A/37/PV.67 General Assembly

I should like to draw the attention of members to the fact that three additional draft resolutions have been distributed under this item: A/37/L.26, 27 and 28. 2. Mr. PASTINEN (Finland): The General Assem- bly is once again dealing with the apartheid policies of the Government of South Africa. Even though the international community has universally condemned the Government of South !irica for its racial policies, the situation has remained basically unchanged. The United Nations has, year after year, rejected those policies and requested an immediate end to this insti- tutionalized violation of human rights and human dignity. Singling out the policies of South Africa, as we have done for years, is justified, because apartheid constitutes the most systematic and massive violation of human rights anywhere. It is therefore a direct challenge to the very basis of this Organization. 3. The position of the Government and people of Finland on this issue is clear and remains unchanged: we categorically denounce all forms of discrimination and segregation based on race, creed or colour. We condemn apartheid in its totality as incompatible with our Nordic conception of justice, equality and the dignity of every human being. 4. While respect for human rights is far from perfect in any coun~ry, apartheid stands in complete con- tradiction with the ideals and principles of the Chat1er of the United Nations and the Universal DeclaratioIl of Human Rights. Therefore it is one of the rare issues on which the international community in its entirety is united. South Africa stands universally condemned for its racial policies. 5. The reaction of South Africa to its ever-aeepening isolation and to pressure from the international com- munity has been one of defiance and resistance and of tqrning increasingly inwards. International isol~tion and pressure have prompted South Africa to introduce some minor reforms to its apartheid legislation. Such measures are, in our opinion, only a palliative, an attempt to delay an irreversible development. The NEW YORK system of apartheid cannot be reformed. Only one kind of change is possible: the abolition of apartheid. 6. Apartheia leads inevitably to violence, both externally and internally. Acts of aggression against neighbouring States and the illegal occupation of the United Nations Territory of Namibia by South Africa are instances of massive external violence. As to internal behaviour, recent events in South Africa, such as the death sentences of the three members of the African National 'Congress of South Africa [ANC]--commuted to life imprisonment be- cause of international pressure--confirm once again this cruel yet logical pattern. Trials intended solely to suppress opponents of apartheid and the practice of imprisoning people only because they have worked to bring apartheid to an end are a travesty ofjustice. 7. Apartheid, no matter how it is explained by the South African Government, seems to be based mainly on two motivations, both of which are offensive to my Government: first, the profoundly mistaken belief in the superiority of one race over another and, secondly, the selfish economic interests of the white population of South Africa. 8. My Government, together with other Nordic Governments, has since the thirty-first session of the General Assembly sponsored a draft resolution aimed at preventing new foreign investments in South Africa. Such measures, added to the mandatory arms embargo, are particularly relevant in the context of the substantial increases in the military budget of South Africa. In the view of my Government, the Security Council should therefore, as a first step, take deci- sions aimed at preventing new foreign investments in that country. 9. The Special Committee against Apartheid has in its report to the General Assembly [A/37/22] given a graphic description of the cruel and degrading conditions imposed on the black majority by the Government of South Africa. The able Chairman of that Committee, Mr. Maitama-Sule of Nigeria, was recently good enough to pay a visit to the Nordic countries in order to explain the findings of the Com- mittee in greater detail. The report of the Special Committee further confirms a basic fact: the South African Government has not yet realized that atteIIlpls to found a society on the principle of racial segrega- tion and discrimination are inherently doomed to failure. 10. On behalf of my Government, I should like to reiterate cur condemnation ofSouth Africa's system of institutionalized racial discrimination, which is an abuse of fundamelltal human rights and an affront to human dignity. We are convinced that peace andjustice can be brought to southern Africa only through the elimination of apartheid. 14. What has happened in South Africa has also happened in Palestine, where settler colonialism is practised at the expense of the people of Palestine and the Arab peoples whose territories are occupied by Israel. 15. As long as settler colonialism and traditional colonialism seek to dismember, subjugate, and exploit the indigenous peoples and destroy their civilization, the description of South Africa's policy given in the report of the Special Committee will be correct. It is not simply a violation of human rights but a violation of the established international order. It disturbs international relations, the rules and principles ofwhich are laid down in the Charter of the United Nations and in international law. The first of these is the right ofl peoples to self-determination. 