A/37/PV.57 General Assembly

I should like to propose that the list of speakers in the debat~ on this item be closed on Monday, 8 NOv~li2~ber, at 11 a.m. It was su d,xided. 2. Mr. VO ANH TUAN (Vi~t Nam) (interpretation fro·'t French): Developments in South-East Asia in fec~nt years have daily highlighted the need for and the importance of an in-depth consideration by the General Assembly of the issue of peace, stability and co-op~ration in that re~~..,n, in order to d~scern hle c,auses, and h~lp to fir d ways of putting an ~nd to the sufferiug of ~:le perpIe of the region, especiaily thtJ§e in th;;; cc!.:ntriefJ If Indo-China, which have been the vktims of sue:essn-Je wars of aggression fm' almost four decades. 3. South·,East Asia, known for its strategic impor- tance and its abundant natural wealth, has been and still is a prey to the greed of countrie~ from outside the region. The rapid restoration of peace and stability is therefore an imperative necessity in the inter- ests both of the peoples of South-East Asia and of international peace and security. However, while the international community unanimously emphasizes such a need, it is forced to note that there still exist differences of view on the evaluation of the basic causes of tension in the region and the measures which should be taken to remedy this situation. 4. For China, the United States and a certain num- ber of countries, it is the so-called question of Kam- puchea which underlies the tension in South-East Asia. But was there peace and stability in the region before 1975? And why did not peace and stability reign there ,juring the years 1977 and 1978? 5. For other countries, including Viet Nam, it is rather the forces of hegemony and imperialism which have persistently subjugated the three countries of Indo-China and attempted to sabotage the resurgence of the Kampuchean people and reinstall the genocidal criminals in Kampuchea, who are directly respon- sible for the present tension in South-East Asia. Since this is a fundamental difference of view, the question quite naturally arises, how should we solve it? 6. With the exception of the Chinese delegation, all the delegations which made statements during the debate on items 3 (b) and 20 on the agenda of the present session have agreed to reject the possibility NiEW YORK of a military settlement and have dearly spoken in favour of the need to pursue dR~ _",gue and negotia- tions with a view to reaching a solution acceptable to all the parties directly concerned. The delegation of Viet Nam welcomes this encouraging and construc- tive attitude. Certainly the search for such a solution is not at all easy for, apart from the fact that the item under discussion is in itself very complex, forces external to the region contir.ue to endeavour to obstruct matters. Nevertheless, we are convinced that witn political good will and perseverance on the part of all countries of the region, and with the contribution of all forces wedded to peace and justice, an appro- priate solution may truly crown our efforts. 7. In this connection, we think we have every right to be o,timistic, for two essential reasons. On the one hall!!, the peoples of South-East Asia have to defend basic interests, interests which are in the long term identical. Just a~ in the past they struggled together against the colonial yoke for national independence, at the present time they all aspire to U"~ in peace and to bend their efforts in the struggle against poverty and for accelerated economic and social developm~nt. 8. On the other hand, there are encouraging exam- ples of many countries in various regions in Europe, Africa and Latin America which have managed to settle their differences peacefully. Why could not the countries of South-East Asia do that t<0.o? 9. When the countries of Indo-China, together with other countries, proposed the inclusion of the item in the agenda of the General Assembly, there were quite a few who caned this constructive initiative a sub- terfuge, saying that it was an attempt to evade the so-called question of Kampuchea. Those who spoke in that way are still continuing their campaign to distort reality, to mislead public opinion and to sow con- fusion between black and white, between sincerity and hypocrisy. 10. Actually, South-East Asia has not enjoyed peace and stability since the middle of the 19408 because ef successive wars of aggression led by mili- tarists, colonialists, imperialists and hegemonist- expansionists. The peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kam~:Icheahad to struggle for several decades before they won out over the aggressors and eliminated the external factors behind the war and tension in the region. Through huge sacrifices, the peo lIes of the three Indo-Chinese countries have made their in- estimable contribution to the cause of peace and stability in that part of the globe. During that time, certain countries let themselves be drawn by the United States into a war of aggression against the three Indo-Chinese. countries, even sending troops to commit crimes in Viet Nam. Subsequently, those same countries reacted with indifference to the Chinese aggression against Viet Nam in 1979, as they have 11. After :its historic victory in 1975, Viet Nam was prepared tf) forget the past. It held out a hand of friendship to the countries that had taken part in the war of aggression in Viet Nam. It took the initiat:ve of working towards normalization of relations with the member countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] by putting forward its four- point policy as a basis for the development of rela- tions of good neighbourliness and co-operation with them. Visits were made by delegations from the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Lao Peo- ple's Democratic Republic to the ASEAN member countries and by delegations from those countries to Viet Nam and Laos, and they produced encour- aging initial results. 