A/37/PV.75 General Assembly

We do not intend to discuss once again the spirit that prevailed when the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution /5/4 (XV)] was drawn up. Its adoption, 22 years ago, was an important event in the application of one of the fundamental prin- ciples of the Organization-that of equal rights and self-determination of all peoples. It was an act dictated by the conscience of the international community. Even more important, by describing colonialism as a major obstacle to the achievement of the principal objective of the United Nations-the strengthening of peace and international security-the Declaration committed the Organization to a central, active role in the process of decolonization. FinaUy, the adoption of the Declaration was the beginning of an un- equivocal commitment to the liberation movements by the United Nations itself. Therefore, it is with legitimate satisfaction that we note that over the past 22 years_ the international community has developed in a positive way, with the attainment of indepen- dence by more than two thirds of th~ present mem- bership of the United Nations. 2. Recalling these important achievements gives us an opportunity to pay a tribute to the national libera- tion movements which have won independence through a heroic struggle and at the cost of great sacrifice. 3. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar, as a progressive, non-aligned country. has always given its full support to the liberation movements struggling for freedom from foreign control, for it was itself born of such a struggle and it fully understands the value of freedom obtained at such cost. Our relations with the national liberation movements have always been very sound, firmly based and strong. The Demo- cratic Republic of Madagascar has always given it~ political, moral and material assistance to the libera- tion movements. NEW YORK 4. In spite of the undeniable successes of the de- colonization process, there are still peoples subject to colonial domination. Colonialism has not yet been entirely eliminated, and the forces that are trying to preserve it have not the least intention of yielding. Therefore, it is important that we should not rest content with past results. We must turn our attention to the problems that remain. 5. This debate is taking place because vestiges of colonialism remain in various parts of the world. The Declaration remains meaningless for a number of peo- ples and countries which are still fighting for their right to self-determination and independence. South Africa continues to be the bastion of colonialism and apartheid on the African continent. Notwithstanding the many Unit~dNations resolutions and decisions and the demands ofthe international community, the Preto- ria regime persists in its criminal policy of apartheid, oppression and cruel repression of the indigenous in- habitants of the country and systematically carries out acts of aggression against the neighbouring inde- pendent States. 6. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar, like the vast majority of other countries, is convinced that the only way to force the racists in Pretoria to end their criminal policy and respect the decisions of the United Nations would be for the Security Council immediately to adopt binding, mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. 7. The problem of Namibia rightly remains onc of our primary concerns. The forces of colonialism, racism and foreign economic interests are exerting pressure and engaging in manipulations of all kinds to delay and turn to their own profit the political and economic emancipation of the Namibian people. The racist regime continues to rely on its strength and that of its allies to maintain the status quo of its illegal occupation of the Territory, to strengtl:1en its strategic .positions and to impose its ideology on the region. 8. The implementation ofSecurity Council resolution 435 (1978) has been blockec;l by the introduction of a foreign element into the decolonization process in Namibia. In this regard we support the decisions of the heads of State of the front-line States, who said in a communique issued on 4 September last at the end of their meeting at Lusaka: "A new element has been introduced... which attempts to link the negotiations for the indepen-' dence of Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola. In this connection, the summit unequivocally emphasized the importance of separating the decolonization process in Namibia with the existence of Cuban troops in Angola. The insistence on taking this issue is against the 11. Our position wiL~ regard to the situation in 'Nestern Sahan. was set forth when the Question was considered in the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Impklmentation of the Declaration on the Granting ofIndependence te Colonial Countries and Peoples. We shall not return to the subject now, except to re~ftl1iii that the admission of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Rei"ublic as the futy-first member of the Organization of 1"~frican Unity is an important step in the struggle '-,If the Sahraoui people. The definitive solution of the question of Western Sahara depends essentially on the beginning and the success of negotiations between the parties concerned, Morocco and POLISARIO.I 12. With regard to the other small Territories, we wish to repeat once again that special factr rs such as size, geographic location, population or limited natural resources must not be allowed in any way to prevent or delay the full application of resolution 1514 (XV). As we have stated., the results already achieved, important though they may be 1 in no way diminish our common responsibility in this matter, for the requirements of a more just and democratic new international order have increased and deepened this responsibility and compel us to persevere until equality among all men and all nations has become a living, irreversible reality. In our opinion, the United Nations must reaffirm its authority and insist on the strict and full imp!~menta',tjon of its resolutions. It must on no account permit any watering-down of the principles of the De(;laration or any diversion from its goals. Faithfulness to our principles and our recognition of the struggle of colonial countries and peoples demand that the Organization move more resolutely forward in the process already begun on the intemation.al level of th~ elimination of colonialism. 13. In conclusion, :my delegation wishes to express its deep :;ratituae to the Special Committee wh'ch ' throughout the y,ear has mobilized international sup- port for the legitimate aspirati6ns of colonial peo- ples. We wish in particuiar to express' to its r:lairman, Mr. Abdulah, our great appreciation of the com- petence, selflessne.ss, conscientiousness and devotion with which he ha~ ca.rried out his task.

