A/38/PV.57 General Assembly

Tuesday, Nov. 15, 1983 — Session 38, Meeting 57 — New York — UN Document ↗

THIRTY-EIGHTH SESSION

25.  Question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas): report of the Secretary-General *

The President [Spanish] #7337
I should like to draw the attention of the members of the General Assembly to the report of the Fourth Committee in document A/38/584. May I take it that the General Assembly takes note of that report? It was so decided (decision 38/405). 2. Mr. STRUCKA (Czechoslovakia) (interpretation from Russian): In dealing with the question of the Mal- vinas Islands we are touching upon one of the clearly anachronistic manifestations of our century. The events around the Malvinas Islands show clearly the efforts consistently made by colonizers to maintain and per- petuate their colonial domination wherever they have an opportunity to plunder the resources of dependent Ter- ritories, to use them in the service ofthe military-strategic plans of imperialism and to achieve political ends. The profits reaped by the United Kingdom from the monop- olistic activities of the British company on the Malvinas Islands, the rich oil deposits just off the shores of the islands and, above all, their exceedingly im.portant stra- tegic position are the cause of the Unit~d Kingdom's stubborn refusal to carry out the decolonization of the Malvinas Islands. That is precisely why the London Gov- ernment never responded to the repeated appeals made by the General Assembly since 1965 for decolonization of the Islands. That is precisely why in April last year, with the support of Washington, it sent an armada of 80 ships, including 28 warships with 22,000 soldiers on board, equipped with dozens of modem military planes and helicopters, to the shores of the Islands to restore its colonial domination. More than 700 Argentines and more than 200 British soldiers died in battle. That was the price that had to be paid for the Thatcher Govern- ment's adventurism and its decision to use all possible means to ensure the success of the United Kingdom's colonialist and imperialist strategic intentions with regard to the Malvinas Islands. 3. The landings on the Malvinas Islands, carried out by the United Kingdom with the generous help ofthe Unit.:.'<k States, confirmed that the methods used by colonialism and imperialism have not changed at all. They ostenta- tiously us,,: crude military pressure to gain their strategic and exploitative ends and unhesitatingly resort to the use of weapons. This was also illustrated by the United States act of aggression against Grenada, the occupation of its territory and the encroachment on its independence, directly after its people had exercised their right to self- determination. Further testimony to this is pro\-lded by the aggressive action of the United States with regard to *Resumoo from the 54th meeting. Tuesday, 15 November 1983, at 3.30 p.m. NEW YORK Nicaragua, Cuba and the national·liberation movements in Central America and by the actions of the imperialists, led by the Reagan Administration, designed to exacer- bate the international climate and increase the danger of a world-wide nuclear conflict. 4. Developments in the Malvinas Islands after the forcible re-establishment by the United Kingdom of its colonial domination also testify to the fact that the London Government does not intend to settle the dispute over the Malvinas Islands through the use ofdiplomacy, in accordance with the Charter ofthe United Nations and in the spirit of the appeals of the General Assembly and of the non-aligned movement. They also show that the British Government does not intend to comply with the clearly expressed demand of the international commu- nity that it complete the process of decolonization and, within the framework of that process, end colonial dom- ination in the Malvinas Islands. 5. London fights these demands by strengthening its military presence in the Islands. It has established a military garrison there with more soldiers than there are civilians in the islands. The United Kingdom has begun building a large strategic air base, where it can land Phantom fighters, bombers and large Vulcan transport aircraft. Numerous communiques tell us that it has built launching facilities there for multi-purpose medium-range and long-range rockets. It is continuing to build storage facilities for nuclear warheads, electronic equipment and other military technology. Preparations are under way for the deployment of satellite communications equip- ment, which would carry out intelligence operations. In a word, Fortress Falklands is being built. 6. As a result of this militarization of the Malvinas Islands, which is taking place with the help of the United States and in which, according to numerous commu- niques, the South African apartheid regime is participat- ing, the South Atlantic could become a new arena of confrontation. A threat to the over~ peace is thus being created and the chances for normalizing the situation and decolonizing the Malvinas Islands are growing slimmer. 7. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic is fully in favour of a peaceful settlement of the problem of th,e Malvinas Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, in the spirit of the resolutions of the United Nations and the decisions of the non-aligned movement concerning decolonization of those islands. We condemn the persistent rejection and refusal to implement the Declaration on the Granting ofIndependence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514(Xv.J] with regard to the MalviDlas Islands. We are alarmed by their mili- tarization1 which is being carried out by the United Kingdom with the support of the UrJted States. We con- sider tbe transformation ofthe Islands into a military base as an act standing in' the way of decolonization and establishing a source of tension in the South Atlantic region. 8. It is our firm conviction that the only way to a settlement of the Malvinas Islands question is tf<;rough would like to join other delegations which have spoken earlier in expressing the sincere pleasure of the Gov- ernment and the people of Venezuela at the successful completion of the electoral process which is restoring democracy to the sister Latin American Republic of Argentina. The return to democracy and the massive ~urnou:t of the Argentine people in the polling which took place on 30 October last give the entire continent cause for satisfaction and optimism. 