A/37/PV.66 General Assembly

Wednesday, Nov. 3, 1982 — Session 37, Meeting 66 — New York — UN Document ↗

THIRTY-SEVENTH SESSION

33.  Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa : (a) Report of the Special Committee against Apartheid; (b) Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an Iuternational Convention against Apartheid in Sports; (c) Reports of the Secretary-Gen·-ral 5. South Africa's frequent attacks on Mozambique, Angola, the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia and its complicity in the unsuccessful attempt by mercenaries to overthrow the Government of Sey- chelles are a gross violation of the territorial integrity of those countries. Such action aggravates the already volatile situation in the region. The relaxation by the United States Administration on exports te' South African Government entities, including the miliLary and police, as reported by The Washington Post on 3 November 1982, will not help to defuse the crisis in that part of Africa. It might further serve to boast the confidence of the Pretoria regime, which could interpret this as United States tacit support for South Africa's suppression of its black inhab!tants.

Approxi- mately one year ago the General Assembly of the United Nations proclaimed 1982 International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions a~ainst South Africa [resolution 36/172 B]. This year, however, there has been a flurry of activity on the part of the regime in Pretoria and certain Western countries to blunt the ever-increasing condemnation and isolation of South Africa. 2. The recent decision by the International Monetary Fund [IMF] to grant South Africa a loan of more than $1 billion is of concern to my delegation an4 indeed to those of all countries which believe in the freedom and dignity of man and woman, irrespective of colour or the racial or ethnic origin of the person. Such a loan will enable South Africa to continue with the oppression of its bla(;k citizens, to strengthen its illegal hold on Namibia, to continue attacks on the front-line State~ and to expand the scope of its mer- cenary activities. The continued collaboration be- tween South Africa and IMF is a clear violation of resolutions of the United Nations which have re- peatedly c-alled- for the denial of all assistance and commercial or other facilities to the racist regime in South Africa. 6. As a result ofits increasing isolation in the sporting and cultural world, the South African Government has offered substantial sums of money to some of the leading sporting figures from the Western world to take part in related activities in that country. Trinidad and Tobago is totally opposed to all contacts with South Africa, be they cultural, sporting, military or economic. In the area of spor~s, I welcome the recent decision taken by the Commonwealth Sporting Author- ities to ban from participating in Commonwealth Games countries that engage in sporting activities with South Africa. 7. Earlier this year, a group of cricketers from Sri Lanka defied the Sri Lankan Government's ban on sporting contacts with South Africa by visiting that country to play a series of cricket matches. My dele- gation welcomes the statement of the representative of Sri Lanka, who in his address on this item [6/st meeting] announced that his Government had banned its rel)el cricketers for 25 years for playing in South Africa. The action by the Government of Sri Lanka should serve as a warning to artists as well as sportsmen. 3. It is a sad state of affairs when certain mem- bers of the Security Council use the veto to frustrate the efforts by members of the international community to force South Africa to put an end to the de5picable system called apartheid. It is also shocking when, in courting South Africa, certain countries view the strategic and economic importance of that countly as being of more significance than that of the sub- human and inhumane conditions to which the white South Africans have relegated its black inhabitants. Any support for South Africa helps to nurture the intransigent attitude of the regime in Pretoria. 8. As opposition against apartheid mounts at home and abroad, the South African Government has become increasinf;IY repressive: it has resorted to large-scale arrests, detentions and bannings, as well as to torture against trade union leaders, students, intellectuals. 4. The refusal of the illegal, racist regime in South Africa to implement the terms of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which calls for genuine self- determination and independence for all the people of NEW YORK A/37/PV.66 ~he Hblack danger". That regime started to implement its programme by enacting unjust laws that perpetuate apartheid and deprive the black African citizen of his most fundamental rights. The United Nations realized early the l(),.athsome and tragic nature of the apartheid policy, which has been debated endlessly since 1952 and has been on the agenda of the General Assembly ever since that date. Despite the debate over the last 30 years, and despite all the efforts by the interna- tional community and the resolutions of the United Nations, this problem remains unresolved. Oppression and repression have grown in southern Africa and the suffering of the peoples of the area is continuously increasing. 14. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid contains the following statements: "In these 30 years, over 3 million black people have been uprooted from their homes. "About 13 million Africans have been arrested under the humiliating 'pass laws' which restrict their freedom of moverr ~l1t outside the reserves. "It has resorted to massacres-such as the grue- some events in Sharpeville in 1960 and Soweto in 1976-in which thousands of unarmed men, women and children have been killed and maimed." [A1371 22 J paras. 