Although we are witnessing the con- cluding stages of the process of the elimination of 18. A hotbed of colonialism, racism and apartheid still remains in southern Africa. The Pretoria regime, in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations, the Organization's resolutions and the fun- damental norms of international law, maintains its criminal system of apartheid in South Africa atself and continues its illegal· occupation of Namibia. Of course, Pretoria would not be able to pursue its lIpartheid policy, which has been condemned by- the whole international community and which is a crime against humanity, were it not fUi the comprehensive 19. It is easy now to see who is putting a brake on the attainment by Namibia of its independence, and why. More than four years have elapsed since the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), but we still hear talk about restraint, so as to leave room for all kinds of procrastination and delaying tactics, thus ensuring a neo-colonialist solution of the problem of Namibia. This is also the goal of the recent attempt by South Africa and the United States to link the presence of Cuban troop detachments to the question of the independence of Namibia. Such a link, without any doubt, is a basic obstacle to any settlement, and we are of the firm conviction that the question of the presence of Cuban forces in Angola is a subject for bilateral agreement between two sover- eign States, Angola and Cuba, and is in no way con- nected with the illegal occupation of Namibia by a foreign State, South Africa. The read to the solution ()If the Namibian problem is a clear one; it has been laid down by Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and confirmed by the General Assembly at its sp~cial session on Namibia. Any attempts to stray beyond the framework of this settlement are doomed to failure. In our view, we must ensure the isolation of the apartheid regime in international life by consistently implementing United Nations decisions on the ces- sation of all ties with South Africa and by the applica- tion against it ofeffective sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. 20. The efforts which have been consistently directed towards achieving recognition of the lawful right of all peoples to self-determination and independence in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples must also apply fully to the so-called small Telrito- ries, which constitute the remnants of the former colo- ni&l domination of imperialism. No reference to the insignificant size ofthese Territories, their tiny popula- tions or their low level ofeconomic and social develop- ment can possibly justify any delay in granting them independence. Although the economic factor remains and piays a very important part in these territories, the most conspicuous feature is the military factor. The preservation and expansion of the network of military bases and facilities in these territories create one ofthe most serious obstacles to the full implemen- tation of the Declaration. There can be no doubt that such a practice is entirely in keeping with the plans ofthe United States for rapid deployment forces. t" 24. The current situation in southern Africa and in a number of small colonial Territories demonstrates that there still exists -a number of obstacles to the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Therefore we attach particular importance to seeing that all anti-colonialist forces mobilize sUPPurt for the national liberation struggle and the efforts to eliminate all the remaining vestiges of colonialism. Czecho- slovakia also, as a member of the Special Committee, 30. In order to preserve the racist system in the changing circumstances, South Africa has been forced to have recourse to various manreuvres, including so-called constitutional reforms. However, everyone understands that the essence ofthese so-called reforms consists in the attempt to expand the social basis of apartheid and in the future to strengthen the existing order. In an attempt to· perpetuate theQr domination of Namibia the South Mrican authorities resort to neo-colonialist tricks. Thus, in defiance of numerous decisions of the United Nations, including Security Council resolution 435 (1978), South Africa has gone so far as to put into effect a so-called internal settle- ment, the essence of which would be to prevent at any price the achievement by the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] of political power in Namibia. The mediation ofthe so-called contact group has not only failed to bring closer any political settle- ment but actually has delayed and made more difficult a solution to this problem. 31. In: order.to curb the process leadmg to the inde- pendence of Namibia, the United States and South Africa have been attempting to link the solution to this problem with the withdrawal from Angola of Cuban troops, which are in that country at the request of the Angolan Government. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic rejects this unsavoury manreuvre as crude intervention in the internal affairs ofthe sovereign State ofAngola. The Mongolian People's Republic, faithful to the provisions of the tnstoric Declaration, has consistently supported the just struggle of the peoples of Namibia and South Mrica against colonialist and racist oppression. The Government and people of Mongolia ha,e reso- lutely condemned, and continue to condemn, the criminal activities of the racists and the intrigues of the imperialist Powers. We whoie-heartedly support the ·dem?lds of the overwhelming majority of delega- tions for the application of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. 32. The declaration should be made fully applicable to all other Territories that still retain the status of colonies or semi-colonies. On the basis of their sel- fish interests and goals, the imperialist Powers are / doing everything they can to resist total self-determi- . nation for the Non-Self-Governing Territories. For example, the United States, which under the Charter has assumed international obligations towards Micro- nesia, is using that Mandate for the administration of the Mariana, CaroHn<: and Marshall Islands in its own military and strategic interests, imposing upon those Islands various kinds of status. "free association", "political union" and other forms of what in practice amounts LO annexation. m~cy of the struggle of the peoples of colonial Ter- ritories for thch- national liberation and called upon all States to afford material and moral support in that struggle. In this way the national liberation movement of the peoples entered a qualitatively new stage and achieved historic successes. In the y\ear ofthe adoption of that historic Declaration, 18 colonies in Africa attained their independence, and b th~ course of the next two decades hundreds of millions of people threw off the colonial yoke and more than 60 coun- tries attvined their independence. 26. However, today colonialism has still not been entirely eliminated in all its forms and manifestations. According to the list of the Special Committee, about 20 Territories in Africa, Latin America and the Pacific region remain in a state of colonial dependem~e. 27. The situation in the south of Mrica has aroused particular concern. Today more than 20 million indig- enous inhabitants of South Mrica are being subjected, in their native land, to the inhuman policy ofapartheid, which is a crime against humanity. In spite of the many decisions of the United NatioIls, South Africa continues its illegal occupation of Namibia, ruthlessly plundering the natural resources and barbarously exploiting the human resources of that Territory. Furthermore, the racist regime in South Africa is committing barbarous acts of aggression against neighbouring independent States. In order to per- petuate their domination in South Africa and Namibia, and in order to carry out their aggressive designs against African countries, the racist authorities are building up their military and nuclear potential, thus creating a dangerous source oftension both in southern Africa and throughout the world. On the basis of their political, strategic and economic interests, the imperialist Powers j first and foremost the United States, are' not only conniving with the racist regime in Pretoria but also providing it with every possible support in strengthening its military and economic potential and are assisting th~ racist regime in pre- serving a state of colonial Bubjugation in Namibia, which it illegally occupies~ 28. The latest example is the decision of IMF ~ which is dominated by a handful oi imperialist Powers, to grant to South Africa.a loan of more than 1 billion dollars. According to the report on IMF relations with South Africa, in the past South African drawings from IMF "helped to pay increases in South African defense expenditures" [sep. A/37j568, annex]. 29. The IMF decision to grant '1 huge loan to SoO.JthAfrica, adopted despite 'J;!arnings and the request of the United Nations Genera! Assembly not to do so,

Both the report of the Secretary-General [A/37/570IRev.2 ,,-.ld Corr.1] ami the ~tatements made during the general debate confirm that this is a particularly serious time in the history of post-Second World War international relations. While many do not hesitate to compare the present world economic crisis with that of the thirties and note with alarm a pos- sible repetition of its dire consequences, others hasten to stress, with unassailable logic, that if history were to repeat itself we would now be facing a qualitatively new fact: the probable destruction of mankimL 38. Without sharing their e...