A/37/PV.84 General Assembly

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome the President of the Republic of Bolivia, Mr. Hernim Siles Zuazo, and I invite him to address the Assembly. 2. Mr. SILES ZUAZO (Bolivia) (interpretation from Spanish): I bear a message from my people to the Assembly. It is a message full of anguish but also of hope. I beg your i!1dulgence in speaking with feeling of these matters at this late hour in the work of the General Assembly, but we want it to be understood that this is also a time for defining our historic destiny. 3. My country has just emerged from the trials and tribulations of 18 years of dictatorship, interspersed with. brief periods of nationalist Governments with popular support. It would take too long to de~,-:;.be the sacrifices made by my people during this devas- tating period. To recover their liberty, dignity and sovereignty, the Bolivian people had no weapons but their strength of character and the extraordinary solidarity of democratic Governments and of interna- tional and non-governmental organizations. Th:s triumph of Bolivian democracy bears the hallmark of the highest human qualities. It was brought about in peace, with the political maturity acquired through adversity. There were no upheavals, reprisals or destruction of property. The country now lives under the rule of law. There are no political prisoners, no muzzled press, no persecuted ideology, race or religion. Bolivia-and I am proud to be able to say this-today has a genuine democracy of noble lineage. Bolivia has recovered its dignity and its international image and is beginning to be identified with democracy and not with drug trafficking and lawlessness. 4. My country was plunged into chaos of disquieting proportions. Together with the moral and political crisis came a desperate economic situation, the most salient features ofwhich are well known and are shared by many other third-world peoples: a heavy external debt, runaway inflation, an overwhelming deficit in the public sector, a lack of essential goods and services and a plummeting level ofproductive activity, with its aftermath of strikes, unemployment and wretchedness. These economic problems which are now affecting my country aggravate those of depen- dence and underdevelopment from which it is already suffering: the external structural imbalan,;e, the fact that most of the working population have ve~.:· low levels· of output, the vulnerability of the \,jconomy to changing external factors, the lack of markets of NEW YORK adequate size, the disjointed and heterogeneous nature of its productive structure and the weakness of its savings and investment rates. 5. Bolivia has reached this situation by a process that is worth examining, b~cause it has a useful lesson for all the countries of the third world. 6. My country shared in the rise in prices ofexported raw materials resulting from the expansion ofthe world economy and the increased price of hydrocarbons. Similarly, it had recourse to many external credits, which were easily granted because of the interna- tional financial liquidity which prevailed during the past decade. 7. However, the expansion of financial resources resulting from these processes was not used to benefit the majority of the people of the nation. The ruling State and private minOlities used the resources gained from the export of our raw materials and from the external borrowing to deepen and consolidate social inequality. In fact, they frittered away the resources, leaving the major problems of Bolivian development with ne solution: Those minorities used imported and domestic goods and services in order to imitate the consumer patterns of the high-income f.:ountries, while neglecting productive investment and leaving the great majority of the population to struggie in poverty. 8. The distorted and ·narrow distribution of re- sources was based on two principal facts. Eco- nomically, a policy of opening ~he economy to inter- national commercial and financi~~ flows was followed. In support of this course, it was argued that Bolivia could have access to the financial resources needed for its development and could receive manufactured goods from the developed countries. 9. This economic policy, based on commercial and financial opportunism, received warm support from the major academic centres of the developed countries, where it is still affirmed that the principles of com- parative advantage and the conventional doctrine of the international division of labour are the best way towards'development. Our ruling minorities could thus cover the satisfaction of their selfish interests with the respectable cloak of scientifically founded prin- ciples. 10. But that economic policy, which was against the national interests, could be drawn up and carried out only behind the people's back, and it was therefore necessary to establish iron, retrogressive dictatorships. Only under such regimes could that policy, which favoured the high-income groups, be implemented. 11. An analysis of economic and political events in my country in 'recent decades shows beyond question the unhealthy symbiosis which was established be- A/37/PV.84 1381 15. Sir, that the General Assembly was right to elect you President has been confirmed by the masterly way in which you have conducted the business of the current session. You represent, with the highest dignity, the best traditions of the noble nation of Hungary. I ask you to accept my sincere ~ongratu­ lations. 