12. One can only regret that just when peace, sta- bility, friendship and co-operation in South-East Asia were about to emerge, they were quickly sabotaged Olice again by factors outside the region. This time it was the hostile acts of China, in collusion with the United States, with regard to the three Indo-Chinese countries, which culminated in the Chinese aggres- sion against Viet Nam in February 1979. Once again, some countries let themselves be drawn by forces from outside the region into the current of opposition against Viet Nam. 13. Fortunately, the lndo-Chinese countries have clearly perceived the new danger threatening them and the entire region and have refused to play into the hands of the enemy, who is trying tu push the ASEAN . member countries into confrontation with the Indo- Chinese countries and to maintain tension in the region, in the hope of fishing in troubled waters. Thus we have spared no effort in urg~ng the ASEAN member countries to unde: ~ake, together with us, specific activities designed to restore peace and stability in the region as soon as possible. At each of the six meetings of their Foreign Ministers, the three Indo- Chinese countries have successfully put forward a whole series of reasonable and realistic proposals with a view to settling this urgent issue. Last year, at the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, ihe Lao People's Democratic Republic, on behalf of the Indo-Chinese countries, proposed seven principles to govern relations between the two groups, the lndo- Chinese countries and the ASEAN member countries. l It is regrettable that the ASEAN countries have shown an attitude with regard to our proposals that is hardly constructive~ whil.e taking refuge behind elToneous resolutions on the so-called situation in Kampuchea and the so-called International Confer- ence on Kampuchea, which the lndo-Chinese countries I havt~ to~ally rejected. 14. To get out of the current impasse, the interna- tional community must contribute to the search for a solution acceptable to all parties. In South-East Asia there are indeed two groups of countries. Conse- quently, any correct solution should take into account the legitimate interests of each of those two groups. In our view, such a solution should be based on equal- ity, mutual respect, non-imposition of one party over 19. The Socialist Republic... of Viet Nam will spare no effort to contribute to attaining the second part of the foregoing alternative by being prepared to face up to the first. In this regard, we must dispel all the illu- sions of those who might imagine that they could, by maintaining the confrontation, by using political and diplomatic pressure and by engaging in an economic blockade, bring Viet Nam to its knees and make it abandon its just cause. Of course, we have great economic difficulties, but they are essentially due to the results of the wars of aggression and originate in hostile intrigues by our enemies. But we have come through the most difficult times. The situation in Viet Nam is very good at present; in the three lndo-Chinese countries, it is much better than at any other previ- ous period and their position is stronger than ever before. 20. In his letter of 15 September 1982 to the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the ASEAN member countries [A/37/477, annex I], the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's 25. Incontestable facts are not lacking to show that the Chinese threat does indeed exist and that the concerns of the countries of Indo-China are legitimate and well founded. During the last three years, voices have been raised asking for the total withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea, but this serious threat from China has been passed over in silence. Such an attitude cannot be interpreted as any- thing other than a manifestation of a determination to refuse deliberately to the three Indo-Chinese countries the right of self-defence which is conferr~d upon them explicitly by international law and to encourage China's expansionist policy in Indo-Chiml, to take the side of the aggressors against the victims of aggres- sion. Neither the eloquence of some nor the slander of others can conceal this incontestable fact. 26. The lndo-Chinese countries understand full well the desire of the ASEAN member countries to see all Vietnamese troops leave Kampuchea. That is why, even though the Chinese threat remain~, a grave one, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Kampuchea took a first step as a sign of good will by deciding on a partial but substantial withdrawal of Vietnamesr; troops from Kampuchea in July this year. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam, Nguyen Co Thach, who has just con- cluded a visit to Indonesia, told Agence France Presse that a further withdrawal of Vietnamese troops might be contemplated if the other party reacted positively, as had been indicated in the communique of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the three lndo-Chinese countries, held in July 1982. It should be recalled that, at that Conference, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Kampuchea reaffirmed that the two countries would agree on the total withdrawal of Viet- namese troops from Kampuchea when the Chinese threat disappeared. 