16. The alliance between South Africa and some Western countries, in particular the United States of America, proves that settler colonialism can only con- solidate the interests of the imperialists, which run counter to the interests of the peoples of the region. South Africa faithfully plays the role assigned to it. It is a military, political and economic base to serve the interests of the imperialist system at the expense "(b) It has vetoed the draft resolution in the Security Council on 31 August 1981 condemning the massive aggression by the South African regime against Angola, and thereby paralysed any Security Council action on continuing acts of aggression by that regime; "(c) It has relaxed its implementation of the arms embargo, as well as its former decisions to suspend co-operation with South Africa in the nuclear field, and increased its economic and other relations with South Africa." 20. Furthermore, the United States and another Western country were the only ones not to vote in favour of any of the 14 draft resolutions which were voted upon during the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Those countries also distinguished themselves by voting against the draft resolution con- cerning the racist apartheid regime's acts of aggres- sion against independent African States. The United States has made itself the main defender of the apart- s~rength from certain Western countries, led by the peoples. They are the servants of Western interests, United States. The more that aid is stepped up, the to the detriment of the national interests of our peo- greater the oppression within the country and the pIes. They shed African and Arab blood to protect aggression outside it. To be convinced of this it is the strategic, financial and economic interests of or.iy necessary to look at annex I of the Special imperialist Governments and enterprises. Those are Committee's report, which gives details ofthe suffering the facts about the collaboration between the two inflicted on the South African people-detention, racist regimes in all fields, above all the military and torture, assassination, house arrest, political trials and nuclear fields. arbitrary laws. The obvious purpose of these prac- 26. The first special report of the Special Committee tices is to preserve a regime based on the enslave- against Apartheid [A/37/22/Add./] and the main report ment and subjugation of the majority. contain astonishing data on this collaboration between 23. Secondly, the Special Committee has again Israel and South Africa. Everybody knows that these warned the international community of the conse- two regimes co-operate in the military and nuciear quences of a continuance of these acts of oppression fields, and there are also economic, cultural, sporting and aggression by the South African Government. We and scientific ties. read the following in paragraph 43 of the report: 27. Suffice h: to quote the following statement by "The Speciai Committee once again draws the the Chairman of the Special Committee at the urgent attention of the international community to Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting ofthe Co-ordinating the constant and continuous acts of aggression, Bureau of the Non-Aligned. Countries on the que~tion subversion, .terrorism and destabilization by the of Palestine, held in Kuwait in April 1982, before the racist regime of South Africa against independent Israeli aggression against Lebanon: African States and also to the brutal oppression of the people of South Africa. The situation consti- "Today we are confronting a dangerous situation tutes not only a threat to peace but continuous in southern Africa and in the Middle East. It is a breaches of peace and, indeed, an undeclared war situation which contains the seeds ofa widerconflict. against the whole region." "We are dealing not only with two parallel situa- 24. We believe that the Gene~'al Assembly should tions but also with intensified collaboration be- approve the content of paragraph 44 of that report, tween the Pretoria and Israeli regimes in the which quotes the Chairman of the Committee: military, nuclear, political, economic and other ~~~~--!~j-~~-~¥~~~.~.M .W~~M•••••••••••• 33. The report of the Special Committee fuUy describes what is necessary to implem~nt the strategy set forth at the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The Committee has made enormous, in- deed exhaustive, efforts in several international arenas in order to isolate the South African regime further and more effectively. We pay a tribute to the Chair- man of the Special Committee, Mr. Maitama-Sule, Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations, for the efforts he has made to induce States, non-governmental organizations and the international community as a whole to show firmness about putting an end to the system of apartheid practised by Pretoria. He has told the Assembly that the Governments and peoples of the third world and of the socialist countries, and even the European peoples and perhaps some of their Governments, are ready to take effective measures in the struggle against apartheid. 34. In conclusion, the Syrian Arab Republic con- siders the armed struggle of the national liberation movements in Azania and Namibia as a spearhead, supported by all the liberation and progressive forces in the world. That legitimate struggle has served to awaken our conscience. We hail the national libera- tion movements of South Africa and Namibia and we shall extend our absolute support until the final victory is won. It is not far off.