16. I am also particularly pleased to greet, on behalf of the people and Government of Bolivia, the Sec- retary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, a noble son of Peru and a close friend of my country, where he held a post in the initial stage of his outstanding diplomatic career. When he became Secretary-Gen- eral, we Latin Americans were rightly proud. Today, after he has had only a few months in that post, we are more than ever convinced of his: complete devotion to the cause of the United Nations. 17. Thirty years ago I had the privilege of standing where I am now, as Vice-President of the Republic and head of the Bolivian delegation to the seventh session of the General Assembly. On that occasion [384th meeting], I expressed my anguish at seeing an Assembly which was beginning its work with a clear awareness that it was struggling for the very existence of this Organization, whose principal mandate was to build a constructive peace for all the peoples of the world. 18. Since then, mankind has made extraordinary technological advances. None the less, at this session we are again gathered together in insecurity. Rela- tions between peoples and peoples have not developed at the same rate as has technology. Peace has not been won; poverty has not been overcome; racial discrimination has not been eliminated; human rights have not been universally respected; and the exploita- tion of man and peoples has not been done away 26. The new 'Voice of Bolivia will be raised in warm support of nationa! liberation movements and the great struggle against imperialism, colonialism, neo- 32. The affront to.the human conscience represented by the practice of apartheid of the Government of South Africa must be brought to an end. South Africa's arrogant defiance must be met with a firm and cate- gorical response on the part of the international community. In my Government's opinion, it is neces- sary gradually to increase the sanctions against South Africa until that country realizes that it cannot in- definitely flout both the Organization and the peoples of the world. South Africa's stubbornness can also be seen .in its refusal to withdraw from Namibia, in flagrant violation of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Se.curity Council. My 41. I know that I am saying nothing new. I know that there is absolute agreement that the world eco- nomic situation is of irrefutable seriousness. I know alsa that the central topic of the general debate carried out at the beginning of this session dealt with this. However, both the Group of 77 and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, at their ministerial meetings, have given a ruling on the situation, stating clearly the causes for the decline. Thus, I do not now have to make an exhaustive analysis of the crisis, and I shall confine myself to saying only that my Government associates itself with those that appeal to States to face the situation resolutely. We all have to under- stand each other now. Solidarity among the countries of the South must be strengthened. North-South dialogue must be intensified and translated into under- standing. 42. The recovery ofdemocracy has opened promising prospects for the people of Bolivia, who are now ready to make tremendous sacrifices to deal with the social and economic chaos to which I referred earlier. But that undertaking wiull be thwarted if Bolivia does not find a proper response to its aspirations from the international community. I 43. My Government has made a commitment to the people to respond to their sacrifice with an enormous effort to overcome as quickly as possible the tragic

I now call on Mr. Massamba Sarre of Senegal, in his capacity as Chairman of both the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and the Preparatory Committee for the International Conference on the Question of Palestine. 49. Mr. SARRE (Senegal), Chairman of the Com- mittee on the Exercise of the Inali~nable Rights of . the Palestinian People and Chairman of the Preparatory Committee for the International Con- ference on the Question of Palestine (interpretation from French): Yesterday, in a spirit of cOiltemplation and hope, the international community marked the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. That event afforded the international com- munity an opportunity to reaffirm, in unequivocal terms, the urgent need to find a just, comprehensive solution to the Palestinian problem, wh~;:h has con- tinued to be so tragically prominent in international affairs, particularly during the painful events in Lebanon. It is within this framework that we should place the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly, held from 20 to 28 April 1982, from 25 to 26 June 1982 and from 16 to-19 August 50. I wish at this stage to express the hope that today, even more than in the past, the Assembly will be guided by that need when it is considering the record ofthe past.year with reference to the Palestinian question. That is the chief recommendation of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, whos'" report [A/37/35 and Corr./] I have the honour to introduce. That report faithfully reflects the action undertaken by the Com- mittee throughout this past year, on the one hand to promote the implementation of the Genzral Assembly recommendations on the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and on the other hand to give maximum coverage to those recommendations based on the following fundamental elements: first, the question of Palestine is at the core of the Middle East problem and, consequently, no solution to the Middle East problem can be envisaged unless account is taken of the rights of the Palestinian people; secondly, the exercise of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to return to their homes and to achieve