27. The lndo-Chinese countries have repeatedly proposed the conclusion of treaties of non-aggression and non-interference in each other's internal affairs with Thailand, a country which has common borders with Laos and Kampuchea. Nevertheless, the Thai side backed out on several occasions, stating that there was no d~nger of aggression by Viet Nam against Thailand. Recently, the People's Republic of Kam- puchea pUt forward a new proposal on the creation of a security zone along the border between Kampu- 28. With regard to bilateral relations between the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Kingdom of Thailand, my delegation welcomes the fact that Laos has always scrupulously complied with·the provisions of the joint Lao-Thai communique of 1979 making their common border one of peace, friendship and co- operation, with a view to promoting good-neighbourly relations between the two peoples. We should like to see the Thailand side adopt a similar attitude. 29. Last July, with a view to the discussion and settlement of the regional problems, the Indo-Chinese countries proposed the convening of an interna- tional conference on South-East Asia based on the principle that regional problems should be discussed and. settled by the countries of the region without violating the sovereignty of anyone of them or in- terfering in their internal affairs, and also based on principles of equality and mutual respect and with- out the views of one party being imposed on another. We are prepared to enter immediately into contact with the ASEAN member countries so as to come to an agreement on the formalities for such a conference. We should like to emphasize here that that conference would be convened only with the agreement of all the countries directly concerned, that is, the member countries of ASEAN and the countries of Indo-China. It would not be in any way a conference on a unilateral basis so that one side could impose its diktat on the other, as was the case with the famous Interna- tional Conference on Kampuchea, which was con- vened in spite of the energetic protests of the major party concerned, namely~ the People's Republic of Kampu'chea.

On the question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia, my Government's position is determined by the principle according to which disputes that might arise between members of the international community should be settled peacefully, through negotiations. We are firmly convinced that the nations of the world must coexist peacefully, irrespective of their social systems and dif- ferences of views on questions of mutual interest. 34. This is particularly true of the region of South- East Asia, which has been a hotbed of tension and war for the past several decades and whose peoples have long been yearning for peace and social justice. That region still remains a highly volatile area of the. world, burdened as it is with problems from the past as well as from recent developments. All this has wide-ranging repercussions on the overall international situation. 30. My country ardently desires that peace and stability be restored as soon as possible so as to enable the countries of South-East Asia "to develop bilateral and multilateral co-opeli"ation in economic, technical and scientific, cultural. sporting and tourist matters ... with a view to strengthening mutual under- standing and trust and friendly and good-neighbourly relations, in the interest of the task of building up each country in accordance with its individual condi- tions, H as stipulated in the memorandum concerning principles governing relations of peaceful coexistence between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN member countries submitted by the Indo-Chinese countries at the thirty-sixth session. 35. In assessing realistically the situation in South- East Asia, we cannot fail to note that, first, there are basically two groups of countries in the region and that the countries of each group share among themselves some common values and ideals. Secondly, a number of problems afflict relations among the countries of the region, including the problem related to Kampuchea. Thirdly, the common heritage of historical and cultural bonds and the economic and geographic circumstances make it not only desirable but imperative for them to find common ground for the solution of outstanding issues. ,36. My delegation is of the view that, against the .background of positive elements favouring a natural rapprochement and understanding among the States of South-East Asia, we must take into account also the adverse effects of delaying a solution of long-standing problems and the continued existence of unsettled questions, which can lead only to the deepening of mistrust, the widening of confrontation and the reduc- tion of the possibilities for the solution ofthe probl~ms of the region by the countries of the area themselves, without outside interference. 31. "'e are aware that there are still a great many dif- ficulties to be settled on the road leading to the restora- tion of peace and stability in South-East Asia, for those having an interest in maintaining tension in that region are not prepar~d to renounce their cunning manreuvres. Nevertheless, it is encouraging to note that throughout this year a climate of dialogue and detente has begun to emerge in relations between the countries of Indo-China and those of ASEAN, thanks to the efforts of both the countries of the region and other peace-loving countries of the world. 