The item on the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, which has been on the agenda of the General Assembly for such a long time, once again demands the attention of the inter- national community. 36. This question, along with disarmament, is one of the problems of international life to which most States Members of the United Nations agree that a solution must be found, while deploring the fact that the outcome still seems quite uncertain and remote. That is why we should give our full support and un- reserved encouragement to all the forces combating apartheid, and especially to the Special Committee against Apartheid because of the tireless effort~ it is making in the campaign against the policy ofapartheid of the £"uth African Government. We should like therefore to renew the expression of our appreciation of the quality and seriousness of its important~work, which has a considerable impact on international public opinion. 43. The intensification of repression and"the develop- ment of inhuman racist laws are the sign that the black majority population must organize its resistance in the face of a regime that can maintain itself only through violence. South Africa is employing that violence not only against its own population but also against independent sovereign neighbouring States, against which it has considerably increased its acts of aggression in recent years in an attempt to perpetuate racist domination in southern Africa. 44. We wish to reaffirm our solidarity with the free- dom fighters, especially ANC and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, which are waging a courageous and extremely arduous struggle against a determined and inflexible enemy that is strongly supported by certain Powers-Powers which bear a special respon- sibility for the maintenance of international peace and security and whose strong attachment to the ideals of freedom, and justice and to human rights is well known. 45. The delegation of Gabon welcomes the fact that this internal resistance is findhlg substantial sup- port from the international community, and especially from international, governmental and non-govern- 55. It is 30 years since the General Assembly began consideration of the question of race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Union of South Africa. It is 20 years since the General Assembly, in its resolution 1761 (XVII) of6 November 1962, appealed to Member States separately and collectively to take a series of concrete measures to bring about the abandonment of apartheid, and established the Special Committee to facilitate effective action by the United Nations. 56. What effect has this commitment by the United Nations had on the situation in South Africa? I suggest that the continuing pressure from the international community has eilsured that there is an increasing awareness of the need to eliminate apartheid and it has led to the growing isolation of South Africa in the international community. The objectives of this campaign have been clearly defined and include the following: first, to force South Africa to abandon its racist policies of apartheid; secondly, to demonstrate I universal opposition to apartheid and solidarity with" the legitimate aspirations ofthe people ofSouth Africa; thirdly, to deny the benefits of international co-opera- tion to the present South African regime so as to oblige it and its supporters to heed international opinion, to abandon its policy of racist domination and to seek a solution by consultation with the op- pressed majority in South Africa; fourthly, to under- mine the ability of the present South African regime 57. The struggle itself is one that will be won or lost by the people of South Africa. The struggle against apartheid must be waged primarily by the people of South Africa. It is they who must assume the principal burden and the primary responsibility for the struggle against apartheid. 58. However, we the members of the international community can assist their struggle. We can support them in a variety of ways. First, we should continue to disseminate information on apartheid as widely and as effectively as possible. In this way, we can arouse international opinion and maintain the inter- national community's unanimous judgement that apartheid is an evil policy. Secondly, we should maintain and even increase international pressure on South Africa. Thirdly, we should seek to intensify the isolation of South Africa. Towards this end my dele- gation appeals to all States which currently maintain political, military, economic, cultural, sports and other forms of collaboration with South Africa to reduce that collaboration and, if possible, to eliminate it altogether. Fourthly, we should support the activities of the Special Committee against Apartheid. Fifthly, we should, each within our own means, render mate- rial and other forms of assistance to the victims of apartheid and the South African movements opposed to the policies of apartheid. 