A/38/PV.12 General Assembly

The General Assembly will hear a statement by Mr. Osvaldo Hurtado Larrea, President of the Republic of Ecuador. On behalfof the Assembly, I have the honour to welcome him to the United Nations and to invite him to address the Assembly. 2. Mr. HURTADO LARREA (interpretation from Spanish): IJl the countries ofthe world are suffering the effects of the crisis in the international economy, some more than others, but the 4 billion human beings who inhabit the Earth are affected by its tragic and pernicious consequences. 3. The industrialized nations were the first to feel these effects, towards the end of the '70s, through the diffi- culties that arose in the monetary system in 1974 and 1975 because of the adjustment of oil prices, and especially since 1979, when their economies became stagnant, with consequences that were immediately felt by all nations. Furthermore, in 1978 the centrally planned countries, which had attained a high rate of growth up to the first part of the 1970s, also began to suffer from an economic crisis. The countries ofthe third world have been enduring a similar fate since 1981, with the stagnation and deteri- oration of the relative degree of development they had attained in recent years, a phenomenon which has not spared even the oil-exPQrting nations or recently indus- trialized nations. 4. How has it been possible for a phenomenon of such unprecedented scope to have affected all nations. what- ever their resources, the efficiency of their rul~rs and administrators, the economic model they follow or their existing political system? What is the explanation for the sudden paralysis in a development process which was considered to be Iirrdtless? Was it not thought that mul- tinational corporations, free from "negative political controls" and possessing the highest degree of technol- ogy, were the best means for distributing development throughout the world? Was it not thought that the degree of modernization attained through public policies of industrialized nations, capitalist as well as socialist, en- sured that they would rapidly bring about such a result? How could the experts of the financial transnationals make such glaring mistakes? How is it that the interna- tional co-operation systems and agencies, largely set up in order to avoid crises, are incapable of achieving the aims for which they were established? 5. But I have not come here in order to absolve the nations of the third world from any lesponsibiIity, not even my own nation. We are aware of the mistakes we have made, as well as ofour weaknesses, which have also helped to cause the problems we face today. But our NEW YORK contributions to world development should not be for- gotten. In the last 15 years, developing eccnomies have attained higher rates of growth than the industrialized nations and the economic crisis reached our countries later, which proves the impact of outside factors. Some nations began to export manufactures. Latin American nations made progress, as did oil-exporting countries. To this must be added our contribution in food, raw mate- rials, energy sources, financial resources due to the flight of capital and workers, who today remain unemployed in the countries of the North. But the crisis which began in the industrialized nations has offset the modest pro- gress achieved through so much effort, with the result that today the third world is beset by serious economic imbalances which in some cases are becoming chaotic. 6. Much has been said about the origins of the crisis, but often only the most immediate causes are mentioned: higher oil prices and interest rates, discrepancies between economic and social policies, stagnation in productivity, irrational decisions by the business sector~ and the fall in world trade. No doubt that analysis is correct and has been useful; nevertheless I believe the present phenome- non is more complex and more significant than that, and consequently it cannot be dealt with properly by an analysis of merely circumstantial factors. In other words, ~t is my view that we are faced with an unprecedented structural phenomenon, which calls into question the bases on which the post-war world economy was $lrgan- ized. Since today's crisis is not of a traditional tyPe, it may well be asked if it can De resolved within the frame- work of the traditional structures now in place. 7. I should like to make some comments here. Military expenditures have resulted in the diversion of vast sums from genuinely productive activities and from pressing social problems. Furthermore, in the present state of military technology and exploitation of the material resources of the planet, wars do not add to the wealth of the world economy, but rather destroy what there is. Major investments devoted to the use of atomic energy, to space exploration and to scientific research have done little to invigorate productive activities in the short term. Transnational torporations bypass national sovereignty, and they lack vision and interest in economic and social development. Oligopolistic control of technology has prevented th!s sector from being included among the needs and problems of the third world and might even be a new element acting against it. International organi- zations, controlled or bypassed by the