46. Hungary is geographically far from South-East Asia, but, as a member of the international com- munity aspiring to peace, it appeals to the ASEAN member States, with which it maintains very fruitful relations, to study carefully the concrete and flexible proposals and ideas submitted to them by the recent Conference of the three Indo-Chinese countries and expatiated on in the aforementioned letter of the Lao Foreign Minister. 47. The statement of the representative of the Lao People's Democratic Republic in the general debate [l5th meeting] also dwelt at some length on the proposals. These are based on the need to take account of the concerns and legitimate interests of both groups of countries in the region and on the view that dis- agreements between them can be settled through dialogue and negotiations. To this end, the lndo- Chinese side suggested the convening of an enlarged international conference with the participation of the ASEAN and lndo-Chinese States and of a number ofother interested countries in the region and beyond. 48. It is particularly relevant to note here that the de jure recognition of the People's Republic of Kampuchea does not constitute a pre-condition of the talks and of the convening of such a conference and -thus should not hinder progress towards a negotiated settlement of all existing problems. It is also impor- tant that Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea welcome a United Nations contribution to peace and stability in South-East Asia; but, understandably, as long as so- called'Democratic Kampuchea is usurping the rightful seat of that country in the world body, the United Nations is prevented from fully carrying out the role it ought to play in the region. 49. It is regrettable that thus far the ASEAN mem- ber -countries have not responded favourably to the lnrlo-Chinese proposals and have concentrated exclu- sively on questions related to Kampuchea. None the less, it is heartenbg that, despite the undoubtedly complex and interrelated body of questions in the area, it is diplomacy and not sabre:-rattling that -seems to be taking the lead at presefit in the quest for regional stability. My delegation hopes that this trend will develop and deepen in the future, in the interests of regional and world peace. As far as Hungary is con- cerned, we shall strive to contribute within the limits of our possibilities to the furtherance of positive I developments in the region. 50. Mr. L6PEZ del AMO (Cuba) (interpretation from Spanish): At the end of the Second World War, the process of decolonization acq\.llired un- precedented strength, bringing to independent life scores of nations in Africa, Asia, the South Pacific and the Caribbean, and thereby leading to a three- fold increase in membership of the United Nations in the short 37 years of the Organization's existence. 59. However, we are forced to note with profound concern that, this year again, the situation in South- East Asia continues to be fraught with complications and dangers. The principal reason for this can be found in the long-term strategy of forces which are trying to maintain a permanent hotbed of tension in that region, to hamper by all possible means the establishment of good-neighbourly relations and to interfere in the internal affairs of various countries in order to establish their superiority in that part of the world. Those forces thus attempt to discredit and isolate the three countries of Indo-China and to pit them against the member countries of ASEAN, doing everything possible to prevent the normalization of relations between the two groups. 60. It is precisely that policy and tuose actions which constitute the root cause of the exacerbation of the situation in South-East Asia-not the situation in Kampuchea, as some seek to prove. Such attempts clearly stem from the refusal of certain countries to recognize the profound social and economic changes that have taken place in that country and to accept the fact that the process of re-establishing and strength- ening political structures in the People's Republic of Kampuchea is irreversible: 61. The People's Republic ofKampuchea has already chosen its course, and no political manipulation or outside factor can change its destiny. Any act going against the will of the Kampuchean people and its sole legitimate representative, the Government of the People's Republic of Kumpuchea, not only constitutes inadmissible interference in the internal affairs offree, independent-and sovereign Kampuchea but also runs counter to the genuine interests of all the peoples of South-East Asia and poses a threat to international peace and security. 