viet reasonable basis. However, any political settlement Nam's side, we feel quite at ease and have nothing should strictly adhere to the correct principles set to worry about; we will surely surmount all diffi- forth in the General Assembly resolutions and the culties". It was not until the Vietnamese authorities Declaration of the International Conference on Kam- ~D:OCW~~~~~= Assem~ly and the Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea have specifically pro- vided for the independent and neutral status of Kam- puchea after the withdrawal of Vietn,amese troops. As long as the Kampuchean problem is settled in accordance with these principles, no one can threaten Viet Nam from Kampuchea. The Chinese Government has made it clear on many occasions that after Viet Nam withdraws its troops from Kam- puchea so that the Kampuchean people may exercise their right to self-determination, China is willing to join the other countries concerned in a guarantee tha~ no State shall occupy Kampuchean territory and use it to violate the independence and sovereignty of any other State, or in any way interfere in the internal affairs of Karr.puchea. We want to ask: Do the Vietnamese authorities have the courage to r..ake such a pledge and to act accordingly? 163. We highly appraise the untiring efforts of ASEAN and other justice-upholding countries to maintain peace in South-East Asia. We have carefully studied the draft resolution jointly sponsored by ASEAN and others. We consider it' positive. It re- affirms the basic principles contained in the resolu- tions of the three previous sessions and in the Decla- ration of the International Conference on Kampuchea, and will lead to a fair and reasonable solution to the Kampuchean problem. We endorse this draft resolu- tion and call on all Member States to vote for it.

Although yet another year has come and gone, thg deplorable situation in Kampuchea remains unresolved. Kampuchea con- tinues to be the victim of foreign military intervention and its people afi~ still denied the right of self- determination. As an Asiar. ~1~..:..:.~, :.lY country is profoundly concerned by the situation, which threatens the peace and security, as well as the stability and prosperity, of the entire South-East Asian region. 165. I wish to take this opportunity to oumne the Government of Japan's position on the Kampu·-:hean problem. Military intervention by one country i::I the affairs of another country and the obstruction o:f the latter country's right of self-determination are intol- erahle. The opportunity for the Kampuchean people to enjoy fully the right to choose their own political future without outside interference must be ensured. These elements are contained in General Assembly resolutions 34/22, 35/6, and 36/5, as well as the Decla- ration and resolution of the International Conference on Kampuchea, and thus Japan would like to stress their importance. Japan believes that the best way of finding a just and lasting solution to the Kampuchean problem is to hold negotiations among· all parties concerned in accordance with the Declaration and ihe resolutions, which have been adopted with the support of the overwhelming majority of the interna- tional community. Japan is of the view that a com- prehensive solution of the Kampuchean problem should be achieved through the prompt implementa- tion of the Declaration and the relevant resolutions. f, 166. During the past three years my country has joined with the member cQuntries of ASEAN in co- sponsoring a number of General Assembly resolu- tior-s on the Kampuchean situation. It also con- tributed positively to the International Conference on Kampuchea in July of 1981. In addition, Japan has been making diplomatic efforts to implement these resolutions and the Declaration. In this connection, Japan has participated in the activities of the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kam- i, i i i 167. Furthermore, at the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, Japan suggested [8th meeting] that a representative of the Secretary-General be sent to the countries concerned. We are gratified that this suggestion was carried out during the course of this year. We would like to take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to the Secretary- General for his efforts towards a solution of the Kam- puchean problem. Japan too will continue to work actively towards this end. 168. It is indeed regrettable that, in spite Qf the efforts of the international community towards a comprehensive political settlement of the Kampu- chean problem, foreign forces remain in Kampuchea and a solution of the problem through negotiations does not appear to be imminent. 169. Japan fully supports and has joined the ASEAN countries in sponsoring draft resolution A/37/L.l/ Rev.1, as it has similar draft resolutions in the past. We urge all Member States which respect interna- tional justice and seek world peace to support it, in the recognition that armed intervention in another country must be rejected and the right of self- determination of the Kampuchean people respected. Furthermore, we strongly appeal t9 Viel Nam to respond positively to the voice of the overwhelming majority of Member States as reflected in the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly as well as in the Declaration and resolution of the International Con- ference on Kampuchea, and thus enter into nego- tiations. 170. I should like to take this opportunity of wel- coming the formation of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea. We are pleased to note that Democratic Kampuchea has thus widened its base and hope that this development will lead to a comprehensive political solution. 171. Japan has a high regard for the United Nations relief activities for Kampuchean refugees and hopes that the United Nations will continue to play an effective role in this field. My Government has con- tributed positively to these activities for humanitarian reasons, and also in the hope of alleviating the burden borne by Thailand. Japan will continue to the best of its ability to co-operate with such activities. How- ever, it is not enough to provide relief assistance for refugees. In order to resolve the refugee problem it, is of urgent importance to find ways to eradicate its root cause. Japan thus renews its appeal to Viet Nam to abandon its military interference and to take part in negotiations aiming at a peaceful solution of the Kampuchean problem.