self-determination, independence and national sovereignty would contribute to a positive solution of the Middle East crisis; thirdly, the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole representative of the Palestinian people, on an equal footing with all other parties, on the basis of General Assembly resolutions 3236 (XXIX) and 3375 (XXX), is indispensable whenever efforts are undertaken and conferences and deliberations are organized on the question of the Middle East; fourthly, the acquisition of territories by force is inadmissible and, therefore, Is:,~1 must withdraw completely and unconditionally from the occnpied Arab territories; fifthly, broader understanding of the just cause of the Palestinian people is a factor of peace and stability in the affected region; and sixthly, the right of the States of the region to live in peace ~nd security must be recognized. 51. As can be seen, those recommendations, which are based on the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, envisage dialogue and negotia- tions to bring about a just, lasting, comprehensive solution to the Palestinian quesHon. Any spirit of con- frontation is ruled out. . 52. After the General Assembiy adopted resolution 36/120, the Committee sought as faithfully as poss~ble to fulfil the mandate entrusted to it. It proceeded in accordance with the sarae principles and methods as last year, namely: first, a blanket invitation to all States Members of and observers to the United , Nations, including Jsrael and the PLO, to make their contributions in the form of their choosing to the work ofthe Committee; secondly, tF~ production ofrealistic, balanced work likely to expedite the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. 53. Thus, the dozen countries and organizations that have continued to participate this year in the work of the Committee as observers have been joined by others, such as Ecuador, Czechoslovakia and Niger. 54. However, the Committee was once more com- pelled to express regret over the refusal of the Israeli authorities to co-operate, although Israel is one of the 55. As in the past, this year again the Committee has taken a certain number of initiatives within the United Nations and outside it and, in particular, in the Security Council, whose active support is in- dispensable for the implementation of the majority of these recommendations. Thus, in a series of letters addressed to the President of the Security Council relating to new events which have occurred in the occupied territories-such as Israel's plans to clear a whole area of the Negev desert of ali PaltstiniRn Bedouins who Jive there, the closure of the Bir Zeit University, the dissolution of the municipal councils of Dura and Nablus and the building of new settle- ments on the West Bank-and when it participated in various meetings of the Council, the Committee has emphasized that that body ~hould re-examine its recommendations and take action that might lead to the adoption of positive, just measures to bring about a solution of the Palestini,m -:J.uestion. 56. Unfortunately, the Council has not yet taken a stand on this question, despite the support of the majority of its members for the General Assembly decisions. 57. Representatives will recall the concern ofcertain Council members and their desire not to harm the peace effctt.s under way. However, this §hould hi no way be used as a pretext for keeping the Security Council perpetually paral~,'sed. On the contrary, the progress made recently concerning recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people should encourage and promote positive action by the Council. particularly since the recommendations submitted by the Com- mittee merely request the implementation of decisions and resolutions already adopted by the United Nations and accepted by all parties directly or indirectly con- cerned in the Middle East crisis. 58. For their part, the members of the Committee expect the Council to resume, as soon as circumstances permit, its debate on the Assembly's recommenda- tions, in order to assist in their implementation, for their adoption by the Council remains one of the primary objectives of the Committee. 59. In tandem with those initiatives, the Committee engaged in various activities in other competent United Nations bodies. Those organiz21tions were called upon to be ready to implement the recommendations of the Committee and to undertake the transitional measures necessary to avoid any delay in the implementation of those recommendations. Furthermore, in accord- 'ance with its mandate, the Committee has widely disseminated information on its work and on various aspects of the problem relating to the implementation of the recommendations of the Assembly. Jncl~ed, it seemed necessary to the Committee to continue to show wide sectors of international public opinion that its aim was to deal equitably and objectively with the problem of the rights of the Palestinian people, 60. Accordingly, the Committee organized three seminars, one of which was held, for the first time, in North America, in New York, from 15 to 19 March 1982; another was held in Europe, at Valletta, from 12 to 16 April 1982; and a third in Africa, at Dakar, from 9 to 13 August 1982. The collective contribution by the academics, parliamentarians and others who influence international public opinion and participated in these events made a considerable contribution to educating public opinion in various regions about the complex problems and the multiple aspects of the Palestinian question. I would str~ss here in particular the Appeal for a Western European initiative in the Near East, issued after the Valletta seminar and signed by parliamentarians of Belgium, France, Greece, Italy, Malta and the United Kingdom. 