~treme pessimism, one must acknowledge that, today as then, the resurgence of a certain obsolete irrationalism and the senseless desire or-certain reactionary and imperialist circles to turn back the clock of history have placed the world in one of the most dangerous situations it has ever faced in the past f,·;.: -iecadcs. To that must be added the aggravation of ne situation in the Middle East, with the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and the un- speakable mas'sacre of P'liestinian dvilians in Shatila, Sabra and elsewhere in the country; the acts ofaggres- sion of racist South Africa against M(j~ambique and ::::..1mbia and against Angola, part of whose territory remains under occupation; the repea~ed attacks against other front-line States and the attempts to destabilize their Governments; the serious events in the South Atlantic and attempts to maintain colonial domiiiation over the Malvinas Islands of the Argentine Republic; the manreuvres against the Sandinist revolution in Nicaragua, using neighbouring Honduras as a staging area for the daily acts of aggression perpetrated by mercenary bands of one-time followers of Somoza in the pay of Yankee imperialism; as well as the growing threats of intervention in Central America aimed at thwarting and drowning in blood the necessary, just and inevitable process of economic and social trans- 39. Meanwhile, the decolonization process has ground to a halt since our meeting here a year ago to welcome Antigua and Barbuda, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Belize to United Nations member- ship. A new pall has been cast over the Organization's efforts to bring about the independence of Namibia, despite the fact that the talks in New York between t!le front-line States and SWAPO, on the one hand, and the five Western countries of the so-called contact group, on the other, clearly pointed the way to a speedy implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and .of the United Nations plan for the independence of that Territory. 40. It is obvious today that the only obstacle to the completion of that process is the agreement between the United States Government and its anies, the Preto- ria racists, to impose as a condWon for Namib:an independence the withdrawal of ti~~ Cuban inter- nationalist forces from the territory of the Peo~le's Republic of Angola. That condition-r ~peated just y~sterday in Kenya by the Vice-President of the IJnited States, George Bush-is not only intolerable interference in the internal affairs of two independent and sovereign Sates, which has been rejected by them, by the front-line States and by all of Africa, as was appropriately conveyed to the Yankee envoy by Presjdent Arap Moi, but is.also a new ploy to prevent the genuine independence of Namibia and make it possible for the United States' South African allies to impose an "internal solution" in Lc~ping with its interests and contrary to the \Yul of the Namibian people and its sole. legitimate representative, SWAPO, and the desires of \he international community. 41. The former hl~ad of the 3ltady CIA, the Central Intelligence A&,~nc'Y, and his Government must realize once am:~ for all that ~heir policy of blackmail and imposition is doomed; that the Governments of Afrjca and the entire world are demanding the speedy, genuine and effective independence of Namibia; and that until that is achieved those of us who are true advocates of freedom, independence and sovereignty for peoples will continue to accord the necessary solidarity and sur/port to the Namibian patriots and their national liberation movement, SWAPO. 42. The survival of the abominable system of apartheid in South Africa is also a real threat to the sovereignty and independence of the States of south- ern Africa, as ~ell as to peace and security in the region. Its eradication is closely linked to the pos- sibility that one day that part of the world may become a stable, prosperous region, free ofthe scourge ofwar, aggression and imperialist penetration. 43. In this connection, it is imperative that the United Nation~ be able to implement its resolutions aimed at stopping foreign economic and financial interests from supporting the Pretoria regime. The number of monopolies and transD!::tional corporations that make funds available to the South African racists, far from decreasing, increased from 1,883 companies in 1978 to 3,035 in 1981, with 80 per cent of the invest- ments being made by five Western countries including, first and foremost, the United States and the United 44. From this base collaboration with the racist regim,~ of Pretoria came the decision of IMF, an instRtution controlled precisely by Herr Botha's closest allies, to lend Pretoria over $1 billion in flagrant disregard of the General Assembly resolution in this respect, which was adopted.-and this is significant- with only fhe United States, the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany voting against it [resolutiOn 37/2]. That is why it is relevant, even essential, that effective sanctions be applied against South Africa in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter, to bring about its international isolation and to destroy once and for all the foundations of its despi- cable system of racist oppression. 45. As a Latin American and a sponsor of General Assembly resolution 37/9 on the question ofthe Malvi- nas Islands, I must refer on this occasion to the recent conflict between the United KingdOIr, and the Argen- tine Republic, with its dramatif; toll in loss of life and property. We wish to reaffirm our unwavering sup- port for Argen~hla'~ sGvereign and inaiien~~ble rights over this indivisible part of its territory. In keeping with the Gent\ral Assembly resolution, we L1rge the parties to resume negotiations which, with the good offices of the Secret<},ry·General, should lead as early as possible to the elirr';1ation of an unacceptable colonial presence on our continent. 