A/37/PV.54 General Assembly

Almost 17 years have gone by since the General Assembly adopted its first resolution, reso- lution 2065 (XX), on the Falkland Islands (Malv!nas). In that resolution, the Assembly referred to the Decla- ration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in resolution 1514 (XV), as bei.lg prompted by the cherished aim of bringing to an end everywhere colonialism in all its forms, one of which covers the case of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). That resolution invited the Govern- ments ofArgentina and the United Kingdom to proceed without delay with negotiations with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the problem, bearing in mind the provisions and objectives of the Charter and of

Almost 17 years have gone by since the General Assembly adopted its first resolution, reso- lution 2065 (XX), on the Falkland Islands (Malv!nas). In that resolution, the Assembly referred to the Decla- ration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in resolution 1514 (XV), as bei.lg prompted by the cherished aim of bringing to an end everywhere colonialism in all its forms, one of which covers the case of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). That resolution invited the Govern- ments ofArgentina and the United Kingdom to proceed without delay with negotiations with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the problem, bearing in mind the provisions and objectives of the Charter and of 29. The position of Czechoslovakia on this matter is that the question of the Falkland Islands (Malvi- nas) is first and foremost an inalienable facet of the decolonization of the territories that were seized. by the colonial Powers at one time. We also feel that this question is an anachronism in the second half of the twentieth century, and that it is the result of the earlier colonial policy of the United Kingdom. It should be settled at the negotiating table, and we feel that those negotiations should be based on the Decla- ration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peop~.es. 29. The position of Czechoslovakia on this matter is that the question of the Falkland Islands (Malvi- nas) is first and foremost an inalienable facet of the decolonization of the territories that were seized. by the colonial Powers at one time. We also feel that this question is an anachronism in the second half of the twentieth century, and that it is the result of the earlier colonial policy of the United Kingdom. It should be settled at the negotiating table, and we feel that those negotiations should be based on the Decla- ration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peop~.es. 30. Support for the unconditional termination of the colonial status ofthese Isla~ds has also been expressed by -the United Nations, as is evidenced by the fact that the Territory was included in a list of Territories3 whose colonial regimes should be terminrted in accor- dance with the Charter and the Declaration to which I have just referred. It is regrettable that the United Kingdom has riot so far shown any willingness or readiness to search for ways to bring about, through fruitful and conscientious negotiations, a satisfactory settlement that would end the colonial occupation of these Islands once and for all. 30. Support for the unconditional termination of the colonial status ofthese Isla~ds has also been expressed by -the United Nations, as is evidenced by the fact that the Territory was included in a list of Territories3 whose colonial regimes should be terminrted in accor- dance with the Charter and the Declaration to which I have just referred. It is regrettable that the United Kingdom has riot so far shown any willingness or readiness to search for ways to bring about, through fruitful and conscientious negotiations, a satisfactory settlement that would end the colonial occupation of these Islands once and for all. 31. As was clearly shown by the recent conflict in the South Atlantic, which c'ontinues to threaten peace and security not only in the region but gen- erally, the U;:;ted Kingdom embarked upon a course of large-scale .:.pplication of military force, despite the clear appeals of the Security Council, of which it is a permanent member. Obviously, the United Kingdom would not have decided to take such a step without the agreement and support of the Uoited States. The fact remains that the ally of the United Kingdom in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], whf'n the interests of the Latin American countries were not in harmony with its strategic plans, did not hesitate for a moment to set aside the Charter of the Organization of American States and to disregard the fact that it had signed the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance. As everybody knows, that was followed by the application of the. notorious economic sanctions by the United States and ihe Western European countries. And now the United States is trying to ascri~ this same concept of its relations with its allies to the relations between the socialist countries. 