62. In the context of the present dangerous inter- national situation, the question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia is ofparticular impor- tance. Consequently, the Bulgarian delegation is ofthe view that the only just, reasonable and realistic way of solving the problems of South-East Asia is through the progressive establishment of a climate of con- fidence and co-operation among all ~ountries of the region by means of negotiations based on the prin- ciples of equality, peaceful coexistence, non-inter- ference in the ~nternal affairs ofother States and mutual respect for each other's legitimate interests. Moreover, we wish to emphasize that the friendship, solidarity and multi-faceted co-operation among the three coun- tries of Indo-China, based on the long, common strug- gle ror national liberation, a~ well as their foreign poli- cies of peace, are an important factor for the peace and stability of South-East Asia. 64. In our view, these new initiatives are fully in keeping with existing political realities in South-East Asia, the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the vital interests of the countries of the region. They are designed to bring about the establishment of a lasting peace, mutual understanding, confidence and co-operation among all the peoples and countries of South-East Asia. How- ever, if the situation in that part of the world is to be normalized and if these proposals are to be imple- mented, it is necessary first to eliminate the root cause of tension and confrontation in the region-namely, interference by imperialist and hegemonist forces. One expression of the sincere desire of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to achieve a solution to the problems is the declaration made by those two countries of their willingness to proceed to the withdrawal ofVietnamese troops from Kampuchea as soon as the danger of foreign interference is eliminated. 65. in the view of the Bulgarian delegation, a viable prospect for normalization of the situation in South- East Asia and the transformation of that region into a zone of peace, stability and co-operation is offered by the especiai\jl important proposal made by the three countries of Indo-China for the convening of an inter- national conference to consider the problems ofSouth- East Asia, in which the countries of Indo-China, the member countries of ASEAN, and Burma and India would participate, as well as the five States which participated in the international conferences on Indo- China-namely, the Soviet Union, the United States, Chin&, France and the United Kingdom. This new and important proposrJ cy the three countries of lndo- China is an expression of their'"good will and of their desire to undertake a frank and sincere dialogue with a view to the normalization of the situation in that part of the world. 66. Those proposals give rise to optimism and reas- surance because they are based on the belief that the countries of Indo-China and of ASEAN have no real reasons for confrontatkn and that the mistrust and hostility leading to disputes and conflicts are the result of intrigues by outside forces which exacerbate the situation in the region deliberately and for their own purposes. For this reason, the Bulgarian delegation believe.s that the only constructive way of achieving normali~ation of the situation in that region of the world is by eliminating outside interference and estab-

The item entitled "Question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia" has once again appeared on the agenda of the General Assembly. Each year the representatives of the m~mber States of ASEAN at the United Nations have agreed to meet and to hold informal consultations on the item 'Nith their Viet- namese and Lao colleagues. It remains the ASEAN view as well as that of the great majority of the Unit~d Nations membership, which recently voted in support of resolution 37/6, that a comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean problem must- first be found within the framework of the Declaration of the International Conference on Kam- puchea4 and the relevant General Assembly reso- lutions in order to eliminate the root cause of ten- sion a~d pave the way for renewed efforts to establish a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia. 69. This view is based on th~ fact that peace, stability and co-operation in that region were disrup~ed by the situation in Kampuchea arising from the foreIgn invasion and occupation of that independent and non- aligned country. Unless and until the Kampuchean people are permitted to exercise their !egitimate ri~ht to self-detern~ination, free from foreIgn occupatIon and coercion, the prospects for the restoration ?f peace, stability and co-?peration. in South-East.ASIa are somewhat dim and dIstant. It IS therefore an Irony that the" countries which initiated the consideration of this item have continued to ignore the very mea- sures which would brighten such prospects and make peace, stability and co-operation in South-East A~ia a happy reality. It is regrettable that these countnes are not prepared to accept that the situation in Kam- puchea has been and continues to be the obstacle to their professed desire for peace, stability a!1d co- operation in South-East Asia. Instead, they contmue to insist that there is no Kampuchean problem, con- trary to reality and the considered opinion of the.over- whelming majority of the international commumty. 70. Since·references have been made in previous statements to the so-called People's Republic of Kam- puchea, I need only recall that the recent Yote on the credentials issue is clear proof that it is nomenclature of a non-entity. 71. Since·the General Assembly had a full debate on the situaticn in Kampuchea only a few days ago and the resolution under that item was adopted with a larger margin of support than ~n pr~vious. rears, I do n~i intend to elaborate on ThaIland s posItIOn on that item or on the various proposals from certain coun- tries. Suffice it to say that Thailand and the other ASEAN member countries firmly believe that the total withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampnchea and the 76. The proposals formulated by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs ofthe Lao People's Dem.ocratic Repub- lic, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam in Jaf1uaryS and June 19816 concerning the establishment ofa zone ofpeace, stability and co-operation in·· the region have been further enriched by the new proposals put forward this year on behalf of the Foreign Ministers of those three States in the letter dated 15 ~~ptember 1982 from the Vice-President of the Couh,zil of Ministers and M:inister for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic to the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the five member States of ASEAN [A/37/ 477, annex I]. 