A/37/PV.59 General Assembly

I should like to draw the attention of the members of the General Assembly to the report of the Special Political Committee in document A/37/598. May I take it that the Gener~J Assembly takes note of that report? It was so decided (decision 37/406). 2. The PRESIDENT: I should like to propose that the list of speakers on this item be closed tomorrow, Wednesday, 10 November, at 12 noon. If I hear no objection, I shall take it that the Assembly so decides. It was so decided. 3. The PRESIDENT: I now invite the Rapporteur ofthe Special Committee againstApartheid, Mr. Char- les of Haiti, to present the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid. 4. Mr. CHARLES (Haiti), Rapporteur of the Special Committee against Apartheid (interpretation from French): I have-the honour to introduce to the General Assembly the reports ofthe Special Committee against Apartheid. 5. In accordance with resolution 36/172, the Special Committee is submitting to the General Assembly its annual report [A/37/22] , a special repc ~.£ on recent developments concerning relations between Israel and South Africa [A/37/22/Add.l] , and another special report on the trade union action against apartheid in South Africa [A/37/22/Add.2]. 6. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid to the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly contains a review of the work ofthe Special Committee, conclusions and recommendations, a 'review of developments in South Africa during the period concerned and a list of documents issued by the Special Committee. 7. I should like in particular to draw the Assembly's attention to the conclusions and recommendations contained in the report. In this respect, I should like * Resumed from the 40th meeting. NEW YORK to emphasize very strongly that since its creation the Special Committee has always believ("<f that the imposition against South Africa of comprehensive mandatory sanctions as provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations constitutes for the international community the most reliable, the most effective and !he most peaceful means of bringing about the elimination of apartheid. 8. The Special Committee has repeatedly drawn- the attention ofthe General Assembly to the responsibility borne by States which continue to collahorate with the Pretoria regime. The oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movement have ceaselessly reiterated that the sanctions called for would be the most appropriat( form of international assistance for their just struggle. 9. Acting upon the recommendation of the Special Committee, the Generai Assembly, in its resolution 36/172 B of 17 December 1981, proclaimed 1982 International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa, in order to prevail upon Govern- ments that have not yet done so to cease all forms of collaboration with the apartheid regime. As it says in the first part of its report, the Special Committee has waged an active campaign to ensure observance of the International Year. However, the Special Com- mittee considers it essential that the programme of activities of the International Year be continued beyond 1982. It has therefore recommended that the General Assembly take the necessary steps to this end. 10. Further, the increasingly dogged resistance ofthe people to the increased repression of the South African racist regime prompted the Special Committee to seek an increase in humanitarian, educational, political and other aid for the oppressed people of South Africa and for their national liberation movements. It has expressed its satisfaction to the many Governments, organizations and individuals at the assistance provided either directly to the libera- tion movements recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OA U] or through the United Nations or other bodies. 11. Finally, in view of the grave situation in southern Africa, the Special Committee believes that it is essential to strengthen its activities aimed at expediting the elimination of apartheid by means of the co- ordinated actions of Governments, organizations and individuals. 12. In its firsl special report, relating to recent developments concerning relations between Israel and South Africa, the Special Committee against Apartheid had drawn the General Assembly's attention to the growing collaboration of those coun- tries in the military, nuclear, political, economic and 13. This special report covers events since the sub- mission of the last report in September 1981. 14. In its second special report on trade union action against apartheid in South Africa, the Special Committee dwells in particular on (rade union action againstapartheid in the light ofthe increased resistance of black trade unions in South Afl'ica, the ruthless repression of their leaders and the .:;rucial role played by trade union organizations throughout the world in their campaign for the elimination of apartheid. The Special Committee has had consultations with both national and international trade union organizations in order to encourage the effective co-ordination of their efforts to bring about greater solidarity with the oppressed workers of South Africa. This was done pursuant to the reqt!f~st of the Geh~ral Assembly, in its resolution 36/172 H of 17 December 1981, that the Special Committee take steps to organize in 1982 an international conference of trade unions on sanctions against South Africa. In the report the Special Com- mittee sums up the situation of the black trade unions in South Africa as well as the results of the consulta- tions on t~1e organization of the conference. 