major Powers, have less and less influence on international relations and the directioD. fif economic activity. The remarkable eco- nomic expansion of recent years seems to have lacked the basis necessary to ensure its continuity and a system to control and guide it. 8. Getting ahead of history and foreseeing the economic events we now witness today, in the mid-1970s the Gen- eral Assembly adopted a programme ofaction for restruc- turing international economic relations through the establishment of a new international economic order [see resolution 3202 (S- VI)). Later on, the General Assembly decided to undert8.ke what was termed global negotiations exte~sionof international dialogue and co-operation to be the prime concerns of its foreign policy, both in its bilateral r~lations and in international forums. For us as particul~rly noteworthy feature of the situation with regard to Namibia. Despite the Security Council and General Assembly resolutions setting forth the prin- dples of a settlement, Namibia is still prevented by the strategic and economic interests of the South African regime and its external supporters from acceding to independence. Some Powers impose arbitrary conditions not sanctioned by any United Nations resolution and try to have the South West Africa People's Organiza- tion [SWAPO], the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, pushed into the background. The Hungarian Government condemns such attempts and calls for the implementation of the United Nations plan for a settlement in accordance with the Declaration of the Paris conference on Namibia.S 63. The worsening of international relations, the long- drawn-out crisis of the world economy and certain polit- ically motivated measures exercise a steady adverse effect on nearly all areas of international economic, trading, financial and scientific-technical co-operation. This raises serious difficulties for countries which, like Hungary, have a particular interest in the international division of labour. 64. Everyone knows that the Hungarian People's Re- public is a member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, an open economic community, and enjoys the security and advantages offered by the co-operation of socialist countries. At the same time, however, Hungary is also seriously interested in strengthening economic relations with all countries, whatever their social and political systems. 65. We are convinced that the disorders ofinternational economic co-operation can be cured only by joint efforts, by expanding co-operation based on.mutual benefit and free from discrimination. We, for our part, intend to do our utmost to this effect. This pursuit is dictated by our national interests, and we think it provides the only basis for the establishment of the new and more equitable international economic order and the system of relations that are rightfully demanded by the overwhelming major- ity of the States Members of the United Nations. 66. The Hungarian People's Republic maintains that mutual acquaintance with one another is the best means of combatting the prejudices, national hatred and isola- tionism that do so much damage to international rela- tions. The Hungarian Government starts from this premise also in respect of human contacts and human rights. Socialist Hungary has nothing to be ashamed of and nothing to conceal in this field either. We do not fail to include the fundamental rights to life and work in the sphere of human rights, and we disagree with those who limit the scope of human rights. Their propagandistic considerations in this area are common knowledge. But are not the quality oflife and the exercise of human rights most directly affected when masses of people are deprived of the possibility of becoming useful members of their society and supporters of their families? 67. We maintain the position of principle that the inter- national community should call attention primarily to massive and gross violations of human rights, particularly apartheidand other manifestations of unlawful discrim- ination on grounds ofrace, colour, nationality or religion. Suchpractices are unfortunately an everyday occurrence in a number of countries, and, they are resolutely con- demned by the Hungarian People's Republic. [l?b~dJlaraTtih'on 85. In global affairs, politics and economics certainly rospen y I I. at do not divide easily into separate compartments; East- conference was closely followed by the Fifth Ministerial West discord is bound to affect North-South progress. Meeting of the Group of 77, held from 28 March to It is therefore in the economic interest ofthe thrr·d world 9April at Buenos Aires, at which a message for dialogue h h and consensus was adopted and later submitted to the tl~~~ ~~et~~ 8~:~d~ of tension between the two power sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development at Belgrade.6 1;'he proposals agreed on 86. Let me now turn to the economic problems which at those meetings have been conveyed to our partners in our world is facing today. The latest issue of the World the North, and the industrialized countries had ample ordinatl~d national policies. Since the international policy measures have to be all-embracing, covering develop- ment, trade, industry, money and finance, transfer of technology and so on, it is fitting and proper that a OOnsensus on all these issues be reached in a global forum; hence the urgent need to launch the global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development. 