30. In its foreign policy Venezuela has always sought to make a decisive contribution to the institutionaliza- tion of democratic freedoms in the continent. As has been stated, democracy means opportunities for social partic- ipation, progress and the transformation of old struc- tures; it means the continued improvement of political freedoms and of respect for the rights which protect individual freedoms; it means the triumph of genuine, authentic social justice and the enjoyment of equitable participation in the distribution of,,,,wth. Therefore, my country offers the strongest encow,<.gement and support to all nations engaged in the establishment and institu- tionalization of democratic freedoms. 31. The position of Venezuela regarding the attainment of peace and the struggle against the vestiges of colo- nialism is wrU known. The question of the Malvinas Islands is a typical case of colonialism. 32. When it achieved independence in 1816, the Argen- tine Republic took possession, in accordance with the principle of uti possidetis juris, of the Malvinas archi- pelago, which had been an integral part of the former Spanish vice-regency of Rio de la Plata. In our view, the right of Argentina to reclaim this part of its territory is legitimate and just, for the rights which it inherited from the Spanish were taken away by force in 1833. At that time the Argentine Republic protested against the aggres- sion committed against its territory and its people, and it has continuously sought the return of the occupied territories. 33. It is not our intention to give an account of the history of this act of plunder, for the United Nations was Pretoria in the efforts to achieve its imperialist intentions. 55. Even now South Africa is being drawn into the construction of military facilities in the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). As indicated in a letter sent on 3 November by the representative ofArgentina to the Secretary-Gen- eral, the technical data and the cost of the military base leave no doubt as to the global nature and the long-term prospects ofthe policy now being carried out in the South 70. At its thirty-seventh session the General Assembly urged the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom to resume negotiations in order to flnd as soon as possible a peaceful solution to the sovereignty dispute relating to the question of the Malvinas Islands. The conviction of the international community about the validity of that request was clearly reflected in the mas- sive support for resolution 37/9, which was adopted at that session. That resolution undoubtedly contains the basic and necessary elements for a peaceful solution to the dispute. Unfortunately, during the time that has elapsed since its adoption it has proved impossible, despite the declared desire of the Assembly, to establish a propitious climate for the necessary negotiations. 71. On the contrary, Latin America, and my country in particular-and, I am quite certain, countries through- out the world-have noted with deep concern the work begun with a view to the establishment of a large mili- tary base on the Malvinas Islands. The size and nature of those facilities involve an effort that is disproportion- ate from all angles to the requirements of the islands. On the other hand, no less a matter of concern is the main- tenance ofan exclusive maritime zone around the Islands, which affects the coasts of continental Argentina. All of this seems to indicate that a new situation is emerging. A colonial Power once again, through its military facil- ities in the Territories under its administration, consti- tutes not only an obstacle to the historical process of decolonization, but at the same time a threat which will increase tension in the area. In a violent world such as ours, the construction of military bases, by its very nature, causes hotbeds oftension and potential conflicts. 72. For these reasons, and in view of the role that the United Nations must play in the maintenance of inter- national peace and security, the delegation of Peru once again appeals to the parties concerned, in particular the United Kingdom, to take the necessary steps to establish a climate conducive to effective negotiations. 73. My delegation must express its satisfaction at the fact that the Argentine Government has strictly respected the cessation of hostilities and also has responded posi- tively to the appeal of the Secretary-General to be ready to resume a dialogue on this question. 74. The delegatiQn of Peru sincerely believes that the fact that the process of democratic institutionalization has happily and successfully begun recently in the brother American Republic of Argentina-and I would like to avail myself of the opportunity to congratulate the dele- gation of Argentina on this fact-and that all sectors of the public there have repeatedly expressed readiness to negotiate gives the United Kingdom the opportunity to flnd ways and means of establishing this vital contact. 75. My delegation, as a sponsor of the draft resolution, is convinced that today, perhaps more than ever during the discus~i9non that item, it is necessary to strengthen the Secr~(ary-General'smandate, in order to enable him to helpthe parties concerned to resume negotiations and 117. Alongside flights of fancy about the nature and purpose of the new airfield and its place in my country's so-called global strategic plans, we have also heard charges that Britain's defensive dispositions on the Falkland Islands are intended as a link in a strategic alliance with South Africa across the South Atlantic. I hope that these charges will be recognized for the malicious nonsense they are. Basing themselves on rumour and anecdote, Argen- tine spokesmen have blown the new airfield out of all proportion into a monster which threatens peace and security in the South Atlantic and allegedly draws the region into an East-West conflict. They have chosen to ignore the facts which my Government has publicly volunteered. I was glad to have had an opportunity to draw attention to these public facts in a letter circulated by me on 9 November as a General Assembly docu- ment [A/38/577] which refers in turn to an earlier letter of 25 August [A/38/362]. 