15. The Special Committee consequently recom- mends that it be enabled to organize in 1983, in accordance with its second special report, "the International Conf'5rence of Trade Unions on Sanc- tions and other Actions against the Apartheid Regime in South Africa", that adequate financial provision be made for the preparatory work and the holding of the conferenc;::e, and that all Governments and organ- izations be asked to support the black trade union movement in South Afril':a. ~6. In conclusion, I should like to express the Special Committee's profound gratitude to the Secretary General tor his abiding interest in its work. I also take this opportunity to express the Committee's sincere gratitude to all those States that have sup- ported its work as well the liberation movements of South Africa-the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC] and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania [PACl-to the specialized agencies of the United Nations and the non-governmental organi- zations. Our thanks go a!~o to the Director of the Centre against Apartheid, M'f. Enuga S. Reedy, the secretariat of the Special Committee and all the other members of the Centre against Apartheid for the dev:)tion and effectiveness they have always shown in carrying out their work.

I now invite the Rapporteur of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an Inter- national Convention against Apartheid in Sports, Mr. Neil of Jamaica, to present the Ad Hoc Com- mittee's report. 20. The draft articles are designed to strengthen national action for the isolation of apartheid in sports and for its exclusion from international sports com- petitions. Articles 2 to 9 provide for a series of pre- ventive and punitive measures to be applied by States to deter their nationals from any participation in apartheid sports. Those measures relate primarily to the withholding of any assistance, denial of the use of public facilities, denial of o visas and action for the expulsion ofapartheid sports bodies from international associations. Due account was taken in the drafting of these articles of the ~onsiiiutionallimitations that might, exist on action by Governments with regard to sporting activities, while at the same time ensuring that public policy against apartheid in sports is given concrete expression. 21. With regard to measures to be adopted in con- nection with non-nationals who participate in apart- heid sports, the Ad Hoc Committee has not yet been able to reach a consensus formula. Over the past year the Drafting Group of the Committee has considered a variety of approaches to resolve the differences of view on the principle of action against third parties. Some delegations consider such measures to be essential for an effective convention which would advance the campaign against apartheid in sports. Other delegations in the Committee viewed such measures as introducing complications in the imple- mentation of the convention and also expressed reservations based on legal and political considera- tions. In short, despite continued efforts, a consensus formula has not been arrived at in the Committee on the draft provisions of article 10 of the draft con- vention. 22. In connection with this and other provisions of the convention, the Ad Hoc Committee has been conscious of the need to broaden its consultations and has accordingly held discussions with sports personalities and organizations concerning the pro- posed convention. Due account was also taken of the views expressed in the debates in the General Assembly and in written responses by Member States under General Assembly resolution 35/206 M. 23. It is clear from the report that the Ad Hoc Com- mittee is nearing the completion of its mandate. A draft convention has been prepared on which agree- ment exists except for the provisions of one article. The Ad R'oe Committee considers that further discus- sion and negotiatinus by the Committee will en.able it to arrive at an agreed text. Accordingly, I draw the attention of the General Assembly to paragraph 18 35. Indeed, the crisis in South Africa and southern Africa has assumed even more serious proportions. In its determination to dispossess and even dena- tionalize the indigenous African majority, the racist regime has further escalated its acts of terror against the people. In the past year alone, numerous trade unionists, community leaders, students and others have been brutally tortured in prison, and several patriots have died as a result of torture. I by the response. I have visited several oil-producing States in the Middle East and received assurances of co-operation in efforts to monitor and reinforce the oil embargo against South Africa. 