A/37/PV.5 General Assembly

On behalf of the Genera! Assembly, I have the honour to welc:ome to the United Nations Mr. Joao Baptista de Oliveira Figueiredo, Prtsident of the Federaiive Republic of Brazil, and to Ef. vite him \to address the AssemLiy. 2. Mr, FIGUEIREDO (Brazii):* Sir, on behalf of the Government and people of Brazil, I wish to con- 3ratul~te you or. your elF ~(io!l as President of the thirty-seventh session of fle General Assembly. 3. ! waml~Y ~~r"C,et ih(.~ 'epresentatives of the Mem- ber States g,tnerc.i togeUer ir~ ~his Hall. I extend warm gr~etings :0 the Se~retar:'-General, Mr. Javier Perez de CUeU21f9 c:: brilliant diplomat who is a t:;redit to Latin Amferlca. I also wish to extend my sincere com- M'liments to Mr. Ismat Kittani, representative of Iraq, who with assurance and ability presided over the work of the thirty-sixth session. 4. At this time, as the general debate begins, I wish to express my hope that this session of the General Assembly will effectively contribute to a just solution of the controversies which are jeopardizing interna- tional peace and security and to the removal of the threat to the stability of the world's economy. 5. A few decades ago, an unprecedented economic depression and uncontrolled political tension bro'Jght about a catastrophic war. The society of sovereign States decided then, in 1945, to create a vast network ofinstitutions to further co-operation between Govern- ments in order to avoid a repetition of such severe economic crises, promote economic and social development, ease political tension and spare future generations from the scourge of war. 6. Symptoms draf:ilatically reminiscent of the events of the 1930s are reappearing today. A new economic crisis of global dimensions indiscriminately affects countries under different systems and resists orthodox therapies. 7. Paradoxically, the United Nations, which was established in order to examine and resolve con- troversy between States, has all too often been transformed into a forum for sterile confrontation. We are aware, however, that alternative forms of orga- nizing international life inevitably depend on the arbitrary will of the most powerful States which, at * Mr. Figueiredo spoke in Portuguese. The English \'ersior. of his statement was supplied by the delegation. NEW YORK times, run~ counter to the cause offre,~domandjust.ice among nations and men. 8. Having th.ese considerations in mind, the Govern- ment of BrazH renews its pledge to work together with the other Mt~mber State~ in order to make the United Nations a true centre for harmonizing the actions of States. I do not hesitate to call on all Governments represented here to adhere strictly in their international be:haviour ·~o the purposes and principles of the Orga- ni1:Q'tiQn. I launch a pressing appeal that we rededicate o<t\fselves to the task of building peace. 9. Th'~re is no future-nor can there possibly be oae-·in that sad, unacceptable substitute for peace which is the balance of terror. We cannot persist in the illusion that world harmony can be founded on an excess capacity for destruction. Decades of talks and attempts at negotiation have not pn'/ented the increase, improvement and diversification ()f nuclear arsenals capable of destroying mankind in various ways and under various circumstances, several times over. 10. 1 view with great apprehension the persistence of the Middle East crisis, the major features of which are the conflict between Iraq and Ired and the con- sequences of the military action that has engulfed Lebanon, a country with which we have close fraternal relations. The recent massacre of Palestinian civilians in Beirut has deeply 8hocked the world public. We are all aware that the question of the Middle East will be solved only when the Arab territories now under military occupation are evacuated and when the right of the Palestinian people to a sovereign State is recognized, as wen as the right of all countries in the region, includi);'~g Israel, to live in peace within recognized borders. 11. In southern Africa, fllso, there persist situations of tension caused by the occupation of Namibia and by reIJeated acts of aggression against independent countries, notably Angola. Brazil cannot fail to cond,;nn radal discrimination, particularly its insti- tutionalized forms, which threaten international peace itself. The success of the on-going negotiations for the speedy independence of Namibia un :he basis of United Nations resolutions is the right way to remo.ve the tension which has so terribly frustrated the just aspirations of the peoples in the area to economic development and true independence. 12. My country is deeply troubled by the increasing transfer to the less developed areas of the tension generat(;d by the confrontation between the super- Powers. The policy of prestige and power applied to the third world engenders divisions and seriously affects the pros~cts for co-operation among developing nations. It is the firm stand of Brazil that such a process should be immediately stop;>ed and 14. in Central America, there are recurring symptoms of a deep crisis of historic proportions, with social, political and economic implications. In accordance with the principles of self-determination and non- interference in the internal affairs of other countries, Brazil believes that a political solution to Central America's problems must be found by the peoples involved, free from any overt or covert outside inter- ference. In the economic sphere, one cannot isolate the difficulties of Central America from the world crisis Ok' minimize the responsibility of the indus- trialized countries to work for the creation of con- ditions favourable to the resumption of economic and social development. Peace and stability in that region are basic prerequisites for sound hemispheric co- operation. cipl~ of non-interference in the internal affairs ofother Siates. 22. For my country, peace and development are not ideals detached from the goals ofand action on foreign policy. Brazil is firmly committed to the principles of universalism, friendly co-operation and national dignity. 