61. The Committee intends to strengthen its action in the field of information through new television programmes explaining it!; purposes and goals and some aspects relating to the dimension and place of the Palestinian fact in the context of the Middle East crisis. Accordingly, our Committee was represented in various international conferences, in particular the meetings of th~ Movement of Non-Aligned Countries held in Kuwant, tlavana and Nicosia, and the thirteenth Ministerial Meelting of the Organization of the Islamic Conference heU at Niamey. On those various occa- sions, representatives of the Committee described the developments in its work and noted with satisfaction the willingnes~shown at those meetings to implement our recommendation. 62. We have actively embarked on the preparatory work for the International Conference on the Ques- tion of Palestine, to be held in 1983 at UNESCO headquarters in Paris. In the Committee's opinion, that Conferen\ce, in which universal participation must be guaranteed, should give the international com- munity an exceptional opportunity to guide the devel- opment of the situation in the region and to promote the means of bringing about the effective exercise of the legitimate rights of t~~e Palestinian people. In this regard, it would be a good idea for the General Assembly once again to call upon all States Members of the United Nations to take an active part in the preparatory and actual work of that conference. 63. As I stressed at the beginning of my statement, the r('cent events in Lebanon, following the invasion .of tha" country by Israel, and the mas"',.cres in the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila have given a new dimension to the Palestinian question. Beyond the considerq.tions connected whh those events, one thing is clear: that the equita.ble solution of the ques- tion of Palestine is the only way to restore peace and stability to that region. In order to do that, one condition must be met: Israel must be prevailed upon to show less intransigence. That intransigence has so far caused all the ~fforts undertaken by the inter- national community and an the peace proposals made to find a comprehensive solution to the problem to fail. Indeed, Israel has shown by its actions and statements that it reany does not want any settlement that does not meet its own demands. In the pursuit of that plan, that country flouts world public opinion and 67. Senegal has the honour to preside over this Committee and is resolved to support any effort that is likely to bri~·~g about a just solution to this prob- iem. The Head of State of Senegal, Mr. Abdou Diouf, reiterated that about 10 days ago, during the official visit made to our country by the Vice-President of the United States, Mr. George Bush. 68. It is also appropriate at this tim~ for the mem- bers of the Committee to pay a tribute to Mr. William Buffum, Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs, ofwhose Office the Division for Palestinian Rights, directed so devotedly and competently by Mr. Yogasundram and his able staff, is part. We have always me~ with understanding and co-operation from everyone t~ere, in the service of peace. 69. In conclusion, I should like to express again the conviction of the members of the Committee that the present situation in the Middle East allows no room for further prevarication and that the inter- national community must face its responsibilities and open the doors of peace to the Palestinif..n people, represented by the PLO. The course ofpast and present negotiations proves that that is the only choice. 70. The United Nations has never taken up the question ofthe Middle East in circumstances as favour- able as those which now pertain. Indeed, during this year, proposals, initiatives and approaches have emerged from various quarters which, ieaving aside their provenance, do have the merit of trying to un- freeze the situation. Taken as a whole, these proposals, initiatives or approaches contain elements already con- tained in the Committee's recommendations. The content is more important than the origin; the main objective is to achieve a just and lasting solution to the question.of Palestine. 71. Furthermore, the state of mind of the various beHigerent parties, like the present development of the international situation, indicates that, above and beyond the apparently insurmountable obstacles, there 74. I shall not tax the patience of the Assembly by going into too much detailed explanation of the reports to complement what has already been said so ably by the Chairman. The pattern, the purport, the gravity and the urgency of the first report should by now be familiar to all. By the nature of events on the spot, by reason primarily of the failure to record tangible progress in the Security Council, the Committee on Palestine perforce has had to mark time, to keep watch, to enlighten public opinion and to strive ceaselessly for positive action, mainly via the Security Council, so as to promote a peaceful and enduring solution. 75. The only real progress that the Committee can identify over the past year, important as it undoubtedly is, unfortunately has not been sufficient on this occa- sion to prevent massive conflict, the crescendo of which was reached only a few months ago but which most certainly will not fade into oblivion. Th~s con- trasts with the previous six-year record, when the sustained hope of progress at least prevented wide- spread hostilities. 