46. Although the questions of Namibia, East Timor, WesternSethara, the Malvinas Islands and the activi- ties of foreign economic interests obstructing the normal development ofpeoples towards independence are undeniable ~rioritieson the decolonization agenda, it is no less important to stress the need for swift implementation of resolution 1514 (XV) in relation to the other colonial Territories in Asia, the Pacific, the Indian Ocean and the Caribbean and to denounce the intensification of military activities by the colonial Powers in certain Territories, especially in Micronesia, Guam, Bermuda, the Turks and Caicos Islands, the United States Virgin Islands and Puerto Rico, which are obstacles to their self-determination and indepen- dence and threats to international peace and secu- rity. 47. In the particular case of Puerto Rico, a Latin American country under United States occupation since 1898 and today allegedly "freely associated" with that country, I should like to reiterate the historic commitment of the Revolutionary Government and people of Cuba to defend the right of our Puerto Rican br~thers to self-determination and indepen- dence, in keeping with the ideal~ of our founders. r not have been able to complete our work successfully. 55. Despite all the obstacles, manceuvres, pressures and desires of the imperialist and colonialist Powers, the era of colonial domination is drawing 10 a close. The radiant dawn of man's freedom is inevitable in the coHapse of the injustice, exploitation and oppres- sion of the world which is coming to an end. 56. Mr. EL-FATTAL (Syrian Ara::> Republic) (inter- pretation from Arabic): We are happy to note that colonialism is beating a retreat, after most of the peo- 48. Let no one be deceived. While the colonial case of Puerto Rico cannot be debated openly in this forum because of the threats and pressure of those who wish to culminate their colonial plundering by annexation, the authentic voice of the Puerto Rican people will never be silenced, nor can they ever be wrested from our America, where they rightly belong. J.~ading slogans to exploit the third world countries, to plunder their resources and to divide their coun- tries. They exerted their domination in order to transform those countries into zones of influence and to enable them to obtain r.-::~s/ materials and labour at low prices, transforming those countries into exclusive markets for their manufactured goods. The result was the impoverishment of those peoples. 57. The economic and social under-development from which the developing countries suffer are the result of the exploitation practiced by the colonialist countries through their monopolies and their greedy corporations. Those countries have spoken ofthe white man's mission and under that slogan have subjugated the black man, especially in Africa, Hie yellow man" in Asia and many others of different colours in several continents. The colonialist countries have made war on a world scale, resulting in millions ofvic~ims in Europe, in a competitive battle to control the destiny of others and to impose their hegemony and exploitation. Thus Europe progressed while our advance was retarded. They plundered our heritage and have even denied the existence of any civilization outside the European continent. 58. Today we see that colonialism in new forms is attempting to return to our countries, particularly through economic domination and military bases. Furthermore, millions of human beings in the third world are sufferingfrom hunger, disease and ignorance, although their countries are rich and could have achieved rapid development had not neo-colonialism deprived them of the most elementary means and essential aid necessary for their development. 59. The process of decolonization has entered an advanced stage, and credit for that must go to the efforts undertaken by our own countries through the United Nations, which has kept abreast of the struggle of the popular liberation movements, which are the vanguard of the armed struggle. The Spe- cial Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples has certainly played a fundamental role in heightening public awareness and co-ordinating international efforts, and today the peoples which have recenlly become independent believe that the United Nations is the ideal organization for international co-opera- tion and common action for the achievement of the aspirations of the peoples. That is what upsets some Western countries, headed by the United States, which miss no opportunity to cast doubt on the ability of the Organization and to wage a psychological war against it in an attempt to restrict liberty, especially freedom of speech within the Organization. There are many flagrant examples of that but we do not have time to deal with them now. 60. In spite ofthe achievements ofthe United Nations in the implementation of the Declaration, we regret to note that more than 4 million people in more than 20 countries are still deprived of autonomy and inde- pendence in their homeland. Four million Palestinians are still denied self-determination in their own land. 61. Some of the small Territories which do not yet enjoy autonomy remain dependent on colonial regimes. They are used by the imperialist countries for military purposes through the establishment of military bases to safeguard the strategic and military interests of those colonialist and imperialist countries. The colo- nialist countries, in particular the United States, spare no effort to delay the decolonization of those Territo- ries in order to preserve their military interests there in various forms and under various names such as "free participation" and "political union", which in practice are nothing but devices to perpetuate colo- nialist domination and legitimize the annexation process. 