15. In the South Atlantic, the mechanisms ofviolence were recently set in motion for a while. My Govern- ment has made considerable efforts during the last few months to help find a permanent political solution to the question of the Malvinas, and we are determined to pursue these efforts in the interests of peace, security and harmony among nations. Since the beginning of the controversy in 1833 Brdzil has recog- nized the sovereign rights of the Republic of Argentina over the Malvinas, and it continues to insist on the necessity for negotiations as a suitable means of solving that proble~. 23. It is the seriousness of the international situation that, for the first time, has brought the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil to the United Nations. Never in the history of the Organization have the risks and threats to the peace, security and progress of nations been so serious. Never have the challenges been so great. I call on the Governments of all Member States to make a determined effvrt together to tackle the mounting international problems and turn back the tide which leads to despair. It is our common duty to fulfil the expectations of our predecessors, who, having themselves experienced the direct consequences ofpolitical disorder, economic depression and war, pledged their resolve, as well as ours, to promote peace and development. 24. There are too many shortcomings in the present international order. It is a picture poor in accomplish- ments, yet rich in problems, poor in creativity, yet rich in disorder; poor in efficacy and justice, yet rich in waste and imbalances. It is not possible for me to remain indifferent to this picture. I believe it to be imperative to correct ~he serious flaws that so clearly stand out. 25. The society of nations is essentially a political community. Just as domestic decisions cannot be taken without consulting the interests and yeamings of the people, so it is impossible to ignore in this forum the just and legitimate claims of the great majority of nations, thus preserving vertical structures of interna- tional power. 16. I wish to stress the importance of consideration by the General Assembly of the question of the Mal- vinas. An initial step must be the implementation of all the' provisions of Security Council resolution 502 (1982). It is time for those who so vigorously- condemn the use of force in the solution of controversies to demonstrate the consistency and sincerity of their designs. Negotiations must start in order to avoid the risk of increasing tension in an area naturally inclined to co-operation and prosperity. 17. Brazil lives in peace with its neighbours in Latin America and with all nations which observe the prin- ciples of sound international behaviour. Relations between Brazil and friendly countries ofLatin America ~re clear testimony to the success achieved when the path of mutual respect and non-interference is taken with determination and when the search for hanno- nious and profitable co-operation prevails over con- troversies or topical divergencies. I 26. The United Nations has a crucial political role to . play in the struggle against conformism, intransigence and ambitions for absolute victories. Only through the Organization {;an a truly democratic framework of relations among States be created. 27. The extraordinary release of productive forces on a w9rld-wide scale in the post-war period wrought within a few decades the intricate patterns Qf a different world, a complex and unstable world, but 18. As part of Latin America, Brazil trusts that its neighbours will know how to resolve their differences, including those of a territorial nature, l>y peaceful and conciliatory means, and hopes that our sister coun- tries in Latin America will strengthen their capacity for dialogue and understanding at the regional level. We must a!l work to see that our region attains higher levels of development and co-operation and engage in positive actions on the world scene. ~retext for initiatives-such as the arbitrary discrimina- with those which have a clear Western identity, such tlon among developing countries embodied in the as Brazil, but including others with a different political- concept of "graduation''-which aim at undermining e~o~omic ?rg~nizati~n-aim at improving and diver- the cohesion of the third world international co- slfymg their hnks with the developed West, which is operation for development and North-South dialogue. a valuable source of the factors of production ilet;eS- sary for their development. 32. We must also demonstrate our capacity for seeking, in a serene and constructive spirit, the fulfil- 38. The preservation and strengthening of the ment of our claims. However legitimate, our claims national economic space of those countries will not should not lead us into rigid and maximaHst negotiating hamper the expansion of the international economic postures-lest we weaken our own principles and system, but will rather be a factor in the broadening Ideals and exacerbate even further the intransigence of the global economic space,'for the benefit of us which characterizes certain sectors of the developed all. world. 39. Although I was unable, for reasons of health, to 33. The efforts of the third world to change nor- attend the International Meeting on Co-operation and mative frameworks, decision-making structures and Development, which was held at Cancun in October discriminatory rules in institutions such as Interna- 1981, I foll~wed t~at event with interest and hope, tional Monetary Fund [IMP]i the World Bank and and even wIth emotIOn. I cannot therefore fail to voice GAIT, among others, have been fruitless. Claims here, on behalf of the Government and people of ~epeated for years or even decades clash against the Brazil, the feeling of deep disappointment at the lack I~penetrable wall of the veto power of a few coun- so far, of any practical follow-up action to the Cancu~ tfle~, which are in a position to oppose the most meeting. obVIOUS considerations of rationality or the soundest 40~ We are watching with anxiety the continuous and requisites of equity. But initiatives multiply whenever even accelerated erosion of the instruments and the interests of the great powers are at stake. institutions which should bring about a solution to 41. The crisis we face is global in more than one sense: it affects practically all countries and en~ompasses both the financial and commercial spheres. It is not only broad, but also deep: productive investment is being stifled on a world-wide scale under the impact of high interest rates, and of the uncer- tainties over the prospects of international trade and finance. It is as ifa sudden paralysis ofalarge economic Power in the developed world had taken place: such is the situation created by the fact that 30 million highly qualified workers are now unemployed in North America and Western Europe. 