95. Disparities in the conditions of human existence cannot be redressed FoEthout international action. How- ever, as President Ju.. 'ii Nyerere ofttie United Republic of Tanzania has said: "The problems of the third world will not wait until we have eventually managed to introduce big changes in the international economic institutions. In the mean- time, we could help ourselves, and each other, if we worked more actively to promote South-South trade- that is trade among third world countries." 96. The questions of peace and security, disarmament and international economic relations which I have ad- dressed call urgently for solution. 97. I now wish to reiterate Zambia's position on a number of specific political issues which continue to trouble international relations and threaten world peace and security. 98. Zambia views with grave concern the prevailing tense situation in Central America, which is being aggra- vated by external interference in the internal affairs of the States in the region. This tension can be arrested only if all the States in the region can apply the maximum effort to resolve peacefully the issues involved. To this end, we applaud the initiative of the Contadora Group to bring about a negotiated settlement in the region. 99. The situation in Chad has taken a turn for the worse. We in Zambia are concerned about the interna- tionalization of the conflict in that country. We call for an immediate end to all foreign intervention and inter- ference in the internal affairs of Chad and for all con- cerned to co-operate with the Organization of African Unity [OAU) in its efforts to find a just ,and lasting solution. . 101. The question of Cyprus continues to concern us in Zambia. For this reason we urge the continuation of intercommunal talks and the good offices of the Secre- tary-General aimed at resolving the problem. We reaffmn our support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of the Republic ofCyprus and demand the withdrawal offoreign occupation forces from the island. 102. The conflict between Iran and Iraq continues on its ruthless and bloody path, with nCI end in sight. Its cost in terms of human and material resources is immense and its threat to international peace and security is a matter of great international concern. We urge the two parties to put an immediate end to this fratricidal conflict. 103. The situations of conflict and tension in Afghan- istan and Kampuchea continue to be of grave concern to my country. We believe that the problems of the two countries have arisen because of failure to respect the principles of non-interference and non-intervention in the affairs of States. We call for comprehensive political solutions to these problems which provide for the with- drawal of all foreign forces and ensure full respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the two countries. 104. With regard to Korea, I wish to reiterate Zambia's position of support for the Korean people's desire to reunify their country peacefully in conformity with the principles set forth in the joint South-North Communique of 4 July 1972.8 We believe that the achievement of reunification would be greatly facilitated by the with- drawal of all foreign forces from South Korea. 105. Zambia deplores the increase in great-Power pres- ence and rivalry in and around the Indian Ocean, which is contrary to the aims and objectives of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. We firmly believe that meaningful progress should be made in giving effect to that Declaration. To· this end we urge all States to co-operate fully to ensure the convening of the long-delayed Conference on the Indian Ocean, now scheduled to take place in JU:1e 1984 at Colombo. 106. The Middle East remains one of the most volatile areas in the world. In spite of the efforts of the United Nations, no solution appears to be in sight. On the con- trary, the situation in the area has worsened and assumed more and more alarming proportions, all because of the policies and practices of Israel. Last year, for instance, the international community witnessed the savage and revolting Israeli invasion of Lebanon, which wreaked havoc on innocent human life, as well as property. That invasion was aimed at the liquidation of the Palestinians. 107. Peace and security in the Middle East will remain elusive as long as Israel persists in its denial of the inalien- able rights of the Palestinian people. As the General Assembly has repeatedly stated, and as was reaffirmed at the International Conference on the Question of Pales- tine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September, the question of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people is at the core of the Middle East conflict. The solution to this'problem lies in Israel's recognition of the inalien- able' rights of the Palestinian people and not in their 136. The history of the ruling clique in Iran abounds with attempts at blackmail. During the last few weeks, they came up with a fresh attempt of this kind when they launched their threats to close the Strait of Hormuz and prevent