31. As was clearly shown by the recent conflict in the South Atlantic, which continues to threaten peace and security not only in the region but gen- erally, the U;:;ted Kingdom embarked upon a course of large-scale .:.pplication of military force, despite the clear appeals of the Security Council, of which it is a permanent member. Obviously, the United Kingdom would not have decided to take such a step without the agreement and support of the United States. The fact remains that the ally of the United Kingdom in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], whf'n the interests of the Latin American countries were not in harmony with its strategic plans, did not hesitate for a moment to set aside the Charter of the Organization of American States and to disregard the fact that it had signed the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance. As everybody knows, that was followed by the application of the. notorious economic sanctions by the United States and ihe Western European countries. And now the United States is trying to ascri~ this same concept of its relations with its allies to the relations between the socialist countries. 32. The breakdown of the negotiations that had been going on for so many years, the failure of the efforts, during the heat of the conflict, of the Secretary- General, which had wide support from the interna- tional ci>mmunity, and the restoration by the United Kingdom of the colonial status of the Falkland Islands 32. The breakdown of the negotiations that had been going on for so many years, the failure of the efforts, during the heat of the conflict, of the Secretary- General, which had wide support from the interna- tional ci>mmunity, and the restoration by the United Kingdom of the colonial status of the Falkland Islands r~flects a lack of any sincere interest in decolonizing the Islands pursuant to past United Nations deci- sions. On the contrary, by its military presence and the creation of a naval base, the UQ-ited Kingdom is turning those Islands into an important strategic strong- hold, thus creating a dangerous hotbed of tension in that region in proximity to the Antarctic. 34. We therefore welcome the initiative of the 20 Latin American States at whose request this ques- tion is being discussed in the Assembly. We also fully support the request made to the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom in draft resolution A/37/L.3/Rev.l to resume negotiations in order to find as soon as possible a peaceful solution to the sover- eignty dispute relating to the Falkland Islands (Mal- vinas). 35. Iri this connection, we feel that the Secretary- General, through his mission ofgood offices, can offer constructive, positive assistance to the parties. Only through negotiations held under United Nations auspices on the basis of the relevant decisions of the General Assembly and the resolutions and deci- sions of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries -particularly those adopted in Havana in June and in New Yorkat the beginning ofOctober ofthis year-can a final settlement of this dispute be reached that will eliminate the intolerable anachronistic situation created by force 149 years ago and forcibly main- tained throughout the ensuing period of British colo- nial rule over that Territory. 36. The exacerbation this year of that decoloniza- tion problem in the South Atlantic clearly indicates that 1 despite the reduction in the number of Non- Self=Governing Territories, the problem of decoloniza- tion remains acute. The peoples of such Territories as Namibia and Micronesia, among others, are still awaiting self-determination and ind0pendence. As a member of the Special Committee, Czechoslovakia has consistently advocated the exercise of this ele- mentary right by those peoples, in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial- Countries and Peoples. 37. However, in the case of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), as has been correctly pointed out by preceding speakers, it is not a question of self-deter- mination per se: this is a matter first and foremost of a colonial Territory, not a colonial people. The present population of the Territory is the direct result of British colonization. Nevertheless, the interests of the present population of the Islands should also, of course, be properly taken into account during the negotiations. 38. The Czechoslovak delegation is in favour of the settlement of this dispute by exclusively peaceful means between the parties concerned, on the basis of the Declaration ondecolonization and within the frame- work of the draft resolution now before us, which we intend to support. 39. Mr. TRUCCO (Chile) (interpretation from Span- r~flects a lack of any sincere interest in decolonizing the Islands pursuant to past United Nations deci- sions. On the contrary, by its military presence and the creation of a naval base, the United Kingdom is turning those Islands into an important strategic strong- hold, thus creating a dangerous hotbed of tension in that region in proximity to the Antarctic. 34. We therefore welcome the initiative of the 20 Latin American States at whose request this ques- tion is being discussed in the Assembly. We also fully support the request made to the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom in draft resolution A/37/L.3/Rev.l to resume negotiations in order to find as soon as possible a peaceful solution to the sover- eignty dispute relating to the Falkland Islands (Mal- vinas). 