76. So I should like first to outline the plus factors ~ for the consideration of the Assembly. In the course of the year under review, the Committee and the Special Unit on Palestine co-ordinated to produce three new studies, bringing the total so far to 16. These studies are particularly relevant in the light of current events. They are entitled: first, "Social, Economic and Politi- cal Institutions in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip"; secondly, "The Legal Status of the West Bank and Gaza" ; and thirdly, "Israeli Settlements in Gaza and the West Bank". \Ve respectfully bring these - objective studies to the attention ofall Member States. The demand for these studies, and for those previously Cl lnexed to the Committee's own report. bL Another significant area of progress has been the internal functioning both of the Committee and of the Unit. The work-load greatly expanded not only because of negative events in the occupied territories but also because of increased awareness and sympathy 85. From this evolving pattern which I have briefly described, in particular the voting record in the As- sembly, one would have thought that the trend of international opinion on this question was now not too difficult to determine. The desire to relieve the agony of the Palestinian people in the illegally occupied territories, to restore a momentum for peace and to recognize deficiencies in the approaches so far applied-all this has stood out with remarkable clarity and insistence since our debate last year, even though a number of influential countries were still sitting on the fence, uncertain as to the timing and scope of envisaged collective or individual initiatives. 86. In introducing the Committee's report at the thirty-sixth session of the Assembly I stated: "The Committee's frustration now compels us to ask for how long a United Nations committee can continue making recommendations, which are overwhelmingly endorsed time and time again by the General Assembly, only to see them blatantly ignored and never put into practice. "We all know that events in the Middle East have not in the past, and will not in the future, await constructive and decisive action by the Security Council. The intransigence of one Member State, and the hesitation of one permanent member of the Security Council, in facing up to the emerging realities of the situation only contribute incendiary sparks to the already volatile and dangerous climate in the Middle East. The international community is planning peacefully ahead, but in the corridors of power a different view prevails." [80th meeting, paras. 64-66.] I also said: "We therefore cannot but express concern that this body has been unable so far to reach a construc- tive decision on the [Palestine] question. This brick wall of inaction has potentially serious con- sequences not only for the people of the Middle East and for world peace but also for the very institu- tions of the Organization." [Ibid., para. 63.] 87. Perhaps precisely for those reasons, because Israel sensed its growing isolation and because of the hesitation ofthe Security Council, once more Israel took matters illegally and militarily into its own hands so as to upset the evolving scenario. The events unfortunately speak for themselves. Israel effectively saw to that, and here comes the negative aspect: it is· an account of steady regression, even of mass murder. 88. The details are all outlined in the report, and I shaH not repeat them except perhaps to stress the 'many violations pointed out by the Commission on Human Rights and enumerated on pages 16 and 17 of the report; these are supplemented by the abundant evidence provided in the report of the Special Com- mittee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population in the Occupied Territories [see A/37/485]. 89. In consequence, the Committee has had to write innumerable letters of protest against Israeli practices in the past year-too many letters for our liking, but not one more than was absolutely necessary. Several series of meetings of the Council and of the Assembly have had to be called because repression and violence have run riot in the occupied territories. Universities have been closed, hospitals and schools bombed, elected mayors maimed or expelled, illegal settlements established, and so on, in a sorry chronicle which leaves the area seething with resentment. When can we put an end to so much human suffering? 90. Israel's policies in the illegally occupied ter- ritories represent de facto annexation; old maps are no longer recognizable. This is Meron Benvenisti's argument: 91. Against all this daily accumulation of evidence, the Security Council remained immobilized, and it did not take Israel too long to go even further. 92. On a flimsy pretext and through what its leaders atrociously described as "divine inspiration", Israel launched a massive military incursion against Pal- estinian and Lebanese civilians in Lebanon. The exer- cise escalated into an inferno of clash, casualty and calamity. Mere words can do no justice to the horror that ensued. Ifit looked shocking on television screens, one can hardly begin to imagine what the tens of thousands of victims must actually have felt. One example will suffice. A photograph taken on the spot showed a group of dead children, aged from one to six years. In Oriana Fallaci's words: "The most horrific thing, however, is not the fact that they are so little and so dead; it is the fact that they are literally chopped up in pieces. Here a little foot. missing from the body of the smallest, here a little arm missing from the body of the oldest, here a little hand open as if to beg for mercy." 