A/37/PV.60 General Assembly

In many previous statements on the issue ofapartheid my Government, like a number of other Governments, has warned that a failure urgently to dismantle this inhuman system will result in dire consequences not only for South Africa itself but also for the outside world. But our words have fallen on the deaf ~ars ofa Govern- ment which refuses to see any alternative to a policy resented by the majonty of its people and universally rejected by the world outside. 2. The situation in South Africa is degrading for oppressor and oppressed alike. The intransigence of the South African Government it: refusing to heed the appeals of the international community as expressed in resolutions by this Organization and in the docu- me!!ts.. of other organizations and movements all over the world, will lead to increasing violence, which cannot be in the interest of anybody, including that Government itself. It is true that during the past year the South African Government has taken certain political measures to disarm internal and external criticism of its apartheid policies. But these measures, intended_ to give the impression that the system is being changed by gradual reform, have not in any way touched the basic structure of apartheid itself. The overwhelming majority of South Africa's popula- tion is still being denied b~sic human and political rights. Only those who do not wish to face reality can claim that South Africa is moving in a positive direction. 3. We do not take issue on the belief that certain rewards can stimulate a certain development in a certain society. But we believe that if policies are entrenched deeply enough in the constitutional and legal set-up of a country, the ruling interest group is not going to change those. policies just because it is being asked to do so. The long-standing commitment of the international community aglinst the policies of apartheid is sadly eloquent in that regard. It is obvious at this point that only the introduction of different kinds of international sanctions can tip the .scale and contribute to the urgently needed change in 1019 A/37/PV.60 NEW YORK tho'<:e policies. That is why my Government today repeats the call for international measures which can bring about a peaceful change in South Africa, while such an option still exists. 4. My Government believes that, in order to become effective, sanctions must be decided upon by the Security Council·in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. Sweden has repeatedly supported the General Assembly in requesting the Security Council to consider the adoption of such measures on a comprehensive scale. In .1976 Sweden submitted a . text which was adopted as resolution 31/6 K and which has since been reaffirmed. In it the Assembly urged the Security Council to consider effective steps to achieve the cessation of further foreign investments in and financial loans to South Africa. This would be an important measure along the way. 5. We should not be deluded by the so-called reform programme in South Africa. The former President ofthe World Bank, Mr. Robert McNamara, concluded after a recent visit to South Africa that there was no basis for the belief that the South African Government was prepared to accept any participation of the black majority in the political institutions of the.country. In a report on bis visit he warned that if South Africa did not start to deal justly and effectively with its racial problem, that failure would not only result in immense damage to its owa society, but impose heavy economic, military and political penalties on societies in the Western world as well. If what is left of the 1980s does not witness real movement towards the sharing of political power in South Africa, McN~mara fears that the situation there will become as great a threat to world peace in the 1990s as the Middle East is today. 6. It is our hope that a broader insight of this kind will lead to the conclusion that pressure must be applied by the international community to the South African Government before it is too late for peaceful poli~ical solution3. The Security Council and the leading Western Powers, some ofwhich are permanent members of the Council, have a decisive role to play in this regard. They must take the lead in facing the dangerous situation created by an increasingly destabilized southern Mrica and contemplate mea- sures that can defuse this situation. In dealing with this threat to regional and international peace and security there should be no doubt about the cause of the present situation in southern Africa. The apartheid system is the root and constant source of the evil since it can be uphdd only by repression and acts of violence. 7. There are efforts in some quarters to describe as terrorists the courageous people~ black, Coloured and white, who struggle. for fundamental rights that are taken for granted in any democratic society. We ~fogress towards political chanp,e in South Africa during the past year. The conclusion of my Govern- ment is that the internatiollal community must increase justic~. 16. We do not close our eyes to the fact that those principles are constantly being challenged and under- mined in other parts of the globe as well, and we stand firm in the 4;onviction that respect for human rights and freedoms has to be advanced wherever and in whatever circumstances violations occur. It is precisely for this reason that W(~ have to reject firmly the system of the institutionalized violation of human rights by a Government which on another level professes adherence to democratic ideas and to a pluralistic society. 17. As far as the second question is concerned, whether it is nec(:ssary to continue this annual debate, our answer again is yes, for two reasons. First, the degree of priority which the United Nations assigns to the struggle against apprtheid has led to a world-

In accordance with the decision taken by the "General Assembly at "its 4th plenary meeting, on 24 Seplember 1982, I now caU on the President of the African National Congress of South Africa.