42. However, the effects of this crisis situation on the countries of the South are even more devastating. The non-oil-exporting developing countries have experienced over the past three years a deterioration if! their terms of trade unequalled in history. Their often successful efforts to increase exports have been neutralized by declining foreign exchange revenues, leading to spiralling pauperization", Years of patient investment in the creation of an export infrastructure, wh~ch made it P9ssible for consumers in developed countries to acquire products from the South on advantageous terms, have been frustrated by insur- mountable protectionist barriers. The persistence of high "interest rates makes existing long-term invest- ments unprofitable and threatens to undermine the viability of projects which are indispensable for over- coming present difficulties. The high cost of foreign debt servicing has created impossible situations for certain countries, as shown by recent events which have dramatically affected a tew ofthe most promising countries of the South. 43." All this sacrifice could be tolerated if, in return, a restructuring of the international economic order could be seen on the horizon within a reasonable period of time. Regrettably, this is not the case. The present economic policy of the great Powers is destroying richelS without building anything in their place. The q~~i;~a§i~.sflu'~4ityin fi~ancialflows and the"mounting ddficulties" in international trade are destroying the prospects for overcoming present difficulties. 44. The circumstances require that we all assume an attitude of reciprocal understanding and flexibility. The North-South dialogue must be urgently rein- vigorated. Long-term efforts-for which the launching of the global negotiations is so necessary-must be I supplemented now by a discussion of the short-term : aspects of the crisis. 45.' The shaping of the future world economy neces- sarily requires the overcomingofour present problems. The task of reformulating the international economic system cannot be defer:red but, in the present circum- stances, we must begin it by an effort to prevent the disruption of the system itself. . 47. It is urgent that there be an increase both in the availability of resources controlled by the interna- tional financial organizations and in the participation of monetary authorities in the preservation of the" liquidity and stability of the international financial system! Only thus will the international community, particularly the developing countries, be freed from the strait-jacket: resulting from the simultaneous con- traction of trade and of official financial flows. 48. As for the question of interest rates, there need be no discrepancy between the major objectives of the economic policies of the countries of the North "and a management of the interest rates compatible with the ~conomic and financiai viability of the developing economies. Indeed, it is in everybody's interest to avoid a dislocation of the developing economies which would result in an undesirable destabilizing effect on the countries of the North. 49. Furthermore, it must be recognized that one of the essential conditions for reactivating world trade is the recovery of a minimum of stability in the interna- tional monetary system, which must not become a factor of turbulence, left to the whims of unilateral changes in the economic policies of a few great Powers. 50. The solution of the present crisis lies not in aid for developing countries but in ensuring conditions that would enable them to meet their obligations through a fair return for their work. 51. I have come here to express the most legitimate aspirations of my c·ountry. I am moiivated, above all, by the desire to ensure my people's well-being. We have made considerable efforts towards economic development, with promising results which fill with hope not only the people of Brazil but also all peoples yearning to attain standards of living compatible with human dignity and present-day levels of social, economic, scientific and technological development. 52. It is my duty to seek intentational conditions propitious for the pursuit of this noble effort by my people, for Brazil will never give up its rightful place in the concert of nations. soc~ety's capacity for renewal. of the Organization [Af37/l] raises questions ofireat importance and dramatic urgency for MemberStates. 54. -Today, however, the climate of conflict among Venezuela wishes to praise the frankness and'direct. nations in the political and economic fields is reaching style reflected in the report' and at the same time,to threatening levels. It is in times like these that the moral confirm our absolute adh~rence 10 the'Charter and our and political imperative of intenlational co-operation hope that the political will of nations will be expressed has to be fully acknowledged if the destinies of the without reticence in favour of collective action for society of nations are to be rationally assured. peace and security, as stated in that document. . 