93. Mercifully, the carnage is now over-for the time being at least. Israel still acts with arrogant impunity as the military overlord of the present situa- tion. The Committee, however-and indeed t~e world community-cannot but speculate on how many thousands oflives would not have been lost, how much damage would not have been incurred, how much expense on armaments would not have been frittered away, how much animosity would not have been engendered if only action had been taken with una- nimity by the Security Council on the basis of the Committee's recommendations six years ago-six sanguinary years of agonized turmoil for the Pal- estinian people, who came to the United Nations bearing the torch of peace and asking for our help, the help of every individual nation in the Assembly. 94. The cynicism in the area is almost beyond belief. Israel's international behaviour is intolerable. It arises from a fanatical admixture of biblical and security considerations, stridently advanced by Israel and abetted by the mass media with little regard for truth or reality. In the same previously quoted interview, for -instance, Ariel Sharon asserts that Israel is not par- ticipating in an arms race, it is only trying to improve its defence capabilities. He feels sorry for a commander who doubted the need to enter Beirut. Like his pre- decessors before him, he claims he does not covet a single inch of Lebanese soil, but so far not much has been done to disprove Israel's voracious appetite for the Arab territory illegally occupied since 1967 -almost 20 years ago-and coming more tightly under Israeli control with every measure enacted by the - Knesset. Already, apparently with sinister intent, Israeli troops are equipped for a long stay in Lebanon. 101. A solution, ifit is to endure, needs to have quasi- universal backing. The essential elements for a peace- ful solution have been aired in general terms on so many occasions and by so many different leaders, and most recently-somewhat tardily and deficiently, but none the less appreciated-by the President of the United States. 102. The review and recommendations on the situa- tion by the League of Arab States at the twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held at Fez in September [see A/37/696] also marked a joining of ranks and a positive commitment to a peaceful formula for the Mid- 100. Perhaps the most poignant and significant call for a new approach was made on 26 October, in an article published in The New York 'Times by the novelist Amos Kenan. Let me use his own words: "As long as you Americans help us to stand up, we Israelis have no chance to stand on our own feet. We have no chance to have peace as long as you support us in war. We have no chance to straighten out our relationships with our neighbours as long as you help us forget that they, too, are legitimate children of humanity and that they, too, have legiti- mate rights." 107. For let us repeat it once more, peace is the leitmotiv of the United Nations, and the Organization itself is' the centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends. There can hardly be a more common cause than the practical attainment by the Palestinian people of their rightful place among the family of nations. 108. Those of us who really wish for peace in the Middle East cannot remain indifferent any longer to 112. I must also express our deep thanks and ap- preciation to Mr. Sarre, Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, and to all the members of the Committee, for their valuable efforts and positive role in finding a suitable international formula for a just settlement of the question of Palestine in accordance with United Nations resolutions. 113. The General Assembly is meeting again to discuss the question of Palestine at its current ses- sion, after having resumed its seventh emergency spe- cial session three times this year, at the request of Member States, to discuss this same question. Yester- day, here at United Nations Headquarters, and in various corners of the world, we celebrated the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, in accordanc~ with a decision by the Assembly [resolution 32/40 Bl to the effect that 29 November of each year should be thus marked. We all heard the message sent by Mr. Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the PLO, on this occasion, in which he spoke in detail about the events in Lebanon, about the collusion of certain Powers and about the situation in the Middle East as a whole. The observance of this Day, in which the entire international com- munity participated, and all the time the international community has devoted to discussion of the question of Palestine, carry great meaning for our Palestinian people and increase its belief in the justice of its cause, and its trust in its future, in the inevitability of its victory, and in the securing of its inalienable rights, including its right to return to its homeland to exercise its right to self-determination and to establish its independent Palestinian State, in accordance with 116. Perhaps 29 November 1947 represents the beginning of the United Nations dealings with the question of Palestine. That was when the General As- sembly adopted resolution 181 (11), partitioning Pales- 118. .The responsibility of the international com- munity, as represented at the United Nations, is clear and acknowledged as regards all matters pertaining to the liberation of peoples.and the exercise of the right to self-determination, which is one of the corner- stones of the international political order, represented by the purposes and prin'ciples of the Charter of the United Nations. 