There are a number of items on the agenda of the Assembly that are likely to arouse emotions in this Hall. Among these are in particular the problem of" Kampuchea, the subject of our present debate. 173. I do not wish to dwell on our position, which is well known now, on the inclusion of the item entitled 174. But what is emerging once again is an exercise of hypocrisy carried on by those who, consciously or not, allow themselves to be drawn into this game. They persist in closing their eyes and their ears to the facts in that part of the world. 175. And what are these facts? They are the sta- bilization of life and the internal constitutional order in the People's Republic of Kampucbea, born out of the ashes of a regime that has gone forever and that was hated by all; the work of recoHstruction under- taken by a Government supported by the popular masses who still remember only too vividly the bloodbath of yesterday; and the foreign policy ini- tiatives and openings of a State that has been able to establish relations oftrust with its lodo-Chinese neigh- bours and that is fully willing and able to discharge its obligations under international law. 176. To claim to be trying to defend the "just cause" of Kampuchea by lending support to views that have nothing to do with the real situation in the country and that are reflected in the draft submitted to the Assembly in document A/37/L.l/Rev01 means not only deliberate ignorance, whether feigned or real, not only flagrant intervention in the internal affairs of a sovereign country, but also a defence of those who are guilty of the genocide of the Khmer people and whose very presence here among us is a com- plete aberration and an intolerable chaHenge to the sense ofjustice and reason that should inspire us all. 171. It is particularlyregreUable that there are politicai factors, individuals and States that have let themselves be drawn into these thinly disguised manreuvres. One can only hope that sooner or later they will understand the real meaning of these manreuvres that they have been taken in by, and that they will realize the meaning of the actions of those who are ardently working to find an honourable modus vivendi for all the countries of South-East A$ia. 178. All those who have been good enough to heed my words will have fully understood that the creation of a so-called uKampuchean Coalition Government" has not changed by one iota our position on the problem of Kampuchea. One would have to be blind not to see that, beneath the mantle of respectability so hurriedly stitched together by a group of tailors on the order of their established customers, more or less hidden is the same monster that can no longer count the number of its victims, millions of innocent people, : that same monster which for many years has been· usurping the name of Kampuchea within the United Nations. 179. But events cannot be held back; time passes, and at last we see those who support the so-called "new Coalition Government" admitting that the Pol Pot regime was in fact a murderous regime, and that what they call the intervention of the Vietnamese 180. Here I would just say in passing that the military presence is based on a treaty concluded between two sovereign States, Kampuchea and Viet Nam, and that this matter regards only those two countries which signed the treaty. 181. But to come back to the question: is it really true that "nothing justifies" the presence of Viet- namese troops in Kampuchea? Those who say so would seem to wish to make us believe that the land of the Khmers is just a piece of land taken out of the context ,of South-East Asia, floating in the air, sus- pended in some mysterious vacuum. Is there really any need to recall once again that wretched state in which Kampuchea and its people found themselves when they were liberated from Pol Pot's hangmen? 182. Must we refer to the situation in the western border zones of Kampuchea, where the remnants of the Pol Pot clique receive everything they need in the way of military and other equipment to continue their sabotage and harassment of the new Govern- ment of the country and the local people, who suffered enough at the hands of these armed elements when they controlled Kampuchea's fate? Can we forget that those armed elements survive because of the manreuvres of those in certain foreign circles that are doing all they can to prevent the lasting sta- bilization of the situation in South-East Asia? 183. The formal proposals of the countries of Indo- China in this connection are in no way ambiguous. Among oth<~r matters, they deal with the situation in the border area and the withdrawal of foreign troops. In our view, if there were really a desire to create a situation, an atmosphere, in which "nothing would justify" the presence of Vietnamese forces in Kampuchea, negotiations should be begun imme- diately on the contentious elements in the Indo- Chinese proposals. That would be the most practical way to bring all the countries in the region to peace, stability and mutually advantageous co-operation. 184. To insist on the withdrawal of foreign troops, to persist in accepting actively or even passively, a compromise group claiming the label of a government and including in its ranks criminals judged and con- demned by virtually the whole international com- munity, to b~Heve that the exclusion of the countries most closely concerned from the solution of the prob- lems of the region could lead to positive results-all this shows that in certain circles illusions are still J The meeting rose at 6.25 p.m. NOTES I The delegations of Mali and Nicaragua subsequently informed the Secretariat that they had intended to abstain in the vote on the motion. 2 The delegations of Bolivia, Malawi, Saint Lucia, Solomon Islands and Venezuela subsequently informed the Secretariat that they had intended to vote in favour of the motion. 3 Subsequently, at the llOth meeting, on 17 ~cember 1982, resolution 37/5 B was adopted. 4 Report of the International Conference on Kampuchea, New York, 13-17 July 1981 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.20), annex I. 5 Ibid., annexes I and 11.