55. The awareness that the international community 63. If, as the Secretary-General states in the report, today faces the broadest challenge to its capacity for we are "perilously near to a new international anar- action makes necessary bol" and urgent efforts in the chy", that is larg~ly due to the constitutiooal role ofthe following areas: negotiated solutions to the tension international organizations, which h~ led and lead$ to ' and disputes which are poisoning international rela- conflicts between national aims and the goals of the tions, both on the East-West level and in third world Organization, as is pointed out in the report. ~ areas; greater use of dialogue and compromise and the strengthening of international institutions, starting 64. Resort to confrontation, violence and wa(iti t~ with the United Nations itself; effective resumption pursuit of national interests has nofinfrequently .6I:el:l of the North-South dialogue, including the l&unching encoura&ed by the historical practices of powe'lful' of global negotiations, as a token of the will to States and the growing scepticism regarding the results respond to the expectations of the great majority of of measures taken by multilateral organizations who~ nations; concrete and immediate action, without actions towards peace are halted by the"erjt 'SUites prejudice to the resumption of that dialogue, on the which enjoy privileges within the United NatioQs: ':, most pressing economic questions which present 65. We believe that the tragic conflict in the,Sou," a short-term threat to the inte-rnational community. Atlantic would not have led to su&h bloodshed if there . . f h had been multilateral action. towards peace and'timely 56. I express my hope that thiS session 0 t e attention to the J'ust claims of peoples which had General Assembly will be most successful. I urge representatives ofthe Governments assembled here to suffered from the unpunished aggression ofthe e.mpi~~ shoulder to the full their inalienable historic responsi- that were all-powerful in an fnternational order which bility to live up to the hopes and expectations of no longer exists today. .. ..", .~ '" those who founded the Organization in 1945 and to 66. The States with the greatest relative power'i'na build for future generations a broader road to peace world living in conditions of a balance of fear and t~. and development. We are on the threshold of a new constant risk of a nuclear war can hardly .ex~t world. May God grant that, thanks to our efforts, it to consolidate their privileges by considering overall will be a better world. Brazil, I can assure the As- relations among peoples in terms of theirown SpeCifIC sembly, is ready to undertake its share of this task. interests. These privileges in many cases were acquired: 57. The PRESIDENT: On behalf of the General at the expense of the dignity and the resources of the weaker people. As long as justice and respef;t for .the Assembly, I thank the President of the Federative nations which represent two thirds of all mankind Republic of Brazil for the important statement he has are not reflected in resolute action 'bV' Uilifed'Niitibtt$" just made. organs constant disappOintment will merely fos'ter-.a 58. Mr. ZAMBRANO VELASCO (Venezuela) phase of absolute cynicism in international relations... (interpretation/rom Spanish): First ofall, Sir, I should 67. The consequences of 'colonialism and' ~o.; like on behaif of the delegation of Venezuela and on colonialism have been devastating 'for peai:e/ my own behalf to congratulate you on your well- Venezuela maintains that the continent of Latin. deserved election as President for this session of the G America should be a reserve of peace. We share the eneral Assembly. ' feeling of all the fraternal pt;ople of our hetnispt,!ere 59. In addition I should like to express our apprecia- that the elimination of the colonial strongholds which tion to Mr. Ismat Kittani for the effective manner in still exist in our hemisphere brooks no delay. There is which he carried out his duties. no valid argument for any European nation to retain 60 I h Id I I'k t tit M J v' r tc>ritories, authority or troops in America: • S ou a so I e 0 congra u a er. a le Perez de Cueliar on his election as the fifth Secretary- 68. In order "to reinforce the protective and pre- General. His credentials, his personal qualities and emptive ring ofcollective security", a~ the Secretary- his search for solutions to complex problems all General urges in his report, we, the Member States indicate that his course of action as head of the Secre- without hegemonistic ambitions, would like t~ 74. Venezuela is attending this most important yearly exercise of the United Nations at a time when the Organization's reputation and effectiveness have been shattered. International crises succeed one another and continue. One of the problems which causes most concern is the situation in the Middle East, which has beenexacerbated by recent events in Lebanon. We are following closely the tragic events there, realizing that we live in a world in which important and far- reaching events cannot be viewed as isolated facts. Violence in all its forms is rampant in lite region. What has happened in Lebanon has shown the extreme cruelty to which some will resort. , 75. Mass crimes have become a new practice in the face of which the international community has found itse!f unable to act. Today the ~o.rld is the victim of an evil game which threatens to bring it to catastrophe and chaos, in the absence of effective machinery to enable all States to live together harmoniously. 76. Venezuela considers that at this session, more than any other, becausle no othter se!lsion has been held 79. The Government of Venezuela recently took a step ofgreat significance in the field ofdecolonization when it recognized the Democratic Arab Sahraoui Republic as a sovereign and independent State, one closely linked to Pispanic culture. 80. Venezuela has formally applied for fuU member- ship in the movement of non-aligned countries. Venezuela shares the !!mdamental principles and objectives which brought th~.t movement into being and recognizes it as a forum in which the majority of the count:"ies of the world are represented, thus constituting a force to promote peaceful coexistence, economic and social development and the political independence of its member States. 