50. The Special Committee organized the Asian Regional Conference fOf Action against Apartheid, held at Manila from 24 to 26 May 1982, at which it was solemnly declared that "the cause of the, op- pressed people of South Africa and Namibia is the cause of the Governments and peoples of Asia and an~ cultural personalities who have rejected the enticements of apartheid, with fabulous offers of money and fringe benefits, to demonstrat~ their commitment to principle. This expression of inter- national solidarity complements the growing mobil- ization of the people of South Africa-of workers and students, ofreligious personalities and journalists, of women and even children-in determined resis- tance against apartheid, in spite ofthe terror unleashed by the regime. They have shown an indomitable spirit and require international action. 57. I note with great satisfaction that this resis- tance reflects the firm unity of all the oppressed black people, and that it has inspired a number of white men and women of conscience to join the struggle. I must also congratulate the freedom fighters of ANC on their heroic armed actions in support ofthe people's struggle. 58. The growing mobilization of the people of South Africa in their struggle against apartheid, and of Governments and peoples abroad in solidarity with them in that struggle, demands and creates the con- ditions for a final assault on apartheid. It must put to shame those selfish interests which place profit above principle. If the international community does not rise 71. I would therefore appeal to them to make their contribution during this crucial period. I would appeal to the citizens of these democratic countries to make the choice in the light of their own cherished ideals. Let it not be said by history that at a critical moment

In accordance with the decision taken by the General ASSembly at its fourth plenary meeting, on 24 September 1982, I now call on the representative of the Pan Mricanist Congress of Azania.

At the time of my incarceration on the infamous Robben Island-where I was sent by the racist and colonialist South African regime to serve a full 13-year prison term-two factors kept me, and hundreds like me, confident and optimistic about the future. The first was the determined and uncom- promising struggle heroically waged by our people in difficult circumstances, for nationalliberatio~ and economic and social emancipation. The second was the ever-growing international support enjoyed by our just struggle. 79. South Mrica has been a topic of discussion ever since the formation of the United Nations, precisely because the policies propounded and implemented by the fascist, racist and minority regime in South Africa have been, and continue to be, in direct contradiction with the basic principles of the United Nations enshrined in its Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. However, over ~he years the United Nations came to the correct and only conclusion, namely, that apartheid constitutes a crime against humanity and a very real and serious threat to world peace and security. Having r~cog­ nized the fact that apartheid constitutes a very" real danger, the question in everyone's mind is: What is 80.- In the view of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania [PACl, the liberation movement of the op- pressed, exploited and dispossessed majority, the United Nations has a political and moral responsi- bility to assist in the total elimination of a system correctly branded by the international community as a crime against humanity. However, in order to be able to render effective and principled support, it is crucial that the United Nations make the correct analysis of the South African situation. 81. The elimination of apartheid, it should be stressed, should not mean the removal from the statute books of racially-based discriminatory laws. The elimination of apartheid should first and foremost aim at the restoration of the inalienable rights of the dispossessed people, because the introduction and subsequent development ofapartheid have their roots in the colonial conquest of our country by European colonial Powers. 82. Our country Azania was first colonized in 1652, when the Dutch East India Company decided to establish a half-way house for its sailing ships plying between the Netherlands and the East Indian Islands. When the Napoleonic wars broke out in Europe, Britain, at the time a major colonial and maritime Power, unilaterally decided to occupy the Cape Peninsula at the end of the eighteenth century to "protect" it against falling into Napoleon's hands. Britain grudgingly returned the strategic and lucrative outpost to the Dutch when the war was over. But not for long. In 1806 the British decided finally to colonize the Cape Peninsula. During the 1830s the Dutch settlers left the Cape Colony for the interior of the country. This attempt by the Dutch settlers to colonize the interior was met with stiff resistance from the African people, who valiantly fought a series of wars of resistance. The Dutch invaders then set up two colonial republics, the so-called South African Republic in what is now the Province ofthe Transvaal, and the Orange River Sovereignty in what is now the Free State. Thus in the second half of the nineteenth century there were two Dutch colonial republics and the British had a colonial presence in the Cape and what is now the province of Natal. With the discovery of gold and diamonds in the'territories occupied by the Dutch settlers, the British colonialists, with their covetous eyes, gave birth to a war plan. In 1899 the so-called Anglo-Boer war broke out. It ended with the defeat of the Dutch republics. 