295-298.] 15. It is indeed regrettable and embarrassing that the international community should have failed so far to eliminate the phenomenon of apartheid, which was condemned by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. The practices pursued under this policy by the regime of South Africa represent a real tragedy inflicted on the African peoples in South Africa and Namibia where the Pretoria regime continues to defy the will of the international community and tramples daily on the prihciples of human rights to the knowledge of the international community. 16. Under that policy the black dtizens of South Africa, who represent about 80 per cent of the total population, are subjected to the worst repression and oppression and to the most brutal exploitaiion. They are imprisoned and subjected to torture and assassination for merely demanding their rights and asking for justice, equality and self-determination. While the white minority dominates over all the impor- tant sectors of the country, particularly the produc- tion centres of the nation, the black citizens have no choice but to work in servitude for the companies, on the land and in the factories owned by the whites; thus they are exploited as cheap labour, ihey are denied the right to enjoy the riches of their own coun- try, and they live a life of alienation on their own land. In this respect, a report prepared by the Inter- national Confederation of Free Trade Unions in Sep- tember 1981 stated that in 1980 the average monthly wage of the black worker in the mines was 168 rand, while the average wage of the white worker was 1,057 ra~d. This means that the monthly wage of the black worker is only 15.8 per cent of that of the white worker. In addition to that, the transnational corpora- tions that work in South Africa and Namibia use the apartheid laws to practise the most hideous and arbitrary acts ofexploitation against the black workers. If they dare demand any improvement in their condi- tions, they are dismissed and banished to the ban- tustans, where they are all~ged to belong. 17. The apartheid regime in South Africa has not been content with the hideous and scandalous mas- sacres and the inhumal! poHcies practised in South Africa and Namibia. It has gone so far as to spread devastation, subversion, intimidation and instability in southern Africa. It launches repeated military attacks against the front-line States and murders innocent civilians under the pretext of pursuing the combatants of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO]. It continues to occupy part of the ter~'itory of Angola and sends its agents to carry out subversive operations in the neighbouring countries. An example of this is the invasion by mercenaries of the Repuolic of Seychelles at the end of last year, designed to topple that country's Government. although itfailed to do so. 26. It is regrettable and deplorable that IMF on 3 November granted the racist regime of South Africa a credit of $1.07 billion, which is equivalent to the military expenditure of South Africa in Namibia. The loan was granted in outright defiance of the will of the Members of the United Nations and of the terms of General Assembly resolution 37/2 of 21 October 1982. That loan would not have materialized without the support of the American Administration, which as usual defended the racist regime and was able, through the voting power it enjoys, together with its Western allies in IMF, to secure IMF approval of the loan despite all the international in~tiatives that were taken to stop it. It is clear that the American Administration, which argued, in supporting the ~oan, that it did not want to politicize IMF, had itself in the past exploited the Furid for political reasons. In that respect, the Democratic representative Wiiliam GrayIII statedinThe Washington Post of2 November: "This Administration has already politicized the IMF and other international funding institutions hy opposing loans to Nicaragua, Viet Nam and Grenada and by insisting on a loan to El Salvador in spite of opposition from West European nations and IMF staff."* 27. My delegation also knows that the American Administration tried to exploit its position in the Fund in order to prevent a number of African States 30. The desperate situation of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia under the institutionalized policy of apartheid calls for more than sympathy and moral support. What is necessary is unreserved support for the armed struggle waged by those two peoples in order to throw off oppression and persecution and enjoy freedom and dignity within a society where justice and equality prevail in equal measure for all, regardless of origin, colour or creed. 31. The United Nations, and the Security Council in particular, must impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa to make it abandon its apartheid policy, in order that majority rule may be established and Namibia may achieve indepen- dence. 32. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is committed to a total boycott of the racist South African regime in all fields and I wish to reaffirm our unlimited sup- port for the heroic struggle waged by the two peo- ples of South Africa and Namibia against apartheid, because we are convinced that the will of the nations can never be overcome. 33. With regard to the repeated acts of aggression carried out by the racist Pretoria regime against the front-line States, we also confirm our absolute sup- po~ for those States. 34. I should also like to pay a tribute to the Special Committee against. Apartheid and its Chairman, Mr. Maitama-Sule of Nigeria, for their efforts to mobilize international public opinion against the policy of apartheid.