118. Regrettably, the President-elect of Argentina has also allowed himself to be led down this trail, in a state- ment he issued at Buenos Aires after the elections. But I am glad to acknowledge that neither he nor the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Argentina, who spoke yesterday [54th meeting], was guilty of the falsehood contained in two of the other speeches we heard on the first day of this debate, alleging hidden military collaboration with South Africa. I repeat once again what has been said on numerous occasions both here and in London: the choice of Cape Town by the contractors as a transit point for their civilian work force was decided by the contractors without the involvement of either my Government or South Africa. The decision related only to the contrac- tors' civilian work force and not to equipment or con- struction material. All construction materials will be transported direct from Britain by sea. No military or service personnel will travel via Cape Town. There is no change in my Government's policy of non-collaboration in military matters with South Africa. Allegations to the contrary are smear tactics. I noted that earlier in the meeting the representative of the Soviet Union enjoyed elaborating this Argentine point. He said it was all part of a world-wide imperialist conspiracy based upon a scheme of the United States ofAmerica. I wonder whether my colleague from the Soviet Union has private and advance information that the United States delegation is about to change its vote on the draft resolution before us from the way in which it voted last year. Perhaps. 119. In a"further flight of fancy the Minister for Foreign AffairsofArgentina acCused the United Kingdom ofbeing in breach of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear
Exactly 18 years ago 15 Latin American countries, including Panama, submitted to the twentieth session of the General Assembly a draft resolution entitled "Question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas)", which was adopted by an overwhelming majority [resolution 2065 (XX)]. 139. In that resolution, the first adopted by the Gen- eral Assembly on the question of the Malvinas Islands, the Assembly noted the existence of a dispute between the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom concerning sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands and invited both Governments to proceed without delay with the negotiations recommended by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the problem, bearing in mind t!.e provisions and objectives of the Charter of the lhtited Nations and of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and the interests of the population of the Malvinas Islands. 140. Subsequently, on 20 December 1966, on 19 Decem- ber 1967, on 16 December 1969 and on 20 December 1971, the General Assembly arrived at consensuses relat- ing to the question of the Malvinas Islands and called upon the parties to pursue their efforts to reach a finai settlement of the dispute as soon as possible. The Gen- eral Assembly again expressed its views on 14 December 1973, in resolution 3160 (XXVIII), where it stated its grave concern at the fact that eight years had elapsed since the adoption of resolution 2065 (XX) without any substan- tial progress having been made in the negotiations and, therefore, it declared the need to accelerate the negotia- tions called for in resolution 2065 (XX). 141. In resolution 31/49, adopted on 1 December 1976, the General Assembly again requested the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom to expedite the negotiations concerning the sovereignty dispute relating to the question of the Malvinas Islands. In accordance with its previous decisions, on 4 November last year, the General Assembly adopted a resolution submitted by 20 Latin American countries [resolution 37/9] which requested the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom to resume negotiations in order to find as soon as possible a peaceful solution to the sovereignty dispute relating to the question of the Malvinas Islands. 142. We have quite deliberately listed the resolutions and consensuses that have been adopted by the General Assembly concerning the question ofthe Malvinas Islands in order to emphasize the exiS\tence of an entire series of facts which constitute a heritage of views put forward by the entire international communifLy supporting a nego- tiated settlement of the Malvinas Islands dispute. These cannot be discarded for purely circumstantial reasons, as the Government of the United Kingdom appears to have wished. 143. In accordance with our antf-colonialist mission and our unswerving support for the principle of the peaceful settlement ofinternational disputes we have this year-as with similar draft resolutions in tpe past-sponsored, toget.her with 19 other Latin American countries~ the draft resolution"in document A/38/L.12. In our view, this draft resoluti9Ms in keeping,with the traditional line ofconduct of the Assembly on the question ofthe Malvinas Islands, because it advocates a speedy negotiated settlement to the A~sembly resolutions directly related to the question of these islands, particularly resolutions 2065 (XX), 3160 (XXVIII) and 31/49, which were intended to decolo- nize the islands and which called for talks between the United Kingdom and Argentina on this matter. 157. The massive military action carried out by the United Kingdom in 1982 for the purpose of maintaining its colonial domination over the Falkland Islands (Mal- vinas) is a violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of the fundamental norms of international law. It created a threat to international peace and security. 158. The conflict in the South Atlantic has demon- strated with renewed fCirce the need to put an end as quickly as possible to the vestiges of colonial domination in all places where unfortunately they are still to be found. This conflict once again clearly showed to the entire world that imperialism, in its insistent efforts at any cost to maintain peoples in colonial slavery, will spare no aggres- sive actions, and is unhesitatingly prepared to apply armed might, including the newest weapons, to achieve its adventuristic goals. This conflict shows why imperial- ism really needs the arms race, an arