A/37/PV.56 General Assembly

Twenty years ago, at its seventeenth session, the General Assembly urged Member States and the Security Council to act under the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations to bring to an end the system of apartheid in South Africa and called for the imposition of economic and other sanctions against that country [resolution 1761 (XVll)]. For 20 years, by ever-increasing majorities, the Assembly has repeated this call. 2. This special plenary meeting of the Assembly on the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa highlights the unfortunate fact that the response to those cans has not been adequate. Every United Nations resolution continues to be ignored with contempt. Every article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights continues to be trampled on in South Africa. 3. Despitp, this lack of success, the General Assem- bly has continued to call for sanctions for a simple reason: universally' applied sanctions are the only peaceful means available to the world community to end the criminal system of apartheid. 4. The majority of Member States have voluntarily ended all ties with South Africa. Non-governmental organizations arid prominent individuals have been involved in the international boycott of that inhuman regime. For a number of countries, organizations and individuals, their acts of conscience have meant considerable sacrifices in economic terms. To them all we pay a tribute today for their moral courage and values. 5. Other countries, organizations and individuals have not seen fit to act against what is without doubt the most massive and sustained violation of human rights in recent history. Because of the policy of some of its members, the Security Council has not been able to act under Chapter VII of the Charter and impose mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa. The arms embargo the Council has imposed continues to be consistently violated. 6. Not only have important entities refused to impos~ .i.anctions on the racist regime ir, Pretoria, but some have actively fostered that regime. Some trans- national corporations and banks play a laige role in funding th~ apartheid system, and South Africa has been able to count on the overt support of interna- tional financial institutions. NEW YORK 7. The repercussions of allowing the cancer of ~fficial racism in South Africa to grow cannot be contained within the borders of that country. The racial conflict that is clearly buHding up to an explo- sion there will affect not only that country but the entire region and the world. As the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa declared last year: "The choice is between an escalation of conflict and the imposition of international sanc- tions" .1 . 8. The General Assembly has recognized that the international community has a special responsibility towards those struggling in South Africa for the prin- ciples enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. All of us feel·a kinship with those who' are imprisoned, restri~ted and persecuted in South Africa for their opposition to apartheid. Such solidarity is important for those who have to face, often alone ~md quite powerless, the organized terror of that regime. Twenty years ago, Nelson Mandela, the outstanding leader of the national liberation movement, from the dock of a South African court pointed to the General As- sembly resolution calling for sanctions against South Africa. It was evident, he said, that: "In its efforts to keep the African people in a position of perpetual subordination, South Africa must and will fail. South Africa is out of step with the rest of the civilized world." Nelson Mandela and thousands of his col- leagues are still in prison. They and millions of the oppressed people in their country have been sustained by the conviction that the overwhelming majority of the world hate apartheid and support the struggle for its elimination. ' 9. This solemn meeting is a reaffirmation of our unshakable opposition to apartheid. On behalf of the people of South Africa, we say 'here that com- prehensive and mandatory sanctions against the Pre- toria regime are imperative. 10. I now invite the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier pere.z de Cuellar, to address the General Assembly.

I welcome the opportunity to address this special meeting of the General Assembly. The presentation of the awards which is to be made today has more than a symbolic significance; it marks a recognition of the contribu- tion that persons in different vocations can make to promoting the principle of human equality, to tran- scending the distinctiof£ of race or coIOl~r. It is also another expression of our deep commitment to one of the basic and unalterable principles that constitute the moral foundation of the United Nations; 12. The Charter of the Organization sets forth the determination of the peoples of the world not only to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war devastat~d through the practice of racial superiority. They were witnesses to the historic fact that policies of discrimination against people on grounds of race, besides being cruel and tyrannical in themselves, contained the seeds of war. In establishing the Or- ganization, they made known the resolve ofall civilized humanity that situations in which people were denied their human rights should never again be condoned. 13. This determination is reflected in the very first Article of the Charter, which includes among the purposes of the United Nat~ons the achievement of international co-operation in promoting and encour- aging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. It is a.lso clearly set forth in another historic and fundamental document of the United Nations, the Univer§al Declaration of Human Rights. The Preamble to the Declaration clearly states that recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation offreedom, peace and justice in the world. Another significant postulate of the Declaration which can appropriately be recalled on this occasion is that if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against . tyranny and oppression, it is essential that human rights should be protected by the rule of law. 14. The institution ofapartheid wns directly counter to this basic belief. It was therefore only logical that the problem created by the persistence of this. system should have become one of the foremost concems of the United Nations since its early years. A con- sensus has developed regarding the nature ofapartheid which serves as the basis of our continued efforts to secure the abandonment of this system. On the twenty- fifth anniversary of the signing of the Charter, the General Assembly declared that the policy of apart- heid was a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind [resolution 2627 (XXV)]. 15. In the years that have followed, competent bodies and organs of the United Nations have devoted considerable time and effort to devising measures which would be appropriate for dealing with the situa- tion. I know that there is a great feeling of frustra- tion and impatience over the fact that the measures so far proposed by the United Nations for bringing about an end to apartheid have yet to produce the desired results. However, the conclusion does not follow that little or no progress has been achieved. There exists now a world-wide awareness of the in- justice and dangers inherent in the policies of racial discrimination. Moreover, it is generally accepted that the international community has an inescapable re- sponsibility to bring about the eraaication of these policies. . . 16. Of equal importance is tne fact that the victims of apartheid know that they do not stand alone but have the moral and political support of the interna- tional community. Vtle must continue to impress upon the upholders of apurtheid that it is they who are isolated and that the~r policies are inherently self- defeating. 19. Mr. MAITAMA-SULE (Nigeria), Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid: Twenty years ago, this assembly of nations appealed to all Governments, separately and collectively, to take effective measures against the racist regime of South Africa for ~he abandonment of its inhuman policy of apartheid. The General Assembly further requested the Security Council to consider mandatory sanc- tions against South Africa. 20. The appeal for effective action against South Africa was mRde when the racist regime there had proved impervious to repeated appeals and instead had proceeded to intensify and perpetuate racist domination and suppress the non-violent movement of the people. There were the notorious treason trials, the Sharpeville massacre, the banning of the people's organizations, the mass arrests and un.precedented repressive laws. 21. Despite the considerable material sacrifices in- volved, a great majority of Governments and peoples around the world heeded that appeal and broke off all relations with the racist regime in South Africa. Numerous public organizations and minions ofmen and women of conscience all over the -Jorld, inspired by the just and righteous struggle of the South African people, joined the movement for the ~nternational isolation of the racist regime and for solidarity with the n:.ttional liberation movement of South Africa. They have given of their time, energy and talent to make it one of the most significant movements of our time. We pay a tribute to the many sportsmen, writers and musicians who have rejected offers by South Africa of enormous fees and thereby demonstrated their attachment to principle. Wt.: salute the m2.ny young people who have even risked their limbs and liberty in this movement. We acknowledge the contributions of tens of thousands of people to provide humani- tarianand other assistance to the families of political prisoners in South Africa. Sanctions against South Africa are even more urgent and imperative today. 22. The Sharpeville massacre can never be erased from the memory of decent men and women every- where. Yet the racist regime in South Africa continues to make fresh assaults on the conscience of humanity. r~cist ~ppression and a democratic society in South Africa and to lend support to all those-Mricans as well as people of European and Asian descent- who are daily and even hourly risking their lives so that all th~ people of South Africa can together, as equals, determine their own destiny. Their struggle must be considered as our own, until the philosophy 38. Mr. Jan Nico Scholten, as a member ofthe Dutch Parliament, led the efforts for an effective oil embargo 39. These men and v/Omen come from different regions of the world and represent varied political and other persuasions, but they have all been consistent advocates of universal action for the elimination of apartheid. They represent millions ufpeople who have given of their time and eneIgy and made serious sacri1ices to demonstrate their abhorrence of apart- heid and their solidarity with th~ oppressed people of South Africa. 40. I hope that these awards-on thl~ twentieth anni- versary of the adoption of General Assembly reso- lution 1761 (XVII) which calls for effecHve eco.. nomic and other measures by all States against the apartheid regime-will promote the campaign for comprehensive, mandatory and prompt sanctiol1ls against South Africa.

We come now to the award ceremony. It may be recalled that in resolution 31/6 G, of9 November 1976, the Genemi Assembly authnrized the Special Committee a;gainst Apartheid to estabHsh an award to be presen((~d to persons who have, in co-operaHon with ihe United Nations ,:md in solidarity with the: South African liberation movements, con- tributed significantly to the international campaign against apillf'theid. 42, The Special Ce~mmittee has accordingly selected seven persons for the award this year. They are: Bouari Boumedienne, former President of the Peo- ple's Democratic Republic of Algeria; Mr. Romesh Chandra, President of the World Peace Council and Chairman of ,he Non-Governmental Organizations Sub-Committee on Racism, Racial Discrimination, Apartheid and Decolonization; Mrs. Jeanne Martin- Cisse, Minister of Social Affairs of Guinea and Presi- dent of the International Committee of Solidarity with the Struggle of the Women of South Mrica and Nami- bia; the Most Reverend Trevor Huddleston, Arch- bishop of the Diocese of the Indian Ocean and Presi- -dent of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement; the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., leader of the civil rights movement in the United States and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize; Mr. Abraham Ordia, President of the Supreme Council for Sports in Africa; and Mr. Jan Nico Scholten, member of the National Par- liament of the Netherlands arid member of the Dutch Foundation for Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. 43. I request the Chief of Protocol to escort to their places on the platform the award winners and those who are here to receive awards on their beh~lIf: Mr.'Mohamed Sahnoun on behalf of President Houari Boumedienne, Mr. Romesh Chandra, Mrs. Jeanne Martin-Cisse, the Most Reve,rend Trevor Huddleston, Miss Bernice King on behalfofherfather, the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., Mr. Abraham Ordia and Mr. Jan Ni~o Scholten.

I now have the honour to read the citation: " "Governments have already paid lip-service to such a view of the world by setting up a whole variety ofUnited Nations agencies whose duty it is to elaborate world-wide strategies. But the idea of authority and energy and resources to support their policies seems strange, visionary and Ut0pian at "Today, in human society, we can perhaps hope to survive in all our prized diversity, provided we can achieve an ultimate loyalty to our single, beauti- ful and vulnerable planet Earth."2 49. It is the total contradiction of such a vision and. such a goal that I find most deeply offensive as a Christian in the concept of institutionalized racism known as apartheid. 50. But it is too easy to speak in abstractions. I would rather speak for a moment from my heart. For me, at. least, the battle against the monstrous evil of apart- heid in South Africa did not begin as a battle of conflicting ideas within the whole field of international relations-though certainly it is necessary always to see apartheid as a massive threat to world peace and an assault on human rights. It began for me in 1943 in the streets of Sophiatown and Orlando, Johannes- burg, when, as a quite young priest and pastor, I was confronted with a system so evil that it attacked the very meaning of human life, the very purpose for which, as I believe, man is created. Apartheid, in its application to ordinary daily life in black Johannesburg, was the daily assertion and proclamation to the African people not only of their permanent role as serfs and cyphers but as those who', by reason of the colour of their skin, must aspire to being nothing else. 51. Apartheid said, and says, to African children: "Your education is an education for servitude. Do not stray into green pastures in which you have no right to graze." I quote a former Prime Minister of South Africa. Apartheid says to African workers: "We need your labour, black man. We must have your labour to give to white South Afric~ the power and the energy it needs to keep you for ever where you are-at the very bottom of the heap." 52. Apartheid says to African families: "So long as you are here in our white cities, in 80 per cent of the land area of South Africa, in which you were born, you can have no security, no permanence, no peace, for you have and shall have no citizenship. Keep over there"~ , 53. These Africans were and are my frienos-some, like Bishop Desmond Tutu,' schoolchildren when I first knew them; some, like Nelson Mandela, WaIter Sisulu, Oliver Tambo, my contemporaries. In those great days leading up to the Freedom Charter and the Kliptown Congress that approved it, we knew what we were doing, or, at least, we knew what we were trying to do. We were appealing to the world community to recognize that apartheid was not, as many at that time liked to believe, a matter of South African political practice, a matter of purely local and internal concern, but an issue of world-wide signifi- cance and as much a challenge te ~he future of man- kind as the Nazi ideology that had brought about the Second World War and as potentially dangerous. 54. So, in expressing my thanks to the General As- sembly-and more particularly to the Spedal Com- mittee' against Apartheid and the Centre against Apartheid, which have done so much in the past 59. He was followed 'by the then Secretary-General, who reminded the Assembly that: "Apartheid is not only immoral and inhuman, butit is also a grave danger to international peace and security" and that: "There is no single issue on' which the Members of this Organization are more united than the one before us" .4 60. And he was followed in turn by the then Prime Minister of Jamaica, who posed the auestion: "How does a world that produced Lincoln, Marx, Lenin, Mao and Franklin Roosevelt still stand impotent before this vicious edifice of shame and degradation?"5 61. All this and much more was said here tour years ago; and only two weeks ago, in Johannes- burg, a former United States Secretary ofDefense and President ofthe World Bank, Robert McNamara, said: H~nce, it is only natural that the South African people, which has embarked upon a long struggle of national iiberation and against racism, should find by its side all peoples and all men that cherish peace and justice. This ceremony, which in a way symbolizes the sup- port for the struggle of the South Mrican people, should nevertheless remind us that the universally rejected system is being perpetuated thanks largely to the support it is receiving from abroad. This fact should strengthen our faith and our commitment to continue steadily to increase the ranks of those who support the struggle of the South AfricaI' people and to make the allies of the apartheid regime fully realize the grave responsibility they accept in supporting that regime directly or indirectly on any pretext. We should all think of the millions of human beings who in South Africa today are enduring the contempt of others and living in fear and despair simply because they are black. We should all think of the brothers and sisters whom other human beings consider to be inferior and treat accordingly, denying them the minimum of jus- tice. And we should all ask ourselves whether our Governments or ourselves are not in part responsible for this situation. 76. Our peoples and our Governments have on other occasions in history reacted against injustice and against racism, thanks to the appeals of meti ~f good will who found within themselves the necessary means ofawakening co~sciences and thus bringing to bear the moral potential of mankind. 77. This ceremony today will make its own contribu- tion to me~ting the appeals of those few individuals of good will. 78. In conclusion, we should like to pay a tribute to the Special Committee for having constantly de- nounced the support received by the apartheid regime and for allowing the struggle of the South African people to be voiced and to reverberate throughout the entire international community. 79. The PRESIDENT: I now call upon Mr. Romesh Chandra. 80. Mr. CHANDRA: At this moment, in all parts of the world, there are hundreds of millions of ordinary women and men who seek to prevent the destruction of this world, who work for peace and for the preven- tion of a nuclear war. They see the struggles of all peoples as part and parcel of one struggle, the strug- , ~le to save this world and to build a new world. I have the honour to receive this medal on behalf of these hundreds of millions of ordinary people who believe in peace and who seek to give their support to the efforts of the United Nations for peace, for inde- pendence, for justice, for social progress. 85. How can this regime continue in the face of its people's upsurge, in the face of the opposition of the overwhelming majority of its people? The apartheid regime continues because the United Nations is un- able to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions despite the will of the overwhelming majority of Governments. 86. Who stands against the imposition of sanctions? Who vetoes the sanctions? \Vho continues to provide the South African racist regime with military, eco- nomic and financial assistance in increasing amounts and has done so for all these years? Let us be quite clear, for clarity is necessary. The report ofthe Special 104. Thjs fight by our brothers and sisters in South Africa and Namibia is part of the process of imple- menting the principles of equality, freedom and inde- pendence enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. 105. How, were it not for the support of certain Powers, could the apartheid regime have been able to flout for so long the resolutions of the United Nations and pursue its policy of terrorism and savage repres- sion against the black peoples of southern Africa? How can we any longer allow a racist minority of 4 million whites to impose such brutish laws on 20 million Africans, who have been dumped into bantustans, virtual reservoirs of cheap and abundant labour, living below the poverty line? 106. We must use all the means at our disposal to help fight and finally eliminate apartheid, that shame of the twentieth century. 107. By its massive and flagrant violation of fun- damental human rights, by its illegal occupation of Namibia and its acts of outright aggression against neighbouring African States, the apartheid regime in South Africa is a'constant threat to international peace and securjty. 108. I wish to convey my sincere appreciation to the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Centre against Apartheid, which for many years now have been playing a major role in the struggle against this scourge, forcefully mobilizing international public opinion against the hateful crimes of the apartheid regime. 109. Once again we repeat Africa',s urgent appeal to its friends and to all those of good will to increase their moral and material support for the liberation movements in southern Africa and for the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], with a view to intensifying the armed struggle and speeding up the liberation of that part of our continent from the regime of apartheid. 110. In conclusion, I should like to express my great appreciation to our brother Mr. Maitama-Sule, Chair- man of the Special Committee against Apartheid, and the other members of the Special Committee, and to Mr. Reddy, Director of the Centre against Apart- heid and all his colleagues for this great honour done to my humble person, to my country, the People's 113. Martin Luther KiIlg, Jr. was profoundly con- cerned about the tr&gic suffering inflicted on his black brothers and sisters in southern Africa. Indeed,· he was one of the very first American leaders to call. for sanctions against apartheid. In 1962, he was a co- sponsor, with the great Chief Albert Luthuli, of'the appeal for action against apartheid. In addition, he was one of the first prominent Americans to support the Special Committee against Apartheid when it was founded in 1963. 114. My father believed that apartheid was a vicious cancer, eating away at the soul of humanity and destroying our hopes for a world cQlpmunity. In 1965, at a benefit for the American Committee on Africa, he spoke of apartheid as med~eval segregation and a sophisticated form of slavery, in which the dignity of the human personality is defiled and world opinion is arrogantly defied. Sadly, 18 years later, this de- scription still fits perfectly. 115. But Martin Luther King, Jr. did not simply feel despair about apartheid and let it go at that. Instead, he called for a vigorous international, non- violent campaign against apartheid. He called for strong sanctions to challenge the legitimacy of apart- heid, and he proposed far-reaching, non-violent direct action. As he said at the 1965 benefit·for the American Committee on Africa: . "Have we the power to be more than peevish with South Africa but yet refrain from acts of war? To list the extensive economic relations of the great Powers with South Africa is to suggest a potent non-violent path. The :nternational potential of non- violence has neverbeen emplQyed. Non-violence has been practised within national borders in India, the United States and in regions of Africa, with spectacular success. The time has come fully to utilize non-violence through a massive international boycott which would involve the USSR,. Great Britain, France, the United States, Germany and Japan. "Millions of people can personally give expres- sion to their abhorrence of the world's worst racism through a far-flung boycott. No nation professin,g a concern for man's dignity could avoid assuming its obligations if people of all States and races adopted a firm stand. The time has come for an international alliance of peoples of all nations against racism." 123. In a desperate effort to free itself from isola- tion in international sports, South Africa is spending millions of rands every year to buy competitors at home and abroad, making mercenaries of otherwise fine sportsmen, both amateurs and professionals. When the story of the present scandal is written-a basic salary of£80,000 for one cricketer or one Rugby player, plus extensive fringe benefits; gold and diamond bracelets and necklaces; presents for wives- the former Muldergate scandal will be reduced tq in- significance. Gary Player, South.. Africa's greatest export commodity in golf, is also using this corrupt method to buy credibility for apartheid. 124. Grave concern must be expressed here over the increasing number of sports bodies in several coun- tries which continue to have sporting exchanges with racist South Africa in flagrant violation and utter defiance of the International Declaration against Apartheid in Sports [resolution 32/105 M, annex], 130. Sporting contacts and international sporting competitions generate good will. The South African Government knows this. It hopes that international sports tours and the achievements of its sportsmen will generate enough international good will towards the white minority in South Africa to remove any international pressure for change. It is our duty, however, to maintain and increase the pressure for change so that the black people in South Africa can enjoy the freedom and dignity which is as much their birthright as it is ours. That is why the isolation of South Africa in international sport has come to be so important to us. Our poJicy is not one of violence. It does not cost the lives of black or white. It does not threaten the livelihood of black or white in South Africa. It merely seeks to deny the comfort of inter- national good will to a Government which, by virtue of its policies, is not deserving of that good will. 131. Finally, may I pay a special tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid for its vital work, under the able and dynamic leadership ofMr. Maitama- Sule. I thank the Committee for recommending us for this award. I should also like to pay a tribute to the Centre against Apartheid and its director, Mr. Reddy. That body has done tremendous work and will con- tinue its work until apartheid is totally eradicated from the face of the earth.

I now call upon Mr. Jan Nico Scholten. 133. Mr. SCHOLTEN: I should like to offer my sincere thanks to the General Assembly fm ~~nesenting me with this award. My thanks go also te" the Spe- cial Committee against Apartheid for h:::ving recom- mended me. I am indeed deeply moved by thiS honour. 134. My work on sanctions could not have been done without the close co-operation of political friends in the Netherlands in my own party, the Christian Democratic Party, avd in other parties, as well as the co-operation of non-governmental orga- nizations such as the Holland Committee on Southern Africa and the working group Kairos-Christians against Apartheid-and I should like to share this honour with all of them. 135. However, the people who are really impor- tant on this day are still the voiceless ones, the hungry ones, the angry ones-the broad mass of South Africans who suffer under and resist apart- heid. Let us never forget that the final aim ofapartheid is the maintenance of the privileged position of the white minority and black exclusion by means of oppression. We must always remember that it is they, the oppressed of South Africa, and not we who are in the front line of the struggle for liberation and free- dom; and when one day justice, freedom and peace triumph in South Africa, it will have been their work and their victory, not ours. 137. The fight against apartheid is a spearhead of the wider struggle for justice, equality and human dignity in the world. Among other things, the report of Amnesty International for 1982 lets us see that we are confronted with an: enormous challenge. If there is one thing that has become clear to me, it is that the politi- cal ideology of apartheid and the economic system within South Africa are working hand in hand and, therefore, lif we want to combat apartheid-that in- human system sustained by internal oppression "and external aggression-if we want to beat that system, we have to cease providing economic assistance to South Africa. Then we must impose economic sanc- tions, and we must do so urgently. The domestic situation in South Africa grows steadily worse. Furthermore, South Africa steadfastly refuses to agree to the United Nations proposals regarding Namibia, and we all know that Africa is not free so long as Namibia and South Africa are not free. After the inde- pendence of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde and Zimbabwe, the fight goes on. A luta continua. 138. The Security Council has already imposed a mandatory arms embargo against SouthAfrica, and it is essential that it should be rigorously enforced. But the other key area is that of oil. Oil is the one vital raw ma~erial which South Africa does not possess. As a result, the Republic has to import nearly all of its oil requirements. Unfortunately, certain members of the Security Council have thus far vetoed the imposition of a mandatory oil embargo, despite the many appeals of the General Assembly, the Organization of African Unity, the South African liberation movements and many other bodies. We are still waiting for a firm stand by the Security Council. I fully support Arch- bishop Huddleston when he says that those who have the power to impose sanctions and who are refusing to make use of this last peaceful instrument are, in fact, protecting the system of apartheid. 139. It is important to remember that the arms embargo against South Africa was implement~d on a. voluntary basis by more and more countries before it was finally made mandatory by the Security Coun- cil. The same thing can happen with oil. And that is why almost every oil-exporting country in the world has declared that it does not permit its oil to go to South Africa. This voluntary oil embargo has caused South Mrica considerable difficulties. The Republic has had to establish various complex and secret schemes at great expense fa order to obtain its needed oil. But the very existence of these schemes proves that the oil embargo is not working as well as it might. 140. For the oil embargo to become the success it can and must be, two things have to happen. Most importantly, Governments of Western countries in which oil and shipping companies are based must act to prevent their companies from taking embargoed oil to South Africa. But a few oil-exporting coun- tries that say they observe an oil embargo against South Africa will need to act rather more firmly than h~id regime has emerged as a vicious oppressor and a ferocious exploiter of the peoples under its domi- nation, an aggressor bent on military conquest in south- ern Africa. In South Mrka, as the regime continues i'l.s fight for the survival of the apartheid system, the brutality of its repressive measures reaches new levels, while in the rest of southern Africa, especially in Namibia and in the People's Republic of Angola, . its acts of aggression constitute a flagrant breach of peace and se~urity, which obliges the Security Coun- cil to take action under Chapter vn of the Charter of the United Nations. 146. The international community and especially the peoples immediately affected by the criminal practices of the South Mrican regime demand this action. The impediment to the enforcement of s~nc­ tions is, as is well known, the infamous role of one or two permanent members of the Security Council which see i as their bounden duty to protect the apartheid regime as it perpetrates its crimes against the peoples of South Africa and southern Africa. . 147. The recent decision of the Iilternational Mone- tary Fund to grant a massive loan to the Pretoria regime serves the same purpose of strengthening the regime by subsidizing its programme of violent repression and armed aggression against the coun- tries and people of southern Africa, int:~uding the Indian Ocean islands. eff~ctive international action against the apartheid system. 150. It may be of interest to recall that in 1955, in South Africa, at a famous Congress of the People-a Congress which adopted the famous Freedom Char- ter-held at Kliptown, near Johannesburg, which was attended by one of the recipients of the high award today, Archbishop Trevor Huddleston, the people of South Africa gave him their highest award, known as L.twalandw!!, for his outstanding contribution to our liberation struggle at the time. His presence here today as the recipient of yet another award testifies to the consistency of his involvement in the struggle for human justice. His record is in varying degrees the record also of the other recipients of awards today, whom we have known for many years. 151. By this act, the General Assembly, in the name of united humanity, is calling for many millions more of the class of those who are being honoured today. Equally, this cremcny, held in the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa, constitutes a pledge by the world community to work ever more vigorously for the imposition of mandatory and comprehensive sanctions against apartheid South Africa. We-the Mrican National Congress, the Iibe."ation movement in South Africa, the op- pressed masses of that country-fer our part pledge that those efforts w~1l be more than complemented by the temper and tempo of the liberation struggle inside South Africa. 152. On behalf of ANC and the popular masses in our country, we sincerely congratulate the distin- guished fighters for freedom, justice and peace who have today become holders of the United Nations special award. We' wish also today to express our deep appreciation for the support and assistance that our struggle enjoys from the United Nations and its Member States, from non-governmental orgdnizations and from people around the globe. Thanks to that 160. PAC, beh'lg a mass-oriented organization, would like, through you, Mr. President, once more sincerely to thank and call on the dedicateci and jus- tice-loving millions of the world to intensify their principled campaign, because such actions are impor- tant contributory factors to and a source of encour- agement in the waging and intensification of the just struggle of our people to win national and social liberation. 161. I should like, on this vital subject of sanctions, once more to stress the declared position of PAC. The use of the sanctions weapon can be effective only if it is applied collectively and comprehensively. Although this is and should be our aim and objec- tive, we must at the same time be realistic. In this world of divided interests, one must and does en- counter obstacles in the campaign and struggle to impose collective and comprehensive sanctions against such fascist, racist and colonialist regimes as those in occupied Azania and occupied Palestine. The obstacles come mainly from the imperialist Western Powers, because the two racist and fascist entities are their illegitimate offspring and act as outposts and springboards for imperialist military aggression and economic interests. Given this objective reality, therefore, we must make it abundantly clear to those imperialist Powers that their call and claim fm: a peace- ful solut~on to the problems of Azania and Palestine are a sham if at the same time they are not prepared fully to employ the one weapon at their disposal, namely, a comprehensive and mandatory military, economic and cultural boycott of racist and oppres- sive regimes. In fact, their military and financial commitment to those regimes has been on the increase. For instance, United States investments in South Africa have increased in the past decade from just $US 1 billion to $US 2.63 billion. In 1981 alone, United States investment rose by 13.1 per cent. The persistent refusal by the Western Powers to impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions should not lead us to frustration. Rather, it should act as a clear signal to us that we should resolutely pursue our own path and rr:ethod of struggle to achieve our national and social liberation and that peace-loving and demo- cratically minded peoples the world over should be caned upon to redouble their support for the path chosen by the oppressed and dispossessed peoples and their national liberation movements to ach!eve their national and social emancipation. 162. In conclusion, on behalf of the thousands who were massacred or have died at the hands of the fascist enemy, the thousands who still languish in prison, especially on the infamous Rohben Island where I served a full 13-year prison term, the millions of oppressed, exploited and dispossessed Azanians, and on behalf of PAC, we heartily congratulate all the recipients of this award for their invaluable contribu- 2 Barbara Ward and Rene Dubos, Only One Earth: The Care and Maintenance ofa Small Planet (New York, W.W. Norton & Com- pany, Inc.). pp. 219-220. 30ffidal Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-third Ses- sion, Plenary Meetings. 30th meeting, para. 6. 4/bid.• paras. 13 and 17. S Ibid!. , para. 28.