81. The policy of interfering in the internal affairs of the three Indo-Chinese States does not enhance the development of trends towards peace and agreement. The notorious roots of such interference go back to the period of the Indo-Chinese war. They should be eradicated, in the best interest of all the countries of the area, for we cannot but assess. as detrimental to peace, friendship and co-operation in the region the policy of tolerating the presence of the remnants of Fol Pot's bands on one's own territory, arming them and pushing them to carry out military activities against the People's Republic of Kampuchea and to conduct sabotage and subversive operations against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic. We cannot but see as harmful certain announcements on the opening ofnew channels for arms and munitions supplies to the ter- rorist bands. This is simply a dangerous and short- sighted policy. 77. The proposals contained in that letter are aimed at easing the existing tensions. They very strongly and clearly testify to the peaceful intentions and readiness ofthe three Indo-Chinese States to develop good-neigh- bourly relations with the ASEAN member coun- tries. In this respect, they express readiness to sign bilateral treaties on peaceful coexis~ence with the People's Republic of China and to meet the concerns of the ASEAN member countries. Also, a new pro- posal, to set up a safety zone along the border be- tween Kampuchea and Thailand and providing fOT the withdrawal from this zone of forces which do not belong to Thailand or the People's Republic of Kam: puchea, shows very forcefully the tireless efforts of the Indo-Chinese countries to find constructive ways of meeting the concerns oftheir neighbours. It proves that those States are not in any way aiming at safe- guarding their own interests at the expense of those of the ASEAN member countries. 82. Poland has been, is and always will be in favour of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia. We have always consistently supported the approach of the peaceful settlement of the problems existing in the region. We have always maintained that the constructive approach is that of holding talks and negotiations among the countries concerned. 83. Our prJ;ition as regards working out construc- tive solutions that could bring about the enhancement of peace and progress in relations between the States of the region has always been based on the invariable principles of our foreign policy. It has also stemmed from our experience, understanding of and familiarity with the problems of the region. It is derived from our direct and active involvement over a period of many years in the international efforts to bring about peace in Indo-China, when Poland twice served there as a member of the International Commission for Supervision and Control in Viet Nam. It has proceeded from our friendly and fraternal ties with the three Indo-Chinese States, which we have developed since the victory of their struggle for independence. There- fore, in the stand we have taken we have always con- sidered that the only way to achieve the noble goals of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia is the way of negotiations between the coun- tries of the region directly interested, based on the principles ofequality, without any outside interference. 84. In our view, recognition of the realities of the situation, particularly in Kampuchea,: but also in other 78. On the one hand, the genuine desire of the Indo- Chinese States has been met with many positive re- sponses in the United Nations. On the other hand, however, there have been reactions giving clear-cut evidence that forces exist which consider that cho(lsing the path of dialogue is a step not in the interest of their sinister objectives. We can nurture no illusions in this respect. There are forces for which the promo- tion of destruction and conflict, the violation of ter- ritorial integrity, aggression, interference in the in- ternal affairs of others and the building of tensions constitute the best methods of suiting their own stra- tegic interests at the expense of the peoples of the regioj), as well as the best means of strengthening their global military posture and achieving military superiority. 85. South-East Asia has known war and conflict for decades. The peoples of the region were haunted by war, which brought enormous human suffering. Now the time has come for the realistic and open- minded proposals of the three Indo-Chinese States to be met with a positive response. The United Nations must play a constructive role in this proe,;ess; that is its moral obligation deriving from the Charter. The United Nations can and should do its utmost to facili- tate and promote a business-like dialogue, in a spirit of rea!i!)m and good will, on genuine and lasting peace. Fruitful and mutually beneficial co-operation and stability in South-East Asia will be a contribution to international peace and co-operation in the world at large.