81. The twelfth special session of the General As- sembly, which was held at United Nations Head- quarters th~s year, ended in virtual failure because of the Assembly's inability to adept the comprehensive programme for disarmament. The results of the spedal session should serve as a lesson for States, ~articularly nuclear-weapon States, which bear the greatest responsibility in this field, and they must redouble their efforts in the cause of disarmament and see to it that those efforts are reflected in concrete action in the Committee concerned. 82. Venezuela is persevering in its policy of co- operation with the countries of Central America and the Caribbean. Accordingly, the programmes derived from the San Jose Agreement remain fully in force. Our commitment to the institutionalization offreedom and democracy in the area has been maintained without interruption and with absolu~e clarity, as has our rejection of i~'terferenceby bloc politics. 83. We support ihe effort of the Government of El Salvador, which bore fruit. with the exemplary-civic testimony of the elections held on 28 March. The 88. For their part, organizations and specialized agencies such as GAIT and IMF confirmthose evalua- tions. The symptoms of this situation can be sum~ marized by the following indicators: low growth rates in produ~tion, the collap~ of prices for commodities, the cOfiiraction cf international trade~ the revival of protectionism and counter-trade practices, monetary and exchange instability, extensive and sudden fluctua- tions in the balances of payments, extraordinarily high levels of indebtedness and soaring debt- servicing costs, a pull-back in productive investments and a flare-up of financial speculation, alarming and rising unemployment rates, lowering of expenditures for social .purposes, growing military costs and an acceleration ef the arms race by the great Powers. 89. The situ~tion I have just described is the result of contradictory and mistaken economic policies, as inst~ad of strongly encouraging the development of exports by the developing countries by just remunera- tion for their commodities, which in the long run would have led to a healthy exansion of interna- tional trade for the benefit of all, have preferred to finance the imports of the third world on scandalously exorbitant terms. The effects of those actions are strikang: after a phase of expansion of international trade, which was artificially and pathologically sustained, in large measure, by the rising indebtedness of the third world, the burden of, the corresponding financial charges is now being turned against the industrialized countries themselves as a result of the drastic" curtailment of the import capacity of the developing countries, which virtually eliminates them as factors promoting international trade. 91. The total debt of the developing countries will be far in excess ofthe incredible amount of$600 billion by the end of 1982. This debt imposes intolerable burdens on the foreign exchange earnings of the developing countries and makes them increasingly insolvent. In Latin America alone the debt will amount to $280 billion by the end of this year. The amortiza- tion of this debt represents the equivalent of 56 per cent of Latin American exports. This situation, which in the context of traditioilal conditions is now to be reinforced for strategic purpoSe$, could have grave political and social consequences. 92. The situation I have described is an unpre-. cedented challeng~ to the international financial system. The developing countries will have to make constant efforts to revitalize their economies, increase their productivity and improve their efficiency in the management of financial resources. All this will han~ 'to be done in a way that will be socially and politically bearable. . 93. Tin developed world must accept its responsi- bilities, not only for the sake ofthe principle ofjustice, but also in its own interest. Financially, it will be . necessary to preserve the capacity of international organimtions which supply funds on preferential terms. This implies the need.to. review.comributions. to IMF, the World Bank, the Inter-American Develoy- ment Bank and similar institutions so that their resources bear some relation to the size of existing problems". There is one fact 'f:/hich cannot be ques- tioned: the economies of the industrialized countries cannot be sustained without the support of strong development in the third world. 94. The time for major decisions is drawing near and we cannot afford to let slip any opportunity to have our vlJice heard. We, the developing countries, must reaffirm by our presence and active participation the importance offorums such as UNCTAD and must be attentive to what might happen at the next GATT ministerial meeting. 95. We have been fighting for a complete restruc- turing of the international economy, and we have vulnerabI~ to the dealings of the countries of the North and, in any case, to stimulate effective co- operation among ourselves as a consequence of our solidarity.. 98. Barely' a month ago the Intergovernmental Follow-up and Co-ordination Committee, a key organ which Vias established in 1981 in the Caracas Pro- gramme of Action,3 held its first meeting in Manila. The results of the meetings'of experts were reviewed there, and on that basis important recommendations were made, to be submitted shortly to the ministerial meeting of the Group of 77. Without any doubt, it can be." concluded that the Caracas Programme of Action js functioning. It is complementary to efforts which might be made in North-South negotiations and a contribution to the establishment of the new international economic order. 99. In the. .last quarter century Venezuela has succeeded in consolidating a genuine dem.ocracy solidly rooted in the conduct and beliefs of the Venezuelan people, a democracy which endeavours increasingly to play its part within a philosophy of social justice and respect for the freedom and dignity of all citizens. The promotion and effective defence of and respect for human rights have been important tenets in the foreign policy of Venezuela. These form the basis of Olir support for people that are struggling to gain, maintain or recover their right to freedom, as a contribution to the solution of present conflicts which affect and bar the progress of mankind in its quest for peace and well-being for all. 100. It is of the utmost importance for Venezuela to seek a peaceful and practical solution to the terri- torial controver&y with the Co-operative Republic of Guyana. 