59. I should like now to ask what future lies ahead for South Africa. Two different futures appear -to lie ahead for South Africa. The people of South Africa, especially the white minority, are at a critical juncture in their history. They must choose which one of two roads they wish to travel. They could continue to choose the road of racial prejudice and racial discrimi- nation. That would lead inevitably to the intensification of conflict. Violence and bloodshed lie at the end of that road. 60. I see another future for South Africa, a future free of racial prejudice and racial discrimination. The white South African author, Alan Paton, a valiant opponent of apartheid, shares this vision. He has described the South Africa he wants to see in the following words: "The first thing I want ... is to be able to live in a street where any other South Africans could live. ! sHould like to have as my neighbour any other South African who wanted to live there ... I should like to worship in a church where one could see with one's eyes the unity which Christ commanded. My religicn would be more joyful than it is today ... "I look for the day when the words'South Africa' will fill every South African with pride. because that will be the day when no South African is being hurt and humiliated or deprived or privileged by reason of his colour or race." 61. Alan Paton's vision of a new South Africa is shared by many black leaders of that country. It is a vision which inspired the late Chief Albert Lutuli, former President of ANC, who said: 62. Towards the end of Alan Paton's novel C,y the Bel.:JVed Country, 1 the venerable Zulu patriarch Msi- mangu, "who had no hate for any man", looks out across the Natal hills and says heavily: "I have one great fear in my heart, that one day when they [the whites] turn to loving they will find we are turned to hating" . 85. For our part, we reject the arguments of those who regard as unrealistic the approach proposed by the majority of Member States of the United Nations. We continue to believe that those who prevent the Organization from adopting the necessary measures to break down South African resistance bear an historic responsibility for the persistence of the apartheid system-a particularly heavy responsibility, since the opposition of certain circles to the policy of sanctions against the racist regime is based not on principles but on arguments of expediency contradicted by the eagerness of those very circles to have sanctions imposed outside the framework of the Security Coun- cil, which, we would recall, is the only body em- powered to take such decisions for the international community. 86. As during previous sessions, the Malagasy dele- gation has co-sponsored draft resolutions on the item under consideration-to wit, A/37/L.17 to 23, 26 and 28. We have done so out of our belief in the need to isolate the racist regime politically, eco- nomically, culturally and, above all, militarily. After adoption ofthe mandatory arms embargo-which came too late to have any impact on Pretoria's weapons programme and which, unfortunately, has been cir- cumvented by some Powers, particularly with regard to the supply of'nuclear technology and of equipment that can be used for both civilian and military pur- poses-it seems to us that the time has come for the international community to show greater resolve in the struggle against apartheid by adopting comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. 87. No one can doubt the strong determination ofthe South African people to win its freedom and to get rid of the oppressive system which has been inflicting 104. Our consideration once again of the question of apartheid is made necessary not simply because the item's turn on our agenda has come, but rather by the fact of Pretoria's continuing resistance to the further extension of the area of freedom. My delega- tion has not been lulled into feeling that apartheid is destined to be with us for ever. But in a very real and fundamental sense the denial of freedom any- where must be a cause of concern everywhere; the debasement of humanity in South Africa and in Nami- bia is the debasement of humanity everywhere. These must inevitably be concerns of an Organization dedicated to reaffirming faith in the dignity and worth Afri~an territory, the aim of which is to set up many artificial small States, ':311ed bantustans, with no voice in t~le international sphere, in order to bolster its -sinister efforts the better to dominate and enslave the biack ~jopulation. Caught in an infernal spiral, vb~ence is daiiy more terrifying, more implacable. Its very intensity is sufficient proof of the resolve and determination of the Pretoria regime in its un- swerving implementation of the exerable policy of apartheid. Every day men, women and children are victims of arbitrary arrest, during which time they are tortured and atrociously persecuted. In the streets, in the schools, in the factories and in the South African gulags thgy are assf.lssinated or executed without due process. 123. The United Nations has adopted a number of resolutions and decisions aimed at eliminating this stupid policy of apartheid, which is so deprecated throughout the world. But, entrenched in an attitude of permanent defiance, armoured with an intolerable arrogance and ignoring the. prestige of our Orga- nization, South Africa has always refused to apply the measures advocated. Such Cl challenge, such ar- rogance, fostered by the ambiguous and inconsistent attitude of the Security Council, seriously weaken the Organization's actions and reduces its credibility with its audience. As long as the Government of SOlJd~ Africa persists in its arrogance and defiance, so long will the international community unrelentingly maintain and exercise its pressure, until the victory ofthe struggle by the people ofSouth Africa to recover their freedom, independence and all the other fun- damental rights to which they legitimately aspire. This victory will be not only that of the people concerned, but also that of all mankind. It will be the triumph of law over force, 'of reason over evil. 124. This is the proper time to pay a tribute to the Special Committee againstApartheid and its C~airman, Mr. Maitama-Sule of Nigeria, for their effective contribution to strengthening United Nations action and for their untiring ende~vours to arouse inter- national public opinion and to show apartheid for what it truly is. Charged with studying the apartheid policy, the Special Committee has initiated many United Nations resolutions and decisions on sanctions against South Africa. Furthermore, in 1981 it organized the International Conference on Sanctions against South Mrica, which was highly successful and had considerable international repercussions. 