62. Among these entities is Puerto Rico. A quick look at the nature of the relations between Puerto Rico and the United States clearly confirms the following facts, which we mentioned last year. First, the United States occupieu Puerto Rico by force of arms in 1898. Secondly, the colonial political situation was imposed on the Puerto Rican people by force of arms, cmd of course it goef, without saying that colonialism per se is a denial of the rights of peoples to dignity, freedom and self-determination. Thirdly, all the treaties which bind Puerto Rico were imposed on it by the United States. Puerto Ricans have been forced to join the United States armed forces and to participate in wars which do not concern them and which bring them no benefit. Fourthly, the United States has exploited the territory of Puerto Rico for military purposes, estab- lishing bases and carrying out weapon tests, particu- larly on the island of Vieques, where the environment has heen endangered and people's lives ~hreatened by those tests. Fifthly, it has been reported that the United States Government is stockpiling nuclear weapons on that island; it is a matter of concern that there is no way of verifying such reports. Sixthly, the United States has subjected the people of Puerto Rico to foreign domination and economic exploita- tion and has created an economy in the island which does not serve Puerto Rico's needs. Seventh, the United States has attempted to destroy the culture and identity of the Puerto Rican people and to turn it away from its mother tongue. I feel obliged here to express our great resp~ct and admiration for that people, which remains attached to its national identity, its culture, its civilization and its language in spite ef all the attempts and pressures to which it has been submitted. Eighth, United States nationality has been imposed on the people of Puerto Rico in spite of its determination to rejf'ct it. Ninth, without going into the legal and constitutional situation in Puerto Rico in detail, we cannot disregard one fact: the United States Congress alone can decide on the destiny of the people of Puerto Rico, which cannot determine its own future on the basis of sovereignty and can only ratify what is decided for it by the United States Congress. Tenth, the inevitable result of all this is that the constitutional situation in the island of Puerto Rico is colonial in the fullest sense of the word. The 67. We can also see a constantly intensifying col- laboration between the two bastions of racism, Israel and South Africa, the more firmly to implant colo- nialism in those two strategic parts of the world, so that both hegemonism and interference in the internal affairs of the ~ountries of Africa and the Middle East can be practised. There is nothing strange or surprising about the collaboration between Israel and South Africa, for the two regimes have the same origin and share similar goals in the service of imperialism and colonialism. Because of their strategic locations, the two regillles are natural allies against the peoples of Africa and the Middle East. 68. The Tel Aviv and Pretoria regimes share racist, Nazi and Zionistdoctrine-and I repeat, Nazidoctrine, an expression which is not pleasing to the United States representative in the Second Committee, who attempted to muzzle our representative in that Com- mittee but who, when he himself spoke, presented an official declaration defending the racist Israeli regime. These regimes make terrorism, sabotage, destruction, murder, occupation and racial discrimination the of- ficial policy oftheir Governments, attempting tojustify their crimes as "legitimate" acts. t purposes does a disservice to the efforts of the inter- national community in the field of decolonization. The untrue claims made in this respect, being also out ofcontext, merit no answer. They have been fabricated to disguise the narrow and sectarian purposes lying behind this attempt. .

I shall now call on represen- tatives who wish to speak in exercise of their right of reply. 74. Mr. TAN<; (Turkey): The question of Cyprus, to which the Greek Cypriot representative referred this morning [74th meeting], is not related or pertinent to the sensitive and pressing questions of decolonization on our agenda. The reference to this question by the Greek Cypriot representative for narrow and sectarian

I invite the representative of Turkey to look at the hundred~s of articles written on Turkish actions and which can be found in the Turkish, Turkish Cypriot and foreiz:5n The meeting rose at 4.55 p.m. NOTE J Frente Popular para la Liberacion de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Oro. "