83. In 1902, when the Anglo-Boer War ended, the whole of Azania came under British colonial rule. But eight years later the British decid~d to seek recon- ciliation witit the defeated section of the white- settler community. Why? The reason for the recon- ciliation and alliance can be found in the 1906 Bambata uprising. Bambata, the African patriot, mounted a war of liberation against the British colonialists in 1906. His call to his people was, "What has been taken by force can only be liberated by forceI' • 84. Although the British colonialists succeeded in defeating the Bambata uprising, the uprising was poss~ssed people, what the 1917 Balfour Declaration is to the Palestinian people. Just as u~der the Balfour Declaration the British handed over mandated Palestine to international zionism without regard to or respect for the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people of their fatherland Palestine, in Azania too the British, under the South Afdca Act of 1910, entrenched a racist-settler minority to the total exclusion of the indigenous majority. 88. The struggle to eliminate apartheid will prove meaningless unless it is inextricably coupled with the restoration of the inalienable rights of our people, rights so blatantly usurped. 89. Moreover, the first major act of the all-white Parliament established under the South Africa Act of 1910 was to pass the infamous Land Act. Under this Act the racists and colonialists expropI1' ed African land in Azania. Consequently today the ~t.ite minority, constituting one fifth of the total population, effectively occupies 87.3 per cent of the total land area in apartheid South Africa. On the other hand, the indigenous majority-the rightful owners of the land-has been declared by ··racist legislation to be foreigners in that rich and fertile part of Azania. Under the policies pursued by the racist-colonial regime, the African people, which constitute four . fifths of the total population, politically and otherwise, are regardeJ as owning only 12.7 per cent of the total land area where the racists are establi~hing the so-called independent bantustan!1. 90. The establishment of bantustans constitutes the corner-stone of the apartheid policies of the South African racists. InternationallY, the racists daim tbat they are granting independence to the Aflican people in the territories which historically belong to them. It should be pointed out that the raci5ts arbitrarilydecided that the territories which historically b~long to the 92. Having dealt, albeit briefly, with the status of apartheid South Africa and the all-important land question, I should now like to refer to some of the political gimmicks currently being employed by the South African racists to hoodwink international public opinion. In recent.months there have been much talk and undue publicity about the constitutional plans to establish a so-called triracial Government in apart- heid South Africa. Some have labelled it a "'power- sharing" plan. What is this plan, in re8Jity? 93. Under the proposals drawn up by the racists there will be three parliamentary chambers, repre- senting whites, so-called Coloureds and people of Asian origin. The indigenous majority is totally excluded. The proposals envisage the election of an exec~tive president by an electoral college composed of 50 whites, 25 so-called Coloureds and 13 persons of Asian origin. Members of the electoral college wili be elected by a proposed three-chamber parlia- ment representing the white, the so-called Coloured and the Asian communities respectively. Election to eacp chamber wiIJ be on the basis of racially separate voters' rolls for the three communities. The majority in each chamber will elect the full quota of its racial representatives to the electoral college, thus effectively eliminating any prospect of a minority of whites siding with so-called Coloureds and persons of Asian origin in the electoral college to elect a Coloured or Asian president. 94. Each of these chambers will deal exclusively with its so-called own affairs. The .country will then be run by the powerful president's council. The council will consist of20 whites, 10 so-called Coloureds ' and 5 persons of Asiaal origin, elected by the three parliamentary Ghambers, and 25 members nominated by the president. '. . 