101. Venezuela is a country in which the mixtw.:re of the indigenous peoples ofAmerica with the Spanish 104. The history ofthis humiliating mutilation cannot be forgotten by Venezuelans. Our entire tradition and all our instincts move us to desire to maintain and develop with the Guyanese people the closest relations of friendship, co-operation and solidarity. In truth, like ourselves, they were the victims of British impe- rialism and, like ourselves, they are a people which is trying to achieve development. For this very reason V:'~ have insisted tirelessly on holding real and sincere negotiations, inspired by justice and equity, which will lead us to overcome this problem that we have inherited, in a satisfactory and practical way. . 105. The obligation for Ven.ezuela and Guyana to negotiate their differences is not only a moral imper- ative, not only a duty under international law, but, in this specific case, a commitment freely entered into in the Agreement signed at Geneva on 17 February 1966.4 In fact, although the Venezuelan territorial claim naturally preceded the independence ofGuyana, Venezuela, faithful to its tradition and to its principles, was most careful to do nothing which could in any way be used as a ~retext to thwart or delay decolo- rnization for its neighbouring people. 106. Shortly before the proclamation of indepen- dence, Venezuela and the United Kingdom, with the full participation of the Government of what was then British Guiana, negotiated and signed the Geneva Agreement, d~signed to seek satisfactory solutions for the practical settlement of the dispute. This international instrument is the legal and politij:al framework for the pursuit ~f solutions to the dispute~ botr.'~, in Venezuela and in Trinidad. British companies wen~ mining gold in Venezuela and bauxite in Demerara. It will be easily understood that the British, before liberating their colony, had tharoughly eval- uated the potential oil and valuable minerals of the lands that they controlled. Although prospecting has continued since the date of independence, no exploitable mineral resource has been found on the territory which Venezuela claims. 109. The truth is crystal clear: Venezuela's claim is based ndther on territorial ambition nor on covetous- ness of the wealth of others. Had it been so based, our claim could never have received, as it has, the unanimous support of Venezuelans of the most varied political tendencies underall democratic Governments, which, during the last five presidential terms, within a system of complete freedom of expression, have defended the rights ofour country. That is because this unanimity of the Venezuelan people has its origin in a very deep wound. For this reason, we fail to under- stand those who, representing the Guyanese people, take the stand as heirs to the fruits of British colonial imperialism and defenders of its unjustifiable abuses. 110. After repeated rejections of our formal invita- tions to the Government of Guyana to begin negotia- tions which will provide a satisfactory and practical . solution, Venezuela will submit to the Secretary- General1Jts decision to indicate a means to settle the dispute; thus our conduct will be in accord with the letter and the spirit of the international treaty signed . between the parties, known as the Geneva Agreement, with a view to finding a solution to the dispute by peaceful means. * Mr. 01slowski spoke in Polish. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation. . 122. In the passing months the rightness of our indispensable decisions has be~n confirmed. They halted the process of disintegration of the State and collapse of the economy; they stopped the dangerous drift towards internationalization of the Pelish crisis. Despite difficulties, the country's political and eco- nomic life is proceeding towards normalization, to the accompaniment of a significant relaxation of the rigours of martial law. 123. We do see the possibility of lifting the existing restrictions. We are determined to advance patiently and unswervingly along a path of national dialogue con~eived ideologization of international relations and translatIon of the relics of McCarthyism into this 5pher~. 125. The opponents of peace in our country seem to be turning a blind eye to the massive process of positive change that is taking place in all areas of public life. We are carrying out an economic reform, backed by a broad network of new legislation. This includes important laws for the implementation of the reform-on State enterprises and workers' self- management in a State enterprise. The proclamation of martial law has in no way interrupted the work of legislative organs or the introduction of new legal regulations in major spheres of the country's social and economic life. 126. A National Council for Culture and a Parlia- mentary Economic and Social Council, as well as other organs pursuing important national issues, have been established. The Teachers' Charter, laws on higher education, on special rights of war veterans and on co-operatives were passed in Parliament. Intensive work continues on press legislation and on the law on trade unions. 127. In the light of the foregoing, how would one assess in the United Nations the attacks against Poland, launched and conducted with unusual vicious- ness by certain Governments? We have already officially drawn these actions to the attention of the Governments on whose inspiration or from whose territories they are undertaken, Most of them, and especially radio programmes in the Polish language, consist ofpropaganda, based on attacking the country's internal order and incitement to change its socio- political system. In recent months they have acquired all the features of a piopaganda aggression against Poland. This cannot but amount to a contravention of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and a violation of the norms formu- lated so far by the international community in the field of information and mass communication, including in particular those of the United Nations and UNESCO. This has nothing to do with the rilSht to freedom of information and the concept of its balanced flow. On the contrary, it represents their most evident ab~e. . 