The General Assembly, in its resolution 36/172 B of 17 December 1981, endorsed the Paris Declaration on Sanctions against South Africa of May 1981 and proclaimed 1982 International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. . ' . . 36. In his report the Chairman of the Special Com- mittee againstApartheid, Mr. Maitama-Sule, has given a full account of all the activities and actions he and the Special Committee against Apartheid have undertaken to muster national and international sup- port in order to turn 1982 into a veritable Interna- tional Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. 42. The international community, through the General Assembly, has time and again expressed its deep concern at the cont~nued existence ofapartheid, which poses a ~erious threat to international peace and security. The General Assembly has in various resolutions urged the Security' Council to impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against the minority regime in South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. 43. The Security Council has till now failed to dis- charge its responsibilities properly. Some members with the veto power have prevented the Security Council from imposing comprehensive and mandatory 48. We have only recently seen that, even though the Security Council had not called for action of this kind, collective measures were taken in the war in the South Atlantic and proved to be highly effective. 49. The resistance of the freedom fighters in South Africa is increasing day by day; the p~ople are more than ever aware oftheir basic rights and are determined to fight for total freedom rather than live in perpetual servitude. The freedom fighters have no alternative but to resort to armed struggle for genuine freedom and human dignity. 50. The repression by the racist regime may escalate in the years to come. This will only increase the determination of the oppressed people, who in the final analysis will survive and claim victory. The activities of the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC] and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania [PAC], as well as the increasing activities of the black trade unions, are, in this respect, commendable. . 51. The only non-violent solution to the question of apartheid lies in the principle ofgenuine power-sharing by all the people in South Africa. To this end a peaceful transition to a free, democratic an.· multiracial society in South Africa has to be initiated without any delay. We therefore call on all responsible States, in particu- lar the major Western States, to join hands and to co-operate in order to facilitate a peaceful transition to power-sharing. We believe that this is still possible, 53. It is very regrettable that the Pretoria regime, in spite of the repeated appeals of the international community, has refused to deviate from its apartheid practices, in defiance and flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 54. In South Africa and Namibia the black African majority are cornered from all angles. and deprived of their most elementary human rights. They are treated as subhuman, unworthy of a decr,~nt livelihood. They are denied freedolP of movement, of residence and of expression. Education for them has become a system which prepares them for servitude. They are exploited and subjected to forced labourin subhumanconditions. .55. In these circumstances, the black majority of the people of South AfIica and Namibia have every right to struggle by every means available to them, including armed struggle, against the practices of segregation, racism and racial discrimination, against the continued brutal repression and genocide perpetrated by the South African racist regime, and against the arbitrary arrests, imprisonment and executions. 56. In the General Assembly and the Security Coun- cil the international community has extended every possible support to and shown its solidarity with the South African people in their struggle against those repressive practices. Scores of resolutions and deci- sions have been adopted in an effort to liberate these oppressed people from their subhuman bondage. Alas, the South African regime, instead of heeding international appeals and pressure, has become ever more defiant in its repeated breaches of the peace. It has become obvious, however, that the South African racist regime could not have carried out single-handed its policy of oppression in defiance of United Nations resolutions and decisions, had it not been encouraged by the collaboration and support extended to it by certain Western countries and Israel, as well as by transnational corporations, which for selfish reasons and to safeguard their short-term eco- nomic interests continue to collaborate with the illegal apartheid regime. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, gives dear proof of this collabo- ration, which in our opinion is a breach of trust and 60. The covert manreuvres of the South African regime and its collaborators threaten the security of the front-line States and should be arrested in time through the collective efforts ofthe peace.-Ioving forces of the international community before the already tense situation in the area explodes into serious con- flagration. 61. The South African racist regime has clearly shown its belligerence by its persistence in a massive build-up of its military machine, in addition to its acquisition of a nuclear-weapon capability. In this connection, the South African regime continues to collaborate with Israel not only in this field but also in political, economic and cultural activities. 62. What is needed in the face of this potential danger is a universal commitment to apply stringent measures against the South African regime in order to bring about an end to the apartheid practices against the people of South Africa. 