95. However, the important thing to appreciate about the constitutional proposal is that it further entrenches and perpetuates white domination and white minority rule rather than introducing any funda- mental changes. Wh£:t is even more sinister is that, 98. The reasons for this reluctance on the part of the Western Powers are not difficult to find. True, apart- heid is abominable; but it is also very, very profitable to the Western countries. Western investment, in defiance of international calls for sanctions against the apartheid regime, has been steadily growing. For instance, American investment in South Afric~ has grown in the past decade from just under $1 billion 100. We of PAC wish to state ca~egorically that the Sullivan principles and the code of conduct of the European Community were not conceived as secret weapons or a strategy to bring down apartheid, but rather to justify the continued presence in apartheid South Africa of Western multinational corporations in the face of mounting African and international pressure. 101. What, then, are the basic flaws in the Sullivan principles and the code of conduct of the Community, and why do we believe that they cannot bring about the peaceful elimination of apartheid? :First and foremost, there is the erroneous beliefthat the removal of apartheid signs in work-places would ultimately lead to the elimination of racism. Isolated factories inside South Africa displaying no apartheid signs are no compensation for the daily oppression and exploi- tation suffered by the African people. Secondly, there is the erroneous belief that the struggle of the people of South Africa at this historic moment is for equal pay for equal work. Of what use is the principle of equal pay for equal work if there exists national op- pression and if the opportunities are unequal? For instance, only a few statistics in the field of education are required to show the disparities between educa- tional opportunities for whites and those for blacks in apartheid South Africa. Although there are four and a half times as many Africans as there are whites in South Africa, there were only 1,400 African university graduates in 1970, compared with 104,500 white university graduates. ~~ 1979, university enrolment on a full-time residential basis included 80,000 whites and only 7,000 blacks. The Sunday Times of 5 August 1979 pointed out that there were not more than 10 African engineers and certified accountants (compared with several thousand whites), no African corporate lawyers and less than 100 Afri- cans who couid be described as managers. Hence, it is clear that the Sullivan principles and the code of conduct of the European Community are not designed to fight apartheid, but to circumvent international criticism of the multinational corporations operating inside Azania. 102. The real dilemma for the Western imperialist countries is that they would like to eat their cake and have it. They would very much like to continue exploiting the riches of Azania, but would not like to be seen to be condoning the inhuman and universally condemned system in South Africa. 103. This hypocritical position, needless to say, has been directly responsible for encouraging the apart- heid rulers of South Africa to refrain from making any meaningful changes. The intransigence displayed by the South African racists concerning their illegal 105. Moreover, the granting of the loan by IMF should be seen as one more signal of Western reluctance to end the problem in southern Africa peacefully. There can be no other conclusion. 106. The overt and covert assistance given to the South African racists by the United States, the United Kingdom, France, West Germany, Switzerland and Japan and the close co-operation that exists between the racists in occupied Azania and the Zionists in occupied Palestine have also been instrumental in the intensification by '(he racists of internal repression and suppression. 107. We of PAC had operated legally for only 11 mor-ths when the racists decided to ban our organ- ization after it launched, on 21 Marr.h 1960, the final positive action against the pass laws. That mass- oriented nationwide campaign culminated in the massacre of Sharpeville. Today we have six of cur comrades languishing on Robben Island; they are :the longest-serving political prisoners in apartheid South Africa, now serving their twenty-first year. 108. At any given time there are approximately 100,000 prisoners in South African prisons. This is considered one of the highest prison rates in the world. Already over 50 persons have died while in detention in South Africa. Currently the racists have turned their attention against trade unionists. The black trade unionists are being systematically rounded up and tortured to death, held in detention or given heavy sentences. This is not surprising, because in 1981 a 119. To its brutal internal policy, which is compa- rable only to the Nazi or Pol Pot atrocities, the apart- heid regime adds its colonialist and aggressive foreign policy. of State terrorism. The illegal occupation of Namibia and part of the territory of Angola, repeated attacks and destabilizing actions against the front- line States and the mercenary actions against the Republic of Seyche!les are examples of the interna- tional conduct of South Mrica, which is contrary to the peace and stability of the region and of the world. That is why most of the international community has tried by every available means to put an end to the apartheid regime. 