125. I have said that the racist regime violates outrageously and with impunity all the fundamental freedoms. So how can we explain the considerable economic and financial support it enjoys from some States Members of the United Nations, whicn con- tinue to provide this despite many United Nations decisions and resolutions, and to give the Pretoria regime the necessary assistance in many fields, thus helping to strengthen its policy of apartheid? What a telling contradiction there is in the incomprehensible attitudes of those States, which on the one hand roar like lions about respect for human rights while on the other they contribute, even if not directly, to the violation of them. What credibility can be accorded to those States in their ostrich-like policy? 126. Unabl-:. to contain the liberation movements organizing in Namibia and on South African territory itself, whose bitter and determined struggle continues to develop and to gain in intensity, the Pretoria Government, resorting to unprecedented violence and terror, increases its acts of aggression against neigh- 131. During the past three decades the international community has been seized of the problem of the apartheid policies ofthe Government ofthe Republic of South Mrica. There have been disappointments, frustrations and setbacks in trying to eradicate those policies. None of us has any illusions about that. There is so much at stake that no one can afford to give up. This includes all the people of South Africa, for it is their future which is at stake. The same applies to all of us in the international community who have an interest in peace in southern Africa and who would not like to see South Africa become a flash-point that could set the entire region on fire. 132. One of the setbacks-and it is a severe one- is the persistent refusal by the Government of South Africa to abandon its sinful policies. My delegation calls once again upon the international community to exert more pressure on the Government of South Africa to opt for a peaceful change. We in Swaziland im~l)ssible, to avoid violent change and to prevent th~,& ~jtuation from escalating into a more dangerous one, if that Government does not embark upon a meaningful and peaceful change without any further delay. 134. The situation within South Africa is fast de- teriorating because of the rigid application of racial policies. The international community should never lose sight of the depth of human·suffering that apart- heid has brought to South Africa. The exclusio'n of the black population from political power-sharing in the country of their birth has brought resistance from those oppressed people. This resistance to in- justice has resulted in wanton detentions, killings, imprisonment and banning of their leaders. This kind of response can only serve to heighten the danger and consequently lead to a general breakdown of law and orderwhich in itselfwould destroy any possible chance of .peaceful national reconciliation that might still be left. 135. We. in Swaziland who live next door to this intolerable situation understand the anger and re- vulsion of the oppressed people. We have the same cultural and historical heritage as the black people of South Mrica, and this makes us share with the same intensity their emotions of frustration. The blood that was spilt in Sharpeville, Soweto and elsewhere in South Africa is the same as that flowing in our veins. They are our people. We arc part of the same family. Theirfreedom means ourfreedom. Their concern is our concern. We are our brothers' keepers. 136. The killing ofinnocent men, women and children is not only barbaric and detestable, it is also ultimately dangerous for South Mrica and the entire region. :My delegation firmly believes that this situation should be ended to avoid the unnecessary and unwarranted loss of precious liv~s and property. 137. The situation in South Africa gives rise to yet another problem-that of refugees. Swaziland recog- nizes that it has a humanitarian obligation to assist these people in accordance with the relevant interna- tional conventions. These refugees are offered the best possible help and are treated in the most humane way possible. They receive assista.tlce, medical treat- ment, food, clothing, education and whatever they may need, within Swaziland's limited resources and capability. We also co-operate closely with other coun- tries and with international organizations in providing the necessary humanitarian assistance. In this regard we wish to express our gratitude and appreciation to the international ~ommunity for the assistance it has so far given to us in our efforts to provide for these asylum-seekers. 138. The so-called constitutional reforms are un- acceptable because they deliberately turn a blind eye to the aspirations ofthe indigenous majority of the popu- lation of South Africa. In my delegation's view, constitutional reforms should permit the participation I Cry, the Beloved Country, New York, Charl~s Scribner's Sons, 1950. NOTE .,