63. We commend the efforts undertaken to this end by the Special Committee against Apartheid, which, under the able and dedicated leadership of Mr. Mai- tama-Sule of Nigeria and in pursuance of General Assembly resolution 36/172 N, intensified its mobiliza- tion of support for sanctions against the South African regime. We note with gratification and appreciation that the active role played by this Committee has: promoted world-wide supportfor sanctions against the ~artft~[d_~ime of South_ Africa. The delegation of Djibouti fully concurs witlt the cOf'.c1uslons of the Committee and accordingly SUppOlts its recommen- dations. 64. As long as the racist regime of South Africa does not abandon its hideous policy of apartheid, it must be isolated by the imposition of comprehensive
In the words originally spoken by my Prime Minister, Mr. Robert Muldoon, at the thirty-first segsion, six years ago, just after the Soweto riots: "The New Zealand Government's attitude to apartheid is very clear: we believe it is wrong and we want to see it ended." [21st meeting, para. 61]. Those words are as t~ue today as they were in 1976. 67. To New Zf.:alanders apartheid is wrong, not just because it legalises racial discrimination, buteven more because it seeks to make racial discrimination the basis of a whole social order. In South Africa a person is judged and his place in society is determined, not by his character or his behaviour, but simply by his race. And the people of one race are given great privileges and great advantages at the expense of all the others. Such legalised discrimination is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations which"itself embodies the standards common to all the great human traditions. Apartheid is certainly contrary to the prin- ciples and traditions by which New Zealanders live. 68. Racial equality is one of the fundamental prin- ciples of our own society. New Zealanders have various backgrounds: many have come in recent times from Polynesia, from Asia and from Europe to join those of us who were born in the country. We are committed to building a partnership-a society comprising various groups that live together in a spirit of mutual respect. New Zealand law specifically prohibits racial discrimination and special steps are taken to ensure ti.lat the law is carried out. 69. People who come from South Africa these days tell us that things there are ·changing. They say that some of the restrictions on social contact between people of different races are now being relaxed, at least in the cities. Any such relaxation is to be wel- comed and encouraged. But we can see no sign so far that the policy of apartheid is being abandoned, or- even seriously modified. As we understand it, the policy of the South African Government still is one of separate development for the -various peoples of South Africa. And separate development still means forcing black South Africans into the so-called home- lands, without giving them enough land and other resources to live on there, and thus compelling them to work in white areas as migrant labourers without the protection of citizenship. Apartheid still means that most of the people in South Africa are denied basic human rights and freedoms, as well as citizen-
In his address to the General Assembly on 30 September 1982 my Foreign Minister stated that U ••• after 300 years, the black majority of the South African society remain aliens in their fatherland. The creation for them of overcrowded, over-grazed and generally denuded so-called homelands, the denial of equal economic opportunities and power sharing, the down-graded quality of their education, their restricted and controlled movement-these 87. As ifapartheid and racial tyranny in South Africa were not enough, the white rulers of South Africa have also for more than 60 years enforced apdrtheid and perpetrated racial tyranny in Namibia, an inter- 96. The apartheid regime of South Africa has :xtended every aspect of its repressive ;-ule to the iHegally occupied territory of Namibia. Continued suppression ofthe right of Namibians to independence and the depletion of their human and natural re- sources have aroused the strongest condemnation of all peoples of the world. 97. Independent African States have been targets of repeated acts of military aggression by the apartheid regime. The People's Republic of Angola and the Republic of Seychelles have been innocent victims of acts of destabilization and aggression by the racist regime. 98. We do not believe that it is lack of comprehen- sion of the inhuman character of apartheid or of the criminal repression in South Africa that has allowed the racist white minority regime to continue its existence and threaten the existence of others. The international community has time and again pro- nounced itself on the abhorrent system of apartheid. Hundreds of resolutions have been adopted by this Organization and others in strong condemnation of the apartheid policies of the South African regime, and all nations have been urged to adopt such measures as would ensure the termination of racial oppression in that part of the world. Deplorably, however, the racist regime of South Africa is becoming increasingly stronger, through the co-operation of certain Western Powers. 99. Indeed, this Assembly reiterated its firm con- viction, in resolution 36/172 A, that the apartheid regime has been encouraged to undertake its criminal ha~ gained wide recognition and prestige in the inter- national community for its political and diplomatic maturity, as well as for the armed struggle it is carrying on within the country.. 