120. Last year the Assembly, in addition to recog- nizing "thatapartheid cannot be reformed but must be totally eliminated" , adopted a series of decisions con- tained in resolution 36/172, with the opposition of only the United States and other Western Powers. In that resolution the Assembly, among other things deplored the situation existing in South Africa, condemned the acts of aggression committed by' the Pretoria regime against Angola and other independent 121. Only a few days ago, at the 56th plenary meeting, eight distinguished persons from different continents were honoured by the Special Committee against Apartheid for their contributions to the inter- national movement for sanctions against South Africa. 122. The support given to decisions of the General Assembly by the vast majority of Member States of the United Nations, as well as by the non-aligned movement, OAU and many non-governmental organi- zations throughout the world shows the universality of the struggle against the apartheid regime and the support for Africa's national liberation movement, which, with exemplary heroism, is facing up to the racist repression. . 123. What, then, enables apartheid to survive? Only the multifaceted support given to it by the United States, Israel and other Western Powers. Whenever there is an attempt to apply to South Africa the sanc- tions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter ofthis Organization, it comes up against the veto of the Western permanent members of the Security Council. The United States, Israel and other Western Powers continue to provide to South Africa's racist regime all possible politic&l, economic, military and nuclear support. 124. Three thousand companies from some 20 West- ern countries ar~ operating in South Africa, according to data made a.vailable last year. From 1978 to 1981 the number of United States corporations operating .in South Africa rose from 539 to 894-in other words, 355 corporations were added to those already in opera- tion, precisely in the year when the Assembly declared the mobilization for sanctions against apartheid in South Africa. More recently, despite the resolution adopted by the General Assembly [resolution 37/2] to prevent the granting by IMF of a loan of over a billion dollars to the apartheid regime, the loan was granted, thanks to the activities of the United States and its Western allies. 125. The United States, Israel and other Western Powers share with their racist partners in Pretoria the responsibility for the continuation of the apart- heid regime, for the fact that Namibia has not achieved its independence, for the fact that the African front- line States continue to be the objects of South Africa's State terrorism, for the fact that peace and stability in that region of the world are in constant jeopardy and for the fact that the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are continuously violated. 126. The forces of imperialism, colonialism and racism, including zionism, come together to defend their spurious interests against the legitimate interests of the peoples. In fact, the only right being defended by those forces is the right to profits, the corner- ~as sai~: "Enough". The struggle continues. Victory ~l1d political participation of all raciai groups is on a IS certam. basis of equality.

Human society has come a 142. Eight years later, the Security Council first long way since the dawn of civilization. T~lrough the recogn~zed that the situation in South Africa had led to rise and fall of empires and the blossoming and international friction and constituted a threat to inter- atrophy .of cultures, man has consistently conquered national peace and security. Since then the United !1ew.honzons of knowledge, learning and achievement Nations has adopted innumerable resolutions in an In YI.rtuall~ e~el1.' sphere of human activity. Socio- attempt to make South Africa see reason and abandon polItical mstItutlons have evolved considerably its racist policy. All those actions have been of no t~rough th~ ages, in step with man's innate genius and avail. hIS yearnmg for progress. The nineteenth and 143. South Africa has disregarded all pleas, defied all twentieth centuries, in particular, witnessed the a~peals and treated the will of the world community phe!10menon of th~ democratization of politics, of WIth scant respect. It has only continued to enact SOCIety, of economics and of life in general. D~aconian legislation, intensify repression and trample 138. There have also, however, been those in history Without scruples upon the rights and sensibilities of who .have chosen to defy the process of change and its black and Coloured population. Every passing day thus to try and reserve the tide of history. They we hear of fresh acts of repression, imprisonment of have so chosen, almost invariably, for reasons of trade union leaders and activists, brutal torture and narrow self-interest. They have resisted change in the deaths in detention, and imposition of death sentences apprehension that change would snatch