At the 56th pienary meeting in com- memorating the twentieth anniversary of its singularly important decision calling on all Member States to break cultural, diplomatic, econor:i~ and military relations with South Africa, tms body honoured certain persona1it~~s for their outstanding role in pursuit ofthe world ~ampaign in support ofthe stmggle for the eradication of apartheid. 27. In paying a well-deserved tribute to certain Governm.ents, non-governmental organizations and individuals who have been in the forefront in the implementation ofthis decision and ofthe mobilization of world public opinion in that direction, speakers eloql1ently recalled the reasons that led to what was an unprece1ented dev1elopment in the history of the United Natinns. The international community had come to the conclusion that the countless appeals repeatedly addressed to the South African racist regime s~nce the inception of this world body not only had fallen on deaf ears but had also met with the persistent buttressing of the apartheid ~ystem. This action-oriented consensus, involving the over- whelming majority of mankind, was also predicated on the determination that apartheid is a crime against humanity and a threat to world peace and interna- tional security. It was an historic decision welcomed by the oppressed and struggling people of South Africa as a response to the appeal made by their national liberation movement, ANC, in 1958, and was seen by them as the first step towards comprehensive, mandatory sanctions. 28. The conclusion arriv~d at by the Security COlm- cH Group of Experts in 1964, that sanctions against South Africa were imperative and feasible, further heightened expectations of concerted international action. The total isolation ofthe Pretoria regime would 35. Despite this enemy offensive, even bl~cause of it, the struggle for the emancipation of our country is moving apac,e with irreprl-3ssible determination. 45. There is another important dimension to the declared alliance between Washington and apart- heid Pretoria. We refer to the insistence by both on the withdrawal of Cuban troops from the People's Republic of Angola as a pre-condition for the inde- pendence of Namibia. It is, however, heartening to note that this demand has beendisowned by France and other members of the Western contact group. But the United Nations- keeps silent on this issue, at the risk of being seen to condone conduct which amounts to the holding of the Namibian people by Pretoria as hostages whose release to self-deter- mination and independence is conditional upon the conclusion of a bilateral agreement between two sovereign States on terms dictated or approved by racist Pretoria and its ally. 46. The parallels between the Middle East and southern Africa are as clear as they are :3inister. The onslaught on Lebanon, the huge massacre ofLebanese and Palestinians, the attempt to liquidate the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] and the Palestinian people-all of which were carried out with impunity by Israel-_have been followed minutely and with unconcealed interest and glee by the Pretoria racist regime, which has plans to perpetrate the same kind of crime in southern Africa in the expectation that, as in the cas~ of Israel, its ames will enable it to get away with murder. 47. It would seem obvious that we must make a more determined and united effort to persuad~ and compel those countries that continue in their support, encouragement and defence of the apartheid system to terminate their ignoble relations with the apartheid regime. . 48. In the first instance, we must give maximum encouragement to the anti-apartheid movements in these countries, as well as to other organizations and groups that have joined in the strllggle to rid the world of racism. 49. Secondly, such solidarity movements within these countries should be encouraged and; where possible, assisted to expand their activities so as to reach out to the broad masses of the people who, through their organizations and in the greatest pos- 51. The overwhelming majority of oil-producing countries have imposed an oil embargo against apart- heid South Africa and yet, thanks to the activities of the oil companies, that commodity continues to reach South Africa. We cannot over-emphasize the need for effective measures to ensure that United Nations Member States, committed to the struggle to end apartheid, do !lot continue to oil the machinery of apartheid. 