104. The people of Namibia, for its part, under the heroic leadership of its sole, authentic representati~e, SWAPO, have dealt severe blows to the racist forces of occupation in their country. We applaud the courage and heroism displayed by the peoples of South Africa and Namibia and their respective organi- zations. 105. While expressing our gratitude for the work of the United Nations Special Committee against Apart- heid, under the wise and devoted chairmanship of 107. This is not to say that in the past few years, or to be more specific during 1981, no progress has been achieved. Certainly, important efforts have been exerted to mobilize international public opinion in favour of the enactment of effective measures against the Pretoria regime. If we review the events and the activities of the past year, the most notable feature, and what impresses us, is the exemplary and effective role played by the Special Committee against Apartheid and, especially, the dynamic leadership disphyed in this field by its Chairman, Mr. Maitama- Sule of Nigeria. 108. The major activity of the Special Committee in the last year has beeT' in the field of the observance of 1982 as International Year of Mobilization for Sanc- tions against South Africa. A remarkable campaign has been launched under the auspices of the Special Committee to bring together international f.orces so as to exert the necessary pressure on the perpetrator of the policies of racial discrimination and apartheid in southern Africa. Obviously, one year is not sufficient for the completio:·;. of such an important and complex campaign. My deieg2' t ion will support proposals to ensure that this campaign is further developed in 1983. At this critical stage and in the face of the stubborn resistance shown by South Africa, the important work undertaken by the Special Committee in co- ordinating international action deserves high praise and our full support. 109. We share the view exprest,ed in the report of the Special Committee that the international com- munity should at this time reassess the effectiveness of the measures taken so far. To all appearances South Africa is simply not he.eding the sense ofoutrage of the international community, which has been expressed time and time again in numerous United Nations resolutions and in various appeals and demands made at aJllevels, national and international, public and private, throughout the world. Its policies o( flagrant oppression and persecution, uprooting large populations, depriving people of their citizen- ship through the illegal scheme of so-called bantustani- zation, detention without trial, restriction of and gross violation of all the basic freedoms of a very large segment o(its p9pulation, all this continues unabated;. The tragic death of the young trade unionist, Neil Aggett, was a most unfortunate example of the methods of interrogation of the South African police. And the conscience of the world community is deeply troubled at the continued unjustified imprisonment of Africa-bl~ck and white alike-who seek a peaceful way out of the nightmare of apartheid. It would condemn those whose lives we seek to improve to an unending and deepening cycle of violence and repression, a cycle of violence that would have grave consequences not only for South Africa, but for the region as a whole. It would create conditions that would make anything but a violent cataclysm impos- sible. Surely this is not what the representative of Nigeria intends, but it is, I fear, the logical conse- quence of the approach he has advocated. 135. We do not pretend that the actions we have taken or may undertake in the future will, in and of themselves, bring about full democracy in South Africa. Ultimately, the future of that country will be decided by the people of South Africa them- selves. But those in South Africa who work for peace- ful change need and deserve our understanding, our encouragement and our support. 136. South Africans do not need to be told that the statlls quo is deplorable and untenable. They do not need to be told that the black population-which it is anticipated will double to nearly 40 million by the end ofthe century-will notforever endure the suffoca- tion of its aspirations. They do not need to be told that repression at home and intimidation directed against South Africa's neighbours are no substitute for a successful effort to address South Africa's own internal problems and policies. White South Africans need no reminder that their future, and that of their children, can only be secured if they in turn are willing to accommodate the interests and aspirations of South Africa's blacks. South Africans need not be reminded that change is needed-dramatic, construc- tive, peaceful change. These are self-evident truths. 137. These self-evident truths, moreover, are present today in South Africa's perception of itself. The South African Government has announced proposals for replacing the present whites-only Parliament with a tricameral legislature, in which South Africans of Asian and mixed descent would for the first time be accorded a degree of political representation. We cannot celebrate a proposal that perpetuates a racial approach to political enfranchisement, and continues to excludp. the 72 per cent black majority from national political life. It is none the less significant that these proposals reflect increasing awareness within South Africa of the need to move towArd a broader sharing of power. There are other indications that a process of change has begun. How rapidly this evolution will occur cannot now be foreseen. But it is under way. 138. For its part, the United States is committed to supporting, by deed as well as word, a process of peaceful change away from apartheid. So long as there are people in South Africa, black and white, 144. While African wages have stagnated and often declined in real terms, the prices of such basic foods as maize, bread and dairy products have in- creased by as much as 15 per cent. This has effec- tively rendered a number of essential food items inac- cessible to a significant proportion of the African population and has aggravated the state ofmalnutrition which has long been endemic in the black community. In addition to chronic malnutrition, the African popu- lation has had to face the ravages of even more debili- tating diseases. Over the past year, the incidence of tuberculosis, polio and cholera is reported to have attained epidemic proportions. 