130. We gratefully acknowledge the attitude of our friends and partners who hurried forward with assistance at a difficult time for us, who displayed an understanding of our problems and continue to help us overcome them. Especially priceless is the aid of our neighbour and closest ally, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. If friends in need are friends indeed, so today again we are realizing who our true friend is. 131. We reciprocate the understanding and sympathy of the developing countries which perceive in our situation a reflection of some of their own problems. We see in their attitude a fellow feeling of reciprocity for the numerous instances of Poland's resolute commitment to the struggle against colonialism, neo- colonialism and imperialism. 132. We also appreciate the attitude ofthose Western States which have not submitted to pressure and continue their normal relations with Poland. 133. We should like to believe that tl.~re will soon be a return to dialogue with all our remaining part- ners on a basis of mutual respect for sovereignty and equality. In thi~ spirit, we uphold as being still timely the appeal made, in July last year, by the ninth Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party to our partners in the West to intensify frank dialogue and exploration of ways of averting cold-war threats and pres~rving what has so far been achieved by detente. . The internal affairs of any country, Poland included, must not be exploited for the purpose of exacerbating international tension and intensifying the arms ra\:e. 134. I declare with absolute firmness: it is not Poland which.is upsetting international relations. They are being upset by those who wish to take advantage of 142. The picture of the contemporary world is not made up only of disturbing trends and actions. The world's progress towards peace is actively affected nowadays by a constructive fnctor~the community of socialist States. Faithful to the unchanged guide- lines of their foreign pt>licy, members of our com- munity continue persistently to oppose the policy of armament and to counteract the threat of nuclear war. They resolutely declare themselves in favour of a peaceful and just settlement of the problems of the world of today, for detente and the strengthening of international security, the elimination of conflicts and trouble spots, as well as the expansion of all-round equitable and mutually beneficial international co- operation. 143. It would be hard, too, not to perceive the profound interest in expanding constructive co- operation displayed by the non-aligned, developing and neutral States. Longings to remove the nuclear threat are surfacing with growing force among broad sections of the public, in the activities of social for~es and religious movements. 144. Despite their adversaries, detente tendencies huve been lastingly (~mbodied in the record of accom- plishments of the international community. Vie realize that in today's divided world, detente is variously interpreted. But to consider it solely in terms of short- term gains and losses and to treat it expediently as a political instrument that can be discarded once it has ceased to serve one's momentary advantage reveals a profound lack of understanding of the laws of the contemporary world. For us it is the only effective instrument in the search for solutions to pressing world problems and for abiding guarantees of peace. Indeed, these accord with both the vital desires and interests of the Polish people and the requirements of progress in international relations. Polish foreign policy remains one of steadfast actions on behalf of detente and broad international dialogue. We have borne witness to this from the very beginning 'of Poland's membership in the United Nations, including our active participation in the work of the Security Council. 145. In a few days 25 years will have passed since from this very rostrum Adam Rapacki i'resented a Polish plan, known by his name, for the denucle- arization of Central Europe.6 optimist~,c elements of contemporary international politics and an important confirmation of the genuine opportunrties that exist for a positive evolution of East-West relations, which exert their decisive impact on the general climate of world affairs. 147. The closeness of Europe's impingement on our destinies in no way obscures our perception of the wider internationai horizon, with all its determinants and needs. The interdependence Gf individual regions and the world as a whole has been the guiding factor in a number of Polish initiatives of a global nature, to mention only the Declarstion on the Preparation of Societies for Life in Peace, adopted by the General Assembly in re30lution 33/73. Implementation in good faith by all States of its weighty provisions would help to build firm foundations for peace and co-operation, free from prejudice, arrogance and ill will. 148. The lasting record of Poland's foreign policy ciJmprises the process of the normalization of our relations With the Federal Republic of Germany initiated by the treaty of December 1970.7 That treaty is of historic significance for the two nations as we~1 as for a constructive development of the European situation and the security of our continent. ~ractical implementation of its principles has yielded positive results, both for the two parties and for Europe at large. Poland is invariably motivated by the need for that process to be continued and, for its part, is ready to make a further contribution to its favourable advance. We expect also that the Federal Republic of Germany in its policy in relation to Poland will still be guid~d by its obligations under the treaty and by the supreme interests of European security and peace. 