35. Iri. this connection, we feel that the Secretary- General, through his mission ofgood offices, can offer constructive, positive assistance to the parties. Only through negotiations held under United Nations auspices on the basis of the relevant decisions of the General Assembly and the resolutions and deci- sions of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries -particularly those adopted in Havana in June and in New Yorkat the beginningofOctober ofthis year-can a final settlement of this dispute be reached that will eliminate the intolerable anachronistic situation created by force 149 years ago and forcibly main- tained throughout the ensuing period of British colo- nial rule over that Territory. 36. The exacerbation this year of that decoloniza- tion problem in the South Atlantic clearly indicates that. despite the reduction in the number of Non- Self~Governing Territories, the problem of decDloniza- tion remains acute. The peoples of such Territories as Namibia and Micronesia, among others, are still awaiting self-determination and ind~pendence. As a member of the Special Committee, Czechoslovakia has consistently advocated the exercise of this ele- mentary right by those peoples, in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial· Countries and Peoples. 37. However, in the case of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), as has been correctly pointed out by preceding speakers, it is not a question of self-deter- mination per se: this is a matter first and foremost of a colonial Territory, not a colonial people. The present population of the Territory is the direct result of British colonization. Nevertheless, the interests of the present population of the Islands should also, of course, be properly taken into account during the negotiations. 38. The Czechoslovak delegation is in favour of the settlement of this dispute by exclusively peaceful means between the parties concerned, on the basis of the Declaration on decolonization and within the frame- work of the draft resolution now before us, which we intend to support. 39. Mr. TRUCCO (Chile)(interpretationfrom Span- ish); Chile, together with 19 other countries of our region, requested the inclusion of the question of the ish).~ Chile, together with 19 other countries of our region, requested the inclusion of the question of the N~tions for the timely avoidance of situations-of con- flict that could lead, at times, to fhtal acts of war, such as that which occurred last April. N~tions for the timely avoidance of situations-of con- flict that could lead, at times, to btal acts of war, such as that which occurred last April. 53. Again I should like to stress that we are in agreement with what is said by the Secretary-Gen- eral in his report on the work of the Organization [A/37/1], a report which in large part is devoted to the need to facilitate recourse to procedures and means of peaceful settlement ofinternational disputes, both in situations where hostilities have heen de- clared and in those where there is a potential risk. 54. A few months ago, several members of the Security Council, who were urging a negotiated set- tlement of the conflict in the South Atlantic, drew attention to the fact that there were several disputes in our hemisphere which, if not resolved through the peaceful means to' which we are committed under solemn contract, could endanger the peace of the continent and relations among American republics. 53. Again I should like to stress that we are in agreement with what is said by the Secretary-Gen- eral in his report on the work of the Organization [Af37f1], a report which in large part is devoted to the need to facilitate recourse to procedures and means of peaceful settlement ofinternational disputes, both in situations where hostilities have heen de- clared and in those where there is a potential risk. 54. A few months ago, several members of the Security Council, who were urging a negotiated set- tlement of the conflict in the South Atlantic, drew attention to the fact that there were several disputes in our hemisphere which, if not resolved through the peaceful means to' which we are committed under solemn contract, could endanger the peace of the continent and relations among American republics. 55. For those general reasons, I have referred mainiy to the draft resolution, of which we are a sponsor, without going into the substance of the problem on the question of the Malvinas Islands. Chile, now as always, supports Argentina's peaceful claims, based" on law, to the Islands; but, as I s~id b~fore, our main purpose at this time is to seek negotiations leading to the peaceful settlement of a serious inter- national dispute. It is therefore incumbent upon us to be cautious and to contribute to finding a solution, not to go back into history to stir up memories of facts which may sharpen differences or deepen unhealed wounds. 56. In conclusion, on behalf of my delegation and in a spirit of friendliness, I appeal to the two peo- ples, friends of my own people, to join us on the path which we all wish to open, a path leading to peace and encompassing other situations to which I have already referred. In undertaking those efforts, Argerntina and the United Kingdom, and the Sec- retary-General may rely on the sincere and firm co- operation of my country. 