147. Evidently determined to perpetuate its mo- nopo~.y of power and wealth in South Africa, the apartheid regime has resorted meanwhile to the policy of bantustanjzation as a final solution to the demographic realities of the country. The already disenfranchised black population is now being stripped of it.s citizenship and a.Iy residual rights and assigned on the basis of ethnic criteria to the barren homelands upon which independence is then literally forced. Bereft of any natural resources or meaningful infra- structure, those barren wastelands are incapable C!f supporting more than a fraction of their inhabitants. The vast majority is thus collectively reduced to sup- plying cheap migrant labour for South Africa's voraci- ous industries. 148. The sh~mindependence ofthe Ciskei homeland, proclaimed on 4 December 1981,'marked the fourth such· charade undertaken by the racist regime and brought to a total of 9 million the number of Africans who have become technical aliens in theirown country. My Government has, however, noted with approval that the international community in general and the Security Council in particular have denied recognition to all four of these puppet entities. Moreover, South Africa's recent attempts to amputate portions of the Transkei homeland have dramatically underscored the real status of these territories. 149. Despite the totalitarian power wielded by the racist regime, popular resistance to apartheid has 154. This campaign of economic sabotage has been crystallized considerably during the past year. All sections of the oppressed population, supported by effectively complemented by the armed struggle being . h d 1·· waged by the military wing of ANC. The last enhg tene re IglOUS organizations, have endured the 12 months have witnessed a series ofwell-co-ordinated most savage repression to manifest their steadfast opposition to the degenerate order under which they, attacks against official targets such as police stations, railway depots and bridges in which painstaking are compelled to. live. efforts have been made to avoid injuring civilians. My 150. In the militant tradition of the 1956 demon- delegation wishes at this juncture to pay a tribute to stration by South African women against the pass the valiant struggle being waged by ANC and to laws, women have been in the forefront of community congratulate the Congress on the occasion of its protest against poor living conditions in general and, seventieth anniversary. I wish also to reaffirm the in particular, against increases .n the cost of food, unshakeable solidarity of the Government and people housing and transportation. For their part, students of the Gambia with the oppressed people of South have followed the heroic example of St)weto and Africa in their heroic struggle for freedom, justice and con~~~ed ID re j : tbe inferior system of~~:::~#:::~.." ;.~~.-_ 151. Embracing the theology of liberation, a num- ber of churches have registered their opposition to the racist policies of the apartheid regime, which have been condemned as heresy by the World Alliance of Reformed Churches. This courageous stand has exposed church leaders themselves to a campaign of 'lfficial harassment and intimidation. In this regard, my Government has noted with considerable concern the establishment by the authorities in Pretoria ofa special commission to investigate the activities of the South African Council of Churches wh:ch, under the leader- ship of Bishop Desmond Tutu, has called repeatedly for an end to the evil of apartheid. 152. In the vanguard of resistance to apartheid is the black labour movement, which during the past year has delivered a series of crushing blows to the industrial backbone of South Africa. The Ministry of Manpower itself has conceded that a total of 1.7 million man- hours has been lost due to work stoppages in the Republic over the last year. At the same time, it is evident that the level of labour activism has escalated steadilY, with figures for the current year showing an increase of almost 63 per cent over last year. These strikes have not only focused on traditional labour concerns such as wages and conditions of service, but have addressed such overtly political issues as union recognition, and have thereby called into question the very fundamentals of apartheid. 153. The impact of these stoppages has been most devastating in the automobile industry. The eastern cape, where the automobile manufacturing plants are concentrated, has been in a state of permanent un- rest for the last year, with walk-outs occurring on an almost monthly basis. The drastic effect of this action is most eloquently illustrated by the threat made by the managing director of Volkswagen (South Africa) in August, that employers might introduce robots if the unstable labour situation persisted. 