the Arab Gulf countries from exporting their oil. In fact, by its cont;;1Ued armed aggression against my country, the Iranian regime has deprived Iraq of the possibility of exporting its oil and engaging in free trade in the Gulf area. This constitutes an explicit threat to the vital interests of Iraq. Iraq, however, will not stand with arms folded before such a situatkm, nor can it be expected to submit to Iranian blackmail. I am sure that the States of the region, which cherish their dignity and indepen- dence, will not, for their part, submit to this sort ofcheap blackmail. They have adequate means to deal with it. But it seems strange indeed that certain international quarters should see nothing wrong in this cheap blackmail and try to adopt attitudes that, if implemented, would only encourage the aggressor to persist in aggression and blackmail. We wish to make our position unequivocally clear: we are not prepared to tolerate blackmail by the regime in power in Teheran on the one side, and black- mail by the regime in power in Tel Aviv on the other. Our peoples have the will, the dignity and the strength that will enable them to withstand such blackmail and to make the aggressors see that their acts of aggression will inevitably cost them dear. 137. Iraq has always been concerned to see that peace and stability prevail in its area and that foreign influence be kept away from that area. This position ofours is quite clear and free from ambiguity. However, it shonk~ be equally clear that security, stability and prosperl.~yshOUld extend to all and be the responsibility of all. To shift the entire responsibility to one party with no regard to its security, its stability and its interests would be a most abnormal state of affairs. If anyone were to take such a position, Iraq would certainly not accept it. Iraq is prepared to undertake a joint, responsible search for ways to guarantee the security, stability and prosperity of the States of the area and the world at large, Jut only on condition that it will itself be assured ofits rightful share of security, stability and prosperity rather than being askeG to pay the whole price alone. 139. It is the duty of all these parties ~o persuade, if not force, Iran to end the war, which has lasted for such a long time and is now threatening the entire region with grave dangers. 140. We say this although we know well the details of the efforts and attempts which have been made to end the war. But we must state frankly here that those efforts have been fa!" from adequate. Some of them have lacked the requisite measure of seriousness, continuity and per- severance; they could be described as efforts undertaken in a spirit of feigning action just to avoid blame rather than in the spirit of commitment, to say nothing of sacrifice, which is needed in order to put an end to this destructive and dangerous conflict. I would point out here the fact that all these initiatives have long been suspended. We also wish to point out, in all frankness, that there are plans aimed at prolonging the war to achieve certain selfish benefits or implement questionable scenarios in our region. We know all these t~ngs and we know who is behind them. We adv~se those who concoct them to abandon their games and stop playing with fire. We also tell them, in all frankness, that we cannot remain indif- ferent to their activities and that we shall not fall prey to treachery and deception. Our will is our own, and we have sufficient means to defend our security and our sovereignty. Our people have a will of steel; they have the cap~,bilityand they have inexhaustible resources with which to defend their lives, their dignity, and their sov- ereignty:md make the aggressor understand by tangible means that the cost of continuing his aggression will be very high indeed. 141. Besides t,he aggression against my country by the Iranian regime, there is the continued Zionist aggression from which the Arab nation and the Palestinian people have suffered for decades. The regime in power in Tel Aviv is based on racism, expansionism and aggression. It is a regime which scorns international law and all 149. We must recall here the r.esolutions adopted by both the General Assembly and tbe Security Council on the annexation by the Zionist entity of Arab Jerusalem and its declaration of that city as its capital. Any State which decides to transfer its embassy to the Holy City of Jerusalem not only encourages the Zionist entity to continue its policy of aggression, but also participates in that aggression, flagrantly chailenging the rights of the Palestinian people as well as this Organization and its Charter and contributing to the weakening and diminu- tion of the status of the United Nations. 150. Iraq supports with all its power the just struggle being waged by the Palestinian Arab people to regain its inalienable rights in its own land and its own home, Palestine. We also reaffIrm our support and backing for the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Pal- estinian Arab people. The attitude of certain States, including the United States, which deny recognition to that organization and refuse to deal with it as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian Arab people, reflects their total partiality to the Zionist aggressors and bears no relation to the true situation in our area and in the world as a whole. Such an attitude has no legal justification. Those who are really concerned with peace and justice in our region and in the world at large should abandon that anomalous attitude, recognize the facts and deal with legitimacy. 