55. For those general reasons, I have referred mainiy to the draft resolution, of which we are a sponsor, without going into the substance of the problem on the question of the Malvinas Islands. Chile, now as always, supports Argentina's peaceful claims, based' on law, to the Islands; but, as I sJ.id b~fore, our main purpose at this time is to seek negotiations leading to the peaceful settlement of a serious inter- national dispute. It is therefore incumbent upon us to be cautious and to contribute to finding a solution, not to go back into history to stir up memories of facts which may sharpen differences or deepen unhealed wounds. 56. In conclusion, on behalf of my delegation and in a spirit of friendliness, I appeal to the two peo- ples, friends of my own people, to join us on the path which we all wish to open, a path leading to peace and encompassing other situations to which I have already referred. In undertaking those efforts, Argerntina and the United Kingdom, and the Sec- retary-General may rely on the sincere and firm co- operation of my country. ei~ntv, is the overriding consideration. 63. Since it maintains the closest possible relations with the United Kingdom, my country, the People's Republic of the Congo, would like to exhort it to agree to a reconciliation and negotiations with Argen- tina, with the ultimate objective of taking into account all the factors conducive to a just application of the principles of the 1960 Declaration. "65. First, it has become clear that the precarious nature of zon~s of peace and denuclearized zones, such as that ofLatin America, protected by the Treaty of Tlatelolco, is a fact. In committing nuclear sub- marines in the area of hostilities, the United Kingdom, a nuclear Power, and moreover a party to that Treaty, inadmissibly violated a principle which, given its -65. First, it has become clear that the precarious nature of zonp;s of peace and denuclearized zones, such as that ofLatin America, protected by the Treaty of Tlatelolco, is a fact. In committing nuclear sub- marines in the area of hostilities, the United Kingdom, a nuclear Power, and moreover a party to that Treaty, inadmissibly violated a principle which, given its 64. The second point which the Congo considers important concerns the strategic implications of the conflict. 64. The second point which the Congo considers important concerns the strategic implications of the conflict. 73. The second principle is that when the occupa- tion of a territory is maintained by force, the inter- ests and not the wishes of t"e population of the oc- cupied territory must be pj"(~lected. The population 76. All the representatives at those meetings agreed that paragraph 6 of resolution 1514 (XV) covered such cases by stating that: "Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disrup- tion of t"e national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations." 77. Secondly, I should like to refer to the statement ofthe.representative ofthe United Kingdom that, in the context of the proposal, the word "negotiations" carries great weight and importance, since Argen- tina has said that negotiations are only to achieve one result: the transfer of the Islands by the United Kingdom. and "negotiations" means discussions about the date on which they will acquire control of the Islands. 78. I wonder why the United Kingdom did not make the same statement on 14 December 1973, when resolution 3160 (XXVIII) was adopted, in which the United Kingdom and Argentina were urged to continue negotiations. That resolution was adopted with no votes against and with the abstention of the United Kingdom. If the draft resolution submitted by the 20 Latin American countries urges the parties to negotiate on the question of sovereignty, it is pre- cisely because of the desire that negotiations take place on the key issue of the dispute. We are not going to call on them to meet to discuss the height of the waves in the Malvinas Qr weather conditions. The 83. But the basic cause of the dispute is that Argen- tina, guided by resolutions and recommendations of the United Nations, wished to negotiate on the return of the Malvinas Islands to its sovereignty, whereas the United Kingdom, refusing to negotiate on sover- eignty over the Territory, envisaged the problem from the standpoint of self-determination. The absence of any real progress in the negotiations led the Gen- eral Assembly, in its resolution 3160 (XXVIII), to express its grave concern and to renew its appeal to both parties to proceed without delay with the nego- tiations in order to put an end to the colonial situation. 84. The persistent refusal of the United Kingdom to pursue negotiations on the question of sovereignty, under the pretext of defending the principle of the self-determination of peoples, shows that it does not wish to relinquish its hold on the Malvinas Islands. This British intransigence has led to a progressive deterioration in the relations between the two countries and a few months ago led to a bloody armed con- 86. It is surprising, to say the least, that towards the end of the twentieth century, a major European Power and a permanent member of the Security Coun- cil should employ in this conflict its powerful navy and an important expeditionary force against a devel- oping country, to restore anachronistic colonial rule over a territory on another continent, more than 10,000 kilometres from its coast, in violation of tpe 86. It is surprising, to say the least, that towards the end of the twentieth century, a major European Power and a permanent member of the Security Coun- cil should employ in this conflict its powerful navy and an important expeditionary force against a devel- oping country, to restore anachronistic colonial rule over a territory on another continent, more than 10,000 kilometres from its coast, in violation of t!te princip~es of the Charter and interna60nal rules on non-intervention. Furthermore, in that unequal and disproportionate combat, that Power benefited from the aid and complicity of its major ally ir, ~he New World, which is also a permanent member of the Security Council and which in addition had in the past promoted the Monroe Doctrine-not to mention eco- nomic and other embarg~esdecreed by certain Western countries against Argentina. All this led the United Kingdom io seek a solution to the conflict by means of a military victory, which turned out to be a Pyrrhic victory. princip~es of the Charter and interna60nal rules on non-intervention. Furthermore, in that unequal and disproportionate combat, that Power benefited from the aid and complicity of its major ally if, ~he New World, which is also a permanent member of the Security Council and which in addition had in the past promoted the Monroe Doctrine-not to mention eco- nomic and otherembarg..Jes decreed by certain Western countries against Argentina. All this led the United Kingdom lO seek a solution to the conflict by means of a military victory, which turned out to be a Pyrrhic victory. 87. What is serious in this m~~tter, especially with regard to other American States, is the fact that the United States placed itself at the side of the United Kingdom, whereas by virtue of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance it should have de- fended the American continent against any attack or intervention from outside the hemisphere. 88. When we consider the mt;ans and resources employed by the United Kingdom in that armed con- flict to preserve the vestiges of its colonial empire, when we consider the double veto cast by that country- and its major American ally in the Security Council on 4 June 1982 against a draft resolution6 aimed at estab- lishing a cease-fire and ensuring the full applica- tion of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, and when we take a close look at the economic and military embargoes unanimously adopted aga~nst Argentina by members of NATO, we can see that, above and beyond the desire of the administering Power to hold on to its privileges, based on an obso- lete international order, injustice, inequality and exploitation, there is another more important, more subtle, reason, which is part of the global strategy of the imperialist and militarist NATO circles. It is to change the Malvinas Islands into a military base in the South Atlantic, just like the Diego Garcfa base in the Indian Ocean, because, as in the case of Diego Garcia, which is at the crossroads of maritime naviga- tion in the Indian Ocean, the Malvinas Islands con- trol the maritime route of the Magellan Straits and Cape Horn. With a base on the Malvinas Islands, those imperialists and militarists hope to control the largest part of the world's oceans. In this cO'ltext, the present status of the Malvinas Islands would con- stitute a constant threat to the peace and security of the countries of this hemisphere. 87. "'hat is serious in this mG~tter, especially with regard to other American States, is the fact that the United States placed itself at the side of the United Kingdom, whereas by virtue of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance it should have de- fended the American continent against any attack or intervention from outside the hemisphere. 88. When we consider the mt;ans and resources employed by the United Kingdom in that armed con- flict to preserve the vestiges of its colonial empire, when we consider the double veto cast by that country' and its major American ally in the Security Council on 4 June 1982 against a draft resolution6 aimed at estab- lishing a cease-fire and ensuring the full applica- tion of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, and when we take a close look at the economic and military embargoes unanimously adopted aga~nst Argentina by members of NATO, we can see that, above and beyond the desire of the administering Power to hold on to its privileges, based on an obso- lete international order, injustice, inequality and exploitation, there is another more important, more subtle, reason, which is part of the global strategy of the imperialist and militarist NATO circles. It is to change the Malvinas Islands into a military base in the South Atlantic, just like the Diego Garda base in the Indian Ocean, because, as in the case of Diego Garcia, which is at the crossroads of maritime naviga- tion in the Indian Ocean, the Malvinas Islands con- trol the maritime route of the Magellan Straits and Cape Horn. With a base on the Malvinas Islands, those imperialists and militarists hope to control the largest part of the world's oceans. In this cO'ltext, the present status of the Malvinas Islands would con- stitute a constant threat to the peace and security of the countries of this hemisphere. 