I wish to state at the outset that, in the view ef my delegation, it COUld eventually be meaningful for the General Assembly to take up and fully consider item 35. Before doing so, however, there stHl remains a fundamental problem which, as all of us in this Hall are aware, must b~ resolved. I am referring, ofcourse, to the Kampuchean problem, which is a major destabilizing element affecting not only the South-East Asian region but also the entire international community. As I stressed last month in the course of our deliberations on the situation in Kampuchea. [45th meeting], the central factor in the Kampuchean problem is the continued foreign military presence in that country, as a result of which the Kampuchean people are denied their right of self-determination. s~ability in South-East Asia; rather, it is the impe~ rialist and hegemonist interference in the affairs of that region. Who is not aware of the expansionist po!icy of American imperialism vis-a-vis the countries and peoples of that part of the world? The attempts of the United States to use the States of South-East Asia for its imperialist int~rests are fully in keeping with the general framework of the current policy of the United States Government as regards young, independent States. 91. Washington, unabashedly declaring whole areas of the world to be United States "zones of vital interest", is striving to set up new military bases and rebuild old ones, and to make developing coun- tries participate in its military preparations. South- East Asia, that strategically important area of the globe, thus finds itself one of the centres of the Pen- tagon's militarist fever. Incidentally, the head of that institution is currently on a trip to various countries of the region. 92. Then again, imperialist and hegemonist forces, with the complicity of certain circles in ASEAN, are attempting by any means possible to return to power in Kampuchea the criminal Pol Pot clique so as to prevent the rebirth of the Kampuchean people. This is the objective of the recent establishment of the so-called Coalition Government ef Democratic Kam- puchea. The new provocatory fuss about this hastily thrown together motley coalition is direct interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of , Kampuchea. 93. The arsenal of the current opponents of peace in South-East Asia is varied; it includes strong pres- sure on Viet Nam, Kampuchea and Laos, constant pitting of countries of that region against each other and recourse to blackmail and constant provocations. These are the real reasons for the situation prevailing in that part of the world. It is quite obvious that for normalization of the situation in South-East Asia what is needed first and foremost is an end to inter- 87. As Japan has emphasized on numerous occasions, lasting peace and security in South-East Asia can never .be realized unless a comprehensive political settlement of th(' Kampuchea." ;roblem is found. In my delegation's view, if we fail to acknowledge the central relevance of the Kampuchean problem to the question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Ada, ourdiscussions will be totally without substance and a waste of our time and energy. 88. In this regard, it should be recalled that the United Nations is playing a significant role in efforts to resolve the Kampucheau problem. Again at this session, as it has done at previous sessions, the General Assembly has adopted, by an overwhelming majority of votes, a resolution calling for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampucnea and the restoration of the Kampuchean people's right to determine their own destiny. These. component principles of any just and lasting solution of the Kampuchean problem thus have been once again affirm~d by the United Nations in resolution 37/6. 89. In summary, my delegation believes it would be most appropriate for the General Assembly to take up item 35 only after a comprehensive political settle- ment of the Kampuchean problem has been achieved, through the prompt implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions amI the Declaration of the International Conference CID Kampuchea, which 98. One thing is certain: disagreements between the two groups of countries in the region can be settled through dialogue and negotiation on ~he basis of the principles of respect for the legitimate interests of each side, equality and mutual agreement, without any pressure or interference from abroad. It is',:,dr deepest conviction that the cause of peace would only gain if the constructive efforts of the countries of Indo- China to normalize th~ situation, to renew good neigh- bourliness and to develop co-operation in that region involved other countries of South-East Asia as well. All States there must show restraint, realism and a responsible approach; and other countries should not place obstacles in the way of development of this positive process which, in the final analysis~ should lead to a solution of all problems in South~East Asia. We believe therefore that con;.ributing "to the develop- ment and deepening of a dialogue between all the States of South-East Asi~ must be one of the major goals of the foreign policy of the interested States, as well as of the United Nations. 