52. Thanks to the support of Western countries, racist South Africa continues to enjoy membership of various international bodies ~nd specialized agencies, among them the International Monetary Fund [IMF]. Accordingly, South Africa"still benefits from such membership, as the recent case of the IMF loan demonstrates. The decision by IMF to grant Pretoria a loan of $1.1 billion, in defiance of a reso- lution of the General Assembly [resolution 37/2], emphasizes the need for the expulsion of the racist regime from IMF. 53. In our struggle we seek not only to liberate ourselves but also to contribute to the world-wide struggle for independence, democracy, social progress and peace. In the coming period we shall require even more support from the Organization, from its Members States and from the millions of people throughout the world who form an important second front in our continuing offensive. 54. We cannot close without addressing a special world of support and solidarity to the South West Africa People's Organization _[SWAPO] and the people of Namibia, to the PLO and the Palestinian people, to the POLISARIO Front2 and the people of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, to the Fara- bundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the people of El Salvador, and to FRETILIN3 and the people of East Timor, as well as to all other peoples struggling for their national liberation. We affirm our solidarity with the front"line and other independent States in southern Africa. 55. Our common experience with these fraternal peoples and our common commitment to the cause of liberation, independence, °social progress and peace must inevitably mean that we suffer together. But, equally, a victory on one front rdnforces the struggle and ensures victory on other fronts. Nothing can break the solidarity that unites us. , , 62. My country, Tunisia, follows with sympathy and interest the development of the struggle and spares no moral support or material assistance in the reha- bilitation of the South African people and the triumph of moral values. 63. ~ince 1946 the international community, either with,in the United Nations or in other bodies, has had to express first its concern and then its anxiety at the racist, inhuman and retrograde practices of the Government of Pretoria. 64. Many recommendations and resolutions have been adopted. Many appeals have been made to South Africa to persuade it to give up its discriminatory practice and to put an end to its policy of challenging the universal conscience. Practical measures, if not taken, have at least been envisaged to assist the South African authorities to break out of their isolation and to abide by the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the provisions of the Universal Declara- tion of Human Rights. 71. Their history is marked by moments of heroism which bear the name of Sharpeville, of Soweto. Despite all this, the South African people has decided to live in freedom and dignity. They are organizing 'their resistance and under th~ banner of their leaders and their liberation movements they claim what is due to them and defend their rights. Intimidation and repression merely strengthen their will to struggle and to bring closer the hour of their release. 65. Time is passing and debates are repeated, but unfortunately without any progress or encouraging signs in Pretoria's attitude. The years go by and in this case'seem much alike. The South African authori- ties, on the contrary, very often act counter to the recommendations of the international community and continue to strengthen further and cement more firmly the foundations of the apartheid system. I tries will in no way be intimidated by the acts of aggression and destabilization of the South African authorities. 66. More than ever they regard the black South African as a second-class citizen, damned by his skin, devoid of all rights. The colour of his skin predestines selve~ fully with the denunciation and condemnation of these relations, this axis established both with the Israeli torturers and with the transnational corpora- tions. The methods made famous by the Axis forces are even more highly developed and widely used against black South Africans, whose inborn offence is t~e colour of their skin. The principles of equality, liberty and dignity are not applicable to these people, and when they suddenly react and decide to resist or to demand treatment in accordance with their human condition in the land of their ancestors, which was developed by the sweat of their brow, their wary present-day masters deny them any right to liberty or dignity. 72. The fight for survival those people have waged against the forces of evil is irreversible. The assistance and the commitment of their brothers and friends is theirs for all time. The neighbouring front-line coun- 73. The heroic resistance of the South African people daily gains them new sympathizers and attracts new partisans to their noble cause, because their fight is valiant and their cause is just. They are fighting to rid our planet of the roots of an evil which the community considers to be a crime against humanity.