151. There have been attempts at the political and physiulliquidation of the PLO. More than a year ago, the Zionist invasion of Lebanon was undertaken with a view to liquidating the PLO and murdering the Pales- tinian Arab people. Sordid massacres were committed against that people, supervised and carried out by the leaders of the Tel Aviv regime and their armed forces, 152. In the West Bank there has been an acceleration of organized acts of terrorism against the Palestinian people and of attempts to have Palestinians deported from the land of their forefathers. The plans of the rulers of Tel Aviv to establish settlements in usi1.~Arab lands continue to be implemented. This colonial PIOject should stop immediately. We are truly amazed at the attitude of the United States, which offers excuses for this colonial project, which is contrary to all international law, to human rights and to United Nations resolutions. 153. The time has come for the international commu- nity to go beyond condemnation of this policy and its results and to·proceed to make use of the measures set forth in the Charter to thwart this colonial project and to take a stand against the policies of terror and repression carried out by the rulers of Tel Aviv against the Pales- tinian Arab people. 154. Needless to say, Iraq's fIrm position is to support the PLO and its legitimate leadership. Iraq rejects and condemns all attempts to weaken or fragment the PLO or to rob it of its political will. Whatever their pretext, such policies can only serve the purposes of the Zionist plan to liquidate the PLO and to deprive the Palestinian Arab people of its ability to eVJ)ress itself both by active struggle and by political means. 157. We emphasize here the need to adhere to principles and to apply the international decisions relating to the preservation ofthe unity and sovereignty of Lebanon and preventing any party from partitioning that country through the impo~;tion of a de facto situation, of a capitulation or of an exchange of benefits in order to expand at the expense of this small and peaceful country. 158. Iraq hereby reaffirms its total solidarity with the Lebanese people in its efforts to preserve its sovereignty, independence and territorial unity and to impose its own independent will in the decisions it takes. Iraq will do all it can, especially within the Ara'J framework, to assist Lebanon and its people to achieve those aims. 159. When we call for and work towards the establish- ment ofa just peace in our area and for our Arab people, we in Iraq are not unaware ofthe climate of tension that prevails in many parts ofthe world and of the wars raging in more than one area. The majority of such crises are caused by policies of force and hegemony, by attempts to acquire spheres of influence, by interference in the internal affairs of States and by Don--respect for the will of their peoples to live in freedom and peace. Worthy ofattention also is the grave acceleration ofthe anus race, especially in the nuclear field, and the acquisition of a nuclear capability by racist entities such as South Africa and the Zionist entity. Such a capability will enable them to engage in nuclear balckmail so that they may persist in their radst and aggressive policies in Palestine, South Africa and Namibia, which continues to suffer under the illegal occupation of Pretoria. We support the struggle of liberation movements in southern Africa, which aim to secure freedom, dignity and equality for the peoples there. 160. It is nece£sary to call attention also to the tense situation in Central America and the Caribbean region. Based on our firm principles, we reject all forms of interference in the internal affairs of peoples and urge that solutions to the problems of this c.:rea be sought through negotiations, without the use or threat of use of force. 161. Finally, it is necessary te point to the deterioration in the international economic situation, especially that of the developing countries, which suffer from grave problems which are discussed in detail by the General Assembly every year. It is regrettable that no progress has been made so far towards solving these problems or towards easing the difficulties of the developing countries. 162. The present crisis in international economic rela- tions, with the widening gap between the developing and the developed countries, constitutes one of the gravest of problems and is a source of instability threatening world peace and security. For the first time since the liolving' problems, but rather for the purpose of in- cluding them in their strategic plans. The inability of the United Nations to solve various problems is,but a reflec- tion of the general international situation. The big 176. Kuwait's responsible attitude is that this situation is not in keeping with the hopes and aspirations of man- kind for peace, progress and justice, the very hopes and aspirations which are embodied in the ideals and concepts (j,f the Charter, for whose preservation mankind has carried out a bitter struggle. 