99. In conclusion, the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR states once again that it fully supports the con- structive initiatives of the three countries of Indo- China and that it is prepared to welcome any other proposals designed to achieve peace, stability and the development of co-operation in South-East Asia and the world over. 100. Mr. nOBlE (Australia): This is the third· occa- sion on which the Assembly has been called upon to debate this item; to what point has never been made clear. The item is so general and its stated objectives so lofty that nobody could disagree. The Malaysian delegation put it well last year: who in South-East Asia does not desire to live in peace? Who in his right mind does not require stability, which is so essential for development? Who in the region does not consider co-operation as a guarantee of progress and well-being for the area as a whole? 101. The propositions advanced and implied in the title of this item are unexceptionable. It is when one gets down to working out how these objectives might be realized that agreement erodes and disagreement begins. Viet Nam and Laos predicate their position on the assumption that South-East Asia can be divided into two camps: the five member States of ASEAN, on the one hand, and the three States of Indo"China, on the other-presumably' with Kampuchea irre- versibly under Viet Nam's wing. Understandably, the ASEAN member countries have rejected this approach. And why should they not reject it? The division projected by Viet Nam is a totally artificial th~ presence of 200,000 Vietnamese troops. 102. That brings me to the major omission in the Vietnamese-.Laotian approach. In the memorandum of the Lao Deputy Prime Minister circulated last Septem- ber, China was identified as the major cause of tension in the region. It is not our intention here to delve into the intricacies of the admittedly tense relationship between China and Viet N~m. What we can say in relation to South-East Asia is that the main cause of tensian is not China but Viet Nam's invasion and con- tinued occupation of Kampuchean territory. This is really the central issue. It is not 30mething which can simply be swept aside or obscured by counter- claims that regional tensions are soJely, or even mainly, a product of outside interference. Inter- ference there is-bat primarily Viet Nam's inter- ference in Kampuchea. Until Viet Nam is prepared to face up to this fact, there will be little scope for moving seriously on the principles which Viet Nam and Laos maintain should govern inter-State relation- ships in South-East Asia. 103. There can, of course, be no objection to these principles per se. Most of them are impec~able. Who would contest, for instaIice, the principle of respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of each country in South-East Asia, and for non-aggression. equality, mutual.benefit and peaceful coexistence among them? ~Nho could deny the right of the people of each country to choose and develop freely their political, social, economic and cultural system, or to determine freely their domestic and foreign policy position in accordance with the objec- tives and principles of non-alignment and of the Charter of the United Nations. 104. It is when we look at the present situation in South-East Asia, and particularly the situation in Kampuchea, and ask how these principles are being applied in practice that dWlculties arise. When we do so, we find that the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea have been violated by Viet Nam, whose military forces have invaded and contirtue to occupy Kampuchea in flagrant breach of the Charter. We find, too, that the people of Kam- puchea have been deprived of their fundamental right to choose freely their own form of Government and their own domestic and foreign policies. 105. In short, it is easy to agree to uphold the prin- ciples allegedly put forward by the sponsors of this item. The question is whether Viet Nam itself will adhere to them. Viet Nam's record provides no con- fidence that its deeds will match its words. 106. Why then has this item been jnscribed? We are forced to conclude that the hope has been to blunt the impact of the passage of the successive General Assembly resolutions on Kampucheaand, beyond that, to deflect international attention from Viet Nam's occu- pation of Kampuchea. If these are the objectives, then Viet Nam and its friends have failed. The views of the international community on Kampuchea were given eloquent expression two weeks ago in the adop- NOTES I A/36/561, annex.. 2 A/36/116, annex, para. 85. :l See A/36/388.