away from on valiant freedom fighters. The diabolical policy of them th~ir positions of power and privilege. They the racist Pretoria regime of creating "bantustans", hav.e stnven to preserve the systems and institutions covered under the Bantu Homelands Citizenship Act by which they have arrogated to themselves the right of 1970, is designed to further dispossess the African to deem themselves superior to other, lesser mortals !D~~~ty of. its inaliena?le rights and deprive it of and t'? rule over them without scruple or regard for Its CItizenship. Under thiS guise, over 5 million people conscience. have been uprooted to create racial pockets to serve the racial ends of a minority population. Never in the history of modem times have so few oppressed so many for so long. 13? That the policy of apartheid should persist in thIS day and age is to most people quite unthinkable. Notions of racial or ethnic superiority, however false, hav7.prevailed in various societies over the ages. IndIVIduals and groups have sometimes sought to. promote .su~h obscurantist ide~. Usually, those same SOCIeties or the Governments that administer I them have exposed the fallacies inherent in such· arguments and discouraged their propagation. 140. In that context, it is indeed incredible that a G~vernment should continue, in spite of almost unIversal condemnation, to persist in the institu- tionalized practice of apartheid. Our late Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru stated in the Indian Parliament in 1958: 144. The Pretoria regime, not content with its inhuman oppression of South Africans themselves has escalated its subversive activities and aggressio~ ~broad. It continues not only to occupy Namibia !llegally and to thwart efforts at bringing about its md~pendence, but also to apply its repressive policies ~gainst the p~op~e of that Territory. It has indulged time.and agam m nake~ .aggression against Angola and ~n efforts to destabJhze other sovereign neigh- bourmg States, like Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Lesotho, and has committed acts of terrorism against those who have raised their heads to fight for freedom and dignity. th~t other nations will sit back tight-lipped? Definitely not, and let me here unequivocally submit that the patience of the world community is running short. Too long have we tolerated South Africa's brazen defiance of world opinion. Too long have we waited and watched with hope that South Africa would recog- nize reality and choose a policy of sanity. 146. Today South Africa's policies demean its own people and threaten the peace and stability of the region. If we who value peace do not assert ourselves now, tomorrow South Africa will be a threat to the peace of the world. Even today, South Africa is trying to perpetuate its apartheid regime both in Namibia and within South Africa itself by seeking to impart legitimacy to puppet political insti- tutions. I am afraid that by doing so they fool nobody but themselves. 147. No regime in the world, however strong mili- tarHy, can survive for long without popular support -in fact, in the face of relentless popular opposition- and history has ample evidence to bear that out. It 'is unimaginable that successive racist regimes could have managed to survive so long without the support, assistance and collusion of some of their friends and well-wishers. That assistance-both overt and clan- destine-has been political, economic and military, and even in the nuclear field. 148. For all their professed disapproval of the policy of apartheid, South Africa's supporters must also answer to the charge of indirectly giving the Pretoria regime moral or, to be more accurate, immoral sup- port. What else can one conclude when the Security Council is prevented by the actions of a few from imposing comprehensive sanctions against the racist regime? How else can one explain the continued supply of armaments and military technology to South Africa in spite of the existence of a supposed arms embargo against that country? How else has South Africa obtained nuclear-weapons capability, adding yet another dangerous dimension to an already volatile .situ~tion? Why do so map.y transnational corporations continue to plunder Namibia's resources through their dealings with South Africa? 149. The answer:. to all those questions are not far to seek. Clearly, South Africa has benign and powerful benefactors which enable it to persist in intransigence and in negation of all human values. 150. Less than a week ago IMF approved a loan of $1.1 billion to South Africa. In doing so IMF spurned the appeal of the vast majority of nations in the Assembly. We cannot but express our deepest sense of regret and disappointment at this decision, which can only help Pretoria to laugh scornfully at all those who believe that isolating South Africa, and weakening it economically"; is the only way to make it heed the will of the international community. As brought out in a study-strangely unpublished-com- missioned by the Special Committee on decoloni- zation, South Africa's drawings from IMF between 1975 and 1977 helped largely tv meet increases in NOTE