89. For my country, Argentina's sovereignty over the ~{alvinas Islands is indisputable. Thus, in the 89. For my country, Argentina's sovereignty over the ~{alvinas Islands is indisputable. Thus, in the 97. The colonial adventure of the United Kingdom, as well as the support given it by the United States and other countries, has once again laid bare the essence of the aggressive imperialistic policies of the Western Powers towards the countries of the third world. In their policies, ever greater stress is being placed on the use of force to defend their narrow, th~ last vestiges of colonialism in whatever forms they may exist. 101. The question of the Falkland Islands (Malvi- nas) is clearly of a colonial nature. The Malvinas were turned into a colony of Great Britain by armed force 150 years ago, in January 1833. Argentina never accepted the coloniiation of the Islands; however, its struggle with Great Britain for that territory was an unequal one. This 3ssue has been considered by the Special Committee on decolonization· and the General Assembly ~ince 1964. th~ last vestiges of colonialism in whatever forms they may exist. 101. The question of the Falkland Islands (Malvi- nas) is clearly of a colonial nature. The Malvinas were turned into a colony of Great Britain by armed force 150 years ago, in January 1833. Argentina never accepted the coloniiation of the Islands; however, jts struggle with Great Britain for that territory was an unequal one. This 3ssue has been considered by the Special Committee on decolonization· and the General Assembly since 1964. 102. For almost 20 years, it has been systematically affirmed in the United Nations that the provisions of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples are relevant and applicable to the Territory of the FalIdand Islands (Malvinas) as well. General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX), adopted by an overwhelming majority, with no opposition, stressed the need for implementa- tion of resolution 1514 (XV), p.nd referred to the cherished aim of peoples to bring to an end every- where colonialism in all its forms, one of which covers the case of the FaJkland Islands (Malvinas). 102. For almost 20 years, it has been systematically affirmed in the United Nations that the provisions of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples are relevant and applicable to the Territory of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) as well. General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX), adopted by an overwhelming majority, with no opposition, stressed the need for implementa- tion of resolution 1514 (XV), p.nd referred to the cherished aim of peoples to bring to an end every- where colonialism in all its forms, one of which covers the case of the FaJkland Islands (Malvinas). 103. Noting the existence ofa dispute between Argen- tina and the United Kingdom concerning sovereignty over the Islands, the General Assembly called on the Governments of those countries to proceed without delay with negotiations with a view to finding a peace- ful solution to the problem. In 1966, 1967, 1969, 1971, 1973 and 1976, the General Assembly reiterated that appeal. 103. Noting the existence ofa dispute between Argen- tina and the United Kingdom concerning sovereignty over the Islands, the General Assembly called on the Governments of those countries to proceed without delay with negotiations with a view to finding a peace- ful solution to the problem. In 1966, 1967, 1969, 1971, 1973 and 1976, the General Assembly reiterated that appeal. 104. However, it is significant that in 1976. the United Kingdom voted against resolution 31/49, evidently because in it the General Assembly expressed gratitude for the continuous efforts made by the Government of Argentina, in accordance with the relevant deci- 104. However, it is significant that in 1976. the United Kingdom voted against resolution 31/49, evidently because in it the General Assembly expressed gratitude for the continuous efforts made by the Government of Argentina, in accordance with the relevant deci- 105. It was precisely the imperialist ambitions of the United Kingdom which caused it to send its armada and air force thousands of miles from the metro- politan area to fight a large-scale war against Argen- tina, with the resultant heavy loss oflife. This renewed imperialist policy constitutes open defiance of the international community, which has unconditionally condemned and repudiated colonialism as a gross violation of the Charter and decisions of the United Nations and a serious threat to international peace and security. 106. The United Kingdom would never have chal- lenged the entire Latin American continent so brazenly xnd the war not been approved first by its ally and partner in NATO, the United States. The United Kingdom and the United States military "'.dventure against Argentina is in the same categc:£y as the "strategic co-operation" between the United States and Israel and between the United States and South Africa. 