119. Over many long years, the Palestinian people has suffered all kinds of oppression. It has suffered exile and terrorism and has been denied the most basic political and human rights. As a result, our peo- ple was forced throughout these years to exercise its legitimate right to self-defence and to stand up to aggression by all means, in accordance with the decisions of the United Nations. The P~destinian peo- ple has made great human sacrifices during its long, continuous struggle, which it has waged despite the unprecedented imbalance ofpower. It was able, with the help of brothers, friends and freedom-loving peo- ples all over the world, to expose the lies of the deceitful Zionist propaganda, to unmask Israel and its imperialist allies and to prove to the entire world that Israel alone is the main direct threat to peace. 120. In the past few years, the struggle of the Pal- estinian people has crystallized and its goals and instruments have been defined. Its independent na- tional identity has been streogthened. The PLO,as the sole legitimate representative ofthe Palestinian people, has gained the recognition of the United Nations and the great majority of countries in the world, except the United States, which still ignores this clear reality. 121. In its struggle against Israeli occupation, the Palestinian people has also defeated all aggressive plots, especially the so-called self-rule plan, which is just another Israeli lie to cover up the continued occupation and final annexation of the West Bank and 129. Israel, which has violated Lebanese sovereignty and attempted to undermine the national, territorial integrity of Lebanon, aimed its actions not only at the Palestinian revolution but also at Lebanon, its peo- ple and its land. Otherwise, why does it still remain in Lebanon? 130. Despite the fact that three months have elapsed since the Palestinian fighters left Beirut, Israel is stalling about its withdrawal in order to impose an invid~ous peace treaty on Lebanon and security ar- rangements which contravene Lebanon's sovereignty. 131. Recently, Israel has begun to divert the waters of the Litani River with the aim of stealing and exploiting those waters. It has instigated religious ten- sion so as to destroy Lebanon's unity and incite its 141. These are the facts. They are, as the General Assembly can see, very different-totaHy different- from the distortions :of the media, controlled by the Zionist and imperiaJl&t circles. 142. The Palestinians are thus non-existent, they are an illusion, a myth invented by the Arab Governments to destroy Israel; at other times they are portrayed as killers and terrorists; finally, and at best, they are portrayed as simply people who happened.by chance, a chance which lasted for thousands of years, to be land belonging historically to Israel, and who, there- fore, deserve only annihilation or displacement un- less they accept the sovereignty and the control of the chosen people over their lives, theirfuture and their competence. 143. The report distributed a few days ago by the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli. Pr~v:tices Af- fecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories [A/37/485]-but one of many re- ports by international committees-gives a clear pic- ture of the actions of the Israeli occupation authori- ties in terms of repression, confiscation of land and violations of human rights in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. That report, however, is but the tip of the iceberg in the series of investigations undertaken by various international committees, all of which lead to one conclusion: that Israel is violating human rights in a flagrant, premeditated and continuous fashion and that Israel is violating international law, as well as the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, without there being any attempt to deter or stop it. 144. For the past 30 years, Israel has been systema- tically pursuing a policy of genocide in its unceasing attempts to destroy the Palestinian people. In this connection, the Israeli occupation authorities have since 1967 promulgated more than 1,000 military de- crees, all of which have actually changed the laws that prevailed in the occupied territories. That is a violation 151. From this rostrum, we call upon the United States to shoulder its responsibility as a great Power responsible for the maintenance of peace and security in the world, to reconsider anew its policy in the Middle East and to stop supplying Israel with weapons and funds that enable it to continue expansion and aggression. Also, we call upon the United States to adopt a balanced position and prove its intention to establish peace in the Middle East by taking practical measures and positions that demonstrate its credibility and seriousness. That will, in fact, not happen until the United States unconditionally recognizes the PLO and the right of the Palestinian people to self-determi- nation, in keeping with the principle for which the Americans themselves fought 200 years ago an armed revolution to achieve their national independence. 152. Today, more than ever before, we have a great opportunity to achieve ajust peace in the Middle East. This opportunity should not be lost~ otherwise we shall enter a new labyrinth with unimaginable consequences for international peace and security. - 153. The elements for a just peace are well known and enjoy full international unanimity. They are specifically: complete Israeli withdrawal from all oc- cupied Palestinian and Arab territories; solution of the Palestinian problem in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions and within a United Nations framework through an international con-