177. The question of Palestine has been the focal point of attention since the creation of the United Nations. It has been discussed at all General Assembly sessions. The first international conference sponsored by the United Nations on the question of Palestine was held recently, which in itself is an indication of the importance of this question and its relationship to world peace a~d security. 178. It is clear to the world that the question of Palestine is the basic problem in the Middle East and the nucleus of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and until the international community imposes a just, permanent and comprehensive solution which is acceptable to the Palestinian people and satisfies its national ambitions, there will be no peace in the region, the state of conflict will persist and world peace and security will remain jeopardized. 179. Through the ages it has been proved by experience, particularly in the Middle East area, that force, no matter how heavy and how varied its methods, will never succeed in uprooting national feelings or forcing rightful owners to relinquish their rights. On the contrary, people cling to their rights and defend their principles. Therefore, we reiterate the principles on which peace in the region must be based and which are accepted by the international community and were asserted recently in the Geneva Declaration on Palestinf' "'nd the Programme of Action set forth by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine.IO These are: unconditional Israeli with- drawal from all Arab lands occupied since 1967, including the Holy City of Jerusalem; the restoration of the inalien- able national rights of the Palestinian people, including the right of the Palestinians to return to their homeland and recover their properties and their right to self-deter- mination and to establish their own independent State; recognition ofthe PLO as the sole legitimate representa- tive of the Palestinian people; and the cessation of the establishment of Israeli settlements and the dismantling of those already established in the occupied Arab lands. 180. The real catastrophe of the Palestinian people regrettably reflects, in one of its aspects, the weakness of the international will and its submission to the logic of force instead of defence of truth and justice. In spite of the international attention to and awareness of the Palestinian question, and in spite of the various confer- ences and resolutions, this question remains unsolved. In fact it is becoming more and more complicated and tense because of Israel's policy ofjait accompli in continuing its aggression to keep the world preoccupied with what is new and co forget what is old. Israel has ignored all the resolutions of the United Nations, in particular those of the Security Council, aided and abetted by the United States, whose unlimited support includes all the financial, military and moral support that Israel needs. This has made Israel an instrument of United States strategy in the region at the expense of the legitimate interests and the historic rights of the rest of the region's nations. 181. It has become quite obvious that as long as the United..8tates is conferring this kind ofimmunity on Israel and pr6tecting it from the implementation of the inter- national will, the settlement of the Palestinian question foreigl}. policy. 238. My Government has unequivocally reaffirmed Spain's membership in the Western world, liut this does not rule out our seeking a broad margin of autonomy West confrontation. 253. The origin of the conflict, it cannot be emphasized enough, lies in obsolete political, economic and social structures which have led to an unbalanced and unjust distribution of wealth and to a failure to satisfy the expectatiops of the poorest sectors of the population. 254. In order to attain peace, which is so sought by the peoples of Central America, we feel there are certain The meeting rose at 7.35 p.m. 3Summit of Industrialized Nations, held at Williamsburg from 28 to 30 May 1983. 4The group of 7 countries participating in the Williamsburg Summit. SReport ofthe International Conference in Support ofthe Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence, Paris, 25-29 April 1983 (A/CONF.120/13), part three. 6Proceedings ofthe United Nations Cotiference on Trade andDevel- opment, Sixth Session, vot. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.83.II.D.6), annex VI. 7Frente Popular para la Liberaci6n de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Oro. 10Report ofthe International Cotiference on the Question ofPales- tine, Geneva, 29August-7September 1983 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.83.1.21), chap. 1. 11 See Report of the Second World Cotiference to Combat Racism andRacialDiscrimination, Geneva, 1-12August 1983 (United Nations p·.:blication, Sales No. E.83.XIV.4 and corrigendum). 12Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on I August 1975. 13Common Crisis North South: Cooperation for world recovery, The Brandt Commission 1983 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, the MIT Press). 14See OfficialRecords ofthe Security Council, Thirty-seventh Year, Supplement for October, November and December 1982, docu- ment S/15510.