107. In unconditionally supporting the United King- dom, the United States was pursuing, as it continues to do in this conflict, its own selfish interests, which are basically to extend the sphere of action of NATO to the South Atlantic region. An analysis of events shows convincingly that American imperialism has used the Anglo-Argentine conflict with single-minded determination to extend its constant military presence to yet another region of the globe. This is reflected convincingly in the various scenarios for a settle- ment of the dispute between the United Kingdom and Argentina proposed by Washington, which con- sistently reflect the desire for a trilateral adminis- tration of the Islands with obligatory United States participation. At the present time, in London and Washington, plans are being worked out to disguise this design by means of some kind of interna;tional peace-keeping forces in the Falklands, which would be tantamount to turning the Islands in~o a NATO naval base. 108. According to press reports, near Port Stanley an airport is being built at full speed with the capacity to take any type of aircraft, including Phantom fighters, and delivery of this type of offensive weap- onry to the Islands has actually begun. As reported in The Washington Post of 19 Oct~ber 1982, the first supersonic Phantom aircraft of the Royal Air Force arrived in the Falklands on 17 Octt'be". This is where, according to Ministry of Defence ua£a, a 3,OOO-man United Kingdom military garrison is based. All this reflects an active progt.1mme of militarization of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), which cannot but give rise to concern on the part oJ the international com- munity and le.ad to increased international tension. 109. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR feels that the problem of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) con- tinues to be one of decolonization, which must be resolved on the basis of the relevant resolutions and decisions of the United Nations. In our approach to the events in the South Atlantic and other regions of the world, we base uur position on the need to elimi- nate existing hotbeds of tension and to prevent new ones emerging, prohibit interference in the internal affairs of States and peoples and settle disputes by peaceful means. 110. \ In expressing its concern over the dangerous development of events in the Falkland Islands (Mal- vinas) and in regard to this issue, the delegation of the Ukrainian SSR condemns the use of force by the United Kingdom and calls for prompt efforts to settle the Anglo-Argentine dispute by negotiations within the framework of the United Nations and on the basis 'Of its relevant decisions. 111. Mr. ROSALES-RIVERA (El Saivador) (inter- pretation from Spanish): The General Assembly is considering the question of the Malvinas Islands as a result of a request by 20 Latin American countries which realized that the conflict over the Islands, involving two main protagonists, the United Kingdom and the Argentine Republic, was something that seriouslv affected international life in this year 1982. 112. El Salvador's position on this question has always been clear. It has been expressed in the Orga- nization of American States as well as in various organs and forums of the United Nations. For us, this is a colonial case in v.hich, in keeping with General Assembly resolution J514 (XV), Argentina must recover full sovereignty over the Islands. 113. Its de jure titles to the Islands are numerous and adequate, heir as it is to the Spanish Crown. That i8 the basis for the strong and unbreakable solidarity that exists in Latin America ove:r this question. It is not an irrelevant or capricious claim, nor one con- ditioned by temporary alliances that are by their nature ephemeral. On the contrary, this explains why the Latin American countries that have sponsored draft resolution A/37/L.3/Rev.l have consistently recognized Argentine sovereignty over the Island~and have considered that at the present time its territorial integrity has been breached. Previous General As- sembly votes and consensuses on this question, as reflected in resolutions 2065 (XX), 3160 (XXVIII) and 31/49, are eloquent testimony to the feeling of the international community on this question. 114. However, in order to limit the damage that conflict has caused, not only between the principal parties to the dispute, but within the framework of the normal development of international relations, which requires as an essential prerequisite the elimi- nation of any colonialist bastion anywhere in the world, and in this case in the American hemisphere, bastions that can be maintained only through obso- lete beliefs that are counter to the self-determina- tion of peoples, the sponsoring countries did not want to submit a draft resolution that would merely ~tands that his' intervention will be of assistance to the parties to the dispute. Since we consider, further, that it is essential for the future of the inhab- itants of these Islands to be settled without delay, we join in the appeal to both parties to resume the negotiations as soon as they are able to do so. The Jamaican delegation will not, therefore, vote against the draft resolution: Jamaica will simply abstain when it is voted upon. 139. It is Jamaica's earnest desire that both parties to this dispute should continue their search, in a peace- ful manner and with all necessary restraint, for a solu- tion to the problem of the Falkland Islands. We wish to assure them both of our willingness to assist and facilitate that search in any way we can. NOTES NOTES 2 A/34/542, annex, para. 168. 2 A/34/S42, annex, para. 168. 4 Ibid., Fifieemh Session, Plenary Meetings (part I), vot. 2, 947th meeting, para. 68. 4 Ibid., Fijieemh Session, Plenary Meetings (part I), vat. 2, 947th meeting, para. 68. 5 See A/32/110, annex and A/32/1B, annex. 5 See A/32/110, annex and A/32/111, annex.