149. Throughout the history of the Organization we have often heard it asked from this rostrum: what must be done to save mankind from the tragedy that would result from negativ~ actioils of certain States if not {:hecked in time? We ask the question again, conscious as we are of its acute relevance and urgency. The most pressing task at present is to prevent a further deterioration ofthe situation which, interalia, amounts to breaking the deadlock in disarmament negotiations and talks aimed at eliminating conflicts. 150. The Polish Government has therefore par- ticularly welcomed the commencement ·of Soviet- American talks on the limitation and reduction of nuclear arms in Europe and on strategic arms limitation and their reduction. Th~y both fit the formula, from which all stand to benefit, of strengthening interna- tional peace and security, that is, limitation and contaInment of the arms race as weIi as disarmament, which the Organization considers to be the most important problem facing the world today. The world awaits rapid and concrete results from these talks. 156. Viewing international security in purely miliary terms no longer meets the requirements of the times. The Government of Poland believes that the present- day catalogue of confidence-building measures will ~~ incomplete until and unless it incorporates effective economic confidence-building measures. Their object should be to counteract the transfer of tensions to the sphere of economic and trade co-o~ration and so enable it to become a permanent material foundation for the process of detente and a factor easing political strain" Our concept of economic confidence-building measures ~ncompasses the prohibition of unlawful economic restrictiDns and discrimination! as well as the !Jursuit by Governments of an active policy to induce economic units to discharge in full obligations incurred under re~evantinternational instn~ments. We consider the adoption of large-scale and long-term projects in the basic fields of international economic 152. The objectives of the special session were further helped by other important Soviet decisions, including the unilateral moratorium on deployment of medium-range missiles in the European part of the USSR and a unilateral reductio:1 of a considerable number of such missiles. Taken in conjunction with the whole complex of issues ;lut forward by the SCftiet Union, at the twelfth spedal session, :.\ the memorandum entitled ••AvertinfS (he growing nuclear threaf'8 and in the proposal entitled "Basic provisions ofa convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of ':hemical weapons and on their destruction" ,9 all these decisions and pro- posals add up to a new and constructive impetus enhancing an effective disarmament dialogue cn a basis of equality, reciprocity and undiminished secu- rity of any party. co-o~rationto be an important element of economic confidence building. 157. We are convinced that the elaboration and subsequent adoption and ~mplementatioliof a set of economic confidence-building measures would also make an important contribu-tion to the furtherance of the progressive ideas ,,10d objectiv~s Df the new international economic order, and of sound solut:ons within the global negotiations. IS3. For the time being, even partial progress in arms limitation and disarmament can exert a positive influence on the growth of the sense of security of States and thus on their readiness to enter into dialogue and deal with critical political problems. Among issues of primary importance that also appear on the agenda of this session are banishing the danger of an outbreak of nuclear war, eliminating chemical 158. The existence of tne United Nations and its accomplishments and experience are proof that a corn· prehensive programme of positive action on an inter- national scale is feasible even today, when various adverse developments in the world have led to. the weakening ofthe Organization as a recognized political authority and forum for the easing of conflicts. Cou- vincing reference to that effect has been made by the Secretary-General in his enlightening report on the work of the Organization. weapons~ and forestalling an arms race in outer: space. In the light of the insane doctrines concerning the possibility of limited or local nuclear war, and even of winning a nuclear war, the Organization is facing tasks of a sempiternal order. 159. The United Nations grew out of the good win of nations and Governments. Whenever that good will is lacking, the threshold of its capacity for effective action is lowered. To act in the interests of strength+: ening the role of the United Nations and the principles of its Charter is to inVf:st in it the confidence and political good will of Member States. The success of the founding fathers of the United Nations 37 years ago arose from th~ way in which, after the greaf tragedy of destruction and sufferilig, the common interest prevailed over that of the individual. The desire to secure one-sided advantages today only too often takes precedence over the common good. We have to overcome this tendency and return to the main unrlerlying ideas of the Organization. Polaad is ready to continue to act for the benefit of the supreme common purposes of the United Nations. 154. In the province of closest interest to us, we are in favour ofpromptly restoring the business-like nature of the proceedings of the Madrid session of the Con- ference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, including the adoption of a decision to convene a conference on confidence-building measures and disarmament in Europe. That would also facilitate progress in the Vienna Talks on the Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated ~easures in Central Europe. 155. Other political issues' await settlement, and they can be well served by the' constructive proposals of the Sixth Conference of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam relating to the situation in their region and especially to non-interference in the intem~1affairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and recognition of its rightful place in the United Z Trade and Development ReptJi'I 1982 (United Nation'5 publica- tion, Sales No. E. 82.II.D. 12), p. 1. 3 Adopted by the H!gh-Level Conference on Economic Co- operation among Developing ('.ountries. See A/36/333 and Corr.l. 9 See A/S-12/AC.I/12 and Corr.l.