I wish mice again to express my delegation's appreciation to the Special Committee against Apartheid for its perseverance and in par- ticular for the fresh initiatives it has taken to give practical effect to the resolutions of the United Nations against the racist enclave of Pretoria. 82. Over the years the fight against South African racism has become one of the main points of defining and testing our system. Not only does it enable us 99. According to data contained in the report of the Special Committee against Aparthi!id, the military budget for 1982-1983 envisages an increase in military expenditure of 24 per cent in comparison with the financial year 1980-1981. The numerical strength of the South African armed forces has risen by 46.5 per cent since 1979. 100. Particularly threatening to peace in Africa and indeed throughout the world is the fact that the Pre- toria regime, with the help of certain Western coun- tries, is developing its own nuclear potential. 101. It is logical to ask why it is possible for the racist Pretoria regime to get away with this behavior. That regime has continued brazenly to challenge the will of the overwhelming majority of States and the demand of world public opinion that an end be put to the policy of apartheid, which has been branded a crime against humanity, and that the occupation of Namibia and aggression against neighbouring States cease. As the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid clearly points out,the reason is to be found 104. United States complicity with the racist regime in the political field has been made particularly clear through its use of the veto to prevent the Security Council from adopting comprehensive sanctions against the Pretoria regime. 105. In view of all this, my delegation fully shares the conclusion reached by the Working Group of the Special Committee against Apartheid that the United States of America is "the main protector of the apart- heid regime against any effective international action" [ibid., para. 330]. A blatant example of this was the recent decision of IMF, which is controlled by the United States, to grant the racist regime in South Africa a sizable'loan of $1 billion. The Mongolian delegation strongly condemns that decision of the International Monetary Fund as an act of defiance of the United Nations and the demands of world public opinion. 106. The maintenance of that citadel of racism in South Africa is important to the West not only because it serves as a guaranteed source of mineral raw materials and of cheap labour of the indigenous population of South Africa. The preservation and strengthening of the racist regime serves first and foremost the far-reaching economic, political and strategic interests of the West. Imperialism needs racist Pretoria as a counterpoise to independent African States and as a military and strategic bridge- head from which to carry out aggression and expansion. 107. Speaking of United Nations efforts designed to abolish the system of apartheid, the Mongolian delegation would like to pay a tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid which makes a con- siderable contribution to the mobilization of world public opinion and of international efforts to imple- ment sanctions against the Pretoria regime. 109. In conclusion, the Mongolian delegation states once again that it stands fully behind the just struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia and against imperialism and racism.

The International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa is being successfully observed throughout. the world. This is therefore an appropriate moment to assess the effectiveness of the international com- munity's efforts, mounted 30 years ago, to put an end to the abhorrent apartheid policies of South Africa, to recall the obstacles that have frustrated the realization of that noble objective, and to evaluate the means of overcoming them. 111. After having given close con3ideration to South Africa's apartheid policies for 10 years, the General Assembly, on 6 November 1962, in its resolution 1761 (XVII), appealed to Member States, separately and collectively, to take a series of concrete measures to bring about the termination of aparth~id. Thanks to the international campaign pursued under the guidance of its Special Committee against Apartheid, the United Nations can legitimately claim some gains. 112. During the past three decades world public opinion has been successfully mobilized in support (;f the anguished demand for the eradication ofapart- heid. The General Assembly has declared apartheid a crime against humanity. Many Governments, including that of Pakistan, have imposed compre- hensive sanctions against South Mrica without waiting for the Security Council to decree them. In fact the principle of sanctions against South Africa now enjoys the support of the overwhelming majority of the world community, including some Western States which had opposed resolution 1761 (XVII). The Security Coun- cil is coming under increasing pressure to shed its reluctance to impose comprehensive mandatory sanc- tions against South Africa. Inside South Africa the struggle for equality and freedom has developed into a cohesive force energizing all sections of the under- privileged who constitute an overwhelming majority of South Africa's population. . 113. On the other hand, it is a regrettable fact that apartheid is far from having been eradicated. Despite the efforts of the international community, the apart- heid regime, employing ever greater racist repression within and aggression without, remains entrenched in South Africa. During the past 30 years, over 3 million Africans have been uprooted from their homes, about 13 million have been arrested for violation of the despicable "pass laws", and 7 million have been , deprived of citizenship in their own land. Thousands of unarmed men, women and children have been killed or maimed during gruesome massacres in SharpeviHe, Soweto and Kassinga. Over 5,000 people have been held in custody, where they ,tre subjected to sophisticated and brutal torture, resulting in cruel The meeting rose at 5 p.m. NOTES 1 South Africa: Time running out, Foreign Policy Study Founda- tion, Inc., (University of California Press, 1981), p. xxiv. 2 Frente Popular para la Liberacion de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Oro. . 3 Frente Revolucionaria de Timor Leste IndepeIidente.