160. Through the Centre against Apartheid and the Department of Public Information, the United Nations has achieved a considerable measure of success in sensitizing in'ternational public opinion to the evils which are institutionalized under apartheid. It is now time for Governments to give practical effect to the words which they have so piously intoned for 37 years. Economic self·interest and political expediency must be sacrificed in the higher interests of humanity, justice and the other principles to which all signatories to the Charter have pledged their solemn commitment. A failure to take effective measures to 165. As an Asian country, Democratic Kampuchea fully subscribes to the Manila Declaration for Action against Apartheid [see A/37/265] adopted at the Asian Regional Conference on Action against Apartheid, , 175. It is almost impossible to participate in the debate on this topic without being repetitious. These repetitions are not a mere routine response but rather due to the tragic fact that no solution has been found to this untenable and intolerable situation. The item has remained on the General Assembly's agenda for decades; to remain silent would be tantamount to accepting and condoning the system and the practices of apartheid and would be a denial of the fundamental principles that govern the demo-. Such is also the wish of my delegation and I am quite sure that of the international community as a whole. 174. Mr. pAEZ PUMAR (Venezuela) (interpretation from Spanish): On 7 November 1945 the Union of South Africa joined the United Nations, making it a founding Member of our Organization. Two years after it contracted and proclaimed its commitment to the purposes and principles ofthe Charter, the Govern- ment of what is today the Republic of South Africa officially institutionalized one of the most abhor- rent practices known to mankind, the separation of races through the odious system of apartheid. { 1 i J fI! j ~ ~ 1"93. The apartheid regime in South Africa continues to segregate not only the whites from the blacks, 195. Although numerous efforts have been made by the entire international community to rectify the situa- tion in South Mrica, the clique in Pretoria continues to engage in more and more tricky manreuvres to defeat those efforts. We have recently seen the Nazi- like activities of that regime, which is trying to band the black populations into so-called independent ban- tustans, otherwise called "homelands". By so doing South Africa is denying the African population its right to South African citizenship. My delegation rejects these manreuvres. Whatever schemes it employs, let South Africa know that the valiant and heroic struggle of the majority, the African people, will triumph. 196. Kenya is completely opposed to the creation of these so-called homelands and will oppose any moves by any quarters to legitimize them. We stand for one South Africa where all are equal under the law and where all people live in peace and tranquillity with equality of opportunities, irrespective of race, colour, creed or religion. 197. We have on numerous occasions called for comprehensive sanctions against South Africa. In spite of all this, the criminal regime continues to flourish. We are disappointed that the resolutions in relation to this question have failed to have effect because they have been flouted by some Members of our Organization. Many Governments, multinational concerns, financial institutions and so forth, have continued to do business as usual with South Africa despite world-wide condemnation. This has given a devil-may-care attitude to South Africa, which knows it has support from Members of this Organization. That support enables it to flout all decisions of our great Organization. 198. We cannot fail to register our outrage and disap- pointment at the action taken by IMF a few weeks ago. In spit~ of resolution 37/2 adopted by the As- sembly by an overwhelming majority, IMF saw fit to approve a $1.1 billion loan to South Africa. That is H South Africa's economy has grown dramatically over the course of this century. ... To a large extent, this steady growth rate was achieved by the use of cheap black labour." 227. In reality, South Africa was built by all its people, so the argument is simply not true. But a more fundamental answer, ofcourse, is that it is totally irrelevant. Does it matter who arrived first or in what century, or what was the skin colour of those who hel~ed to build up the country in the past? None of that can possibly be an argument for maintaining rigid racial divisions today and for allowing permanent domination by one racial group over others which greatly outnumberit. History is in any case a dangerous basis on which to claim rights in a divided society. If it is a matter of pride to one section, it may equally provide material for burning resentment to another. 228. In South Afdea today there can only be one answer to those who argue for the right of one racial group to maintain permanent dominance over the others. Itis that while distinct cultural traditions should of course be preserved, as in any plural society, South Africa-its wealth, its resources and its great potential-today belongs to all who live there. If one racial group, and a minority at that, denies this and I I 233. This, it seems to me, is one of the main reasons why a country like mine must speak out here year after year against apartheid, however little our words may seem to us to achieve. We simply cannot afford to have it thought that the claim by white South Africa that it stands for or representS our values has any validity. 234. On the contrary, I mll~t say again-as I said last year, and the year before, and as so many others before me have said year after year: Ireland con- siders that the policies of organized racial discrimi- nation pursued by white South Africa under the name of apartheid are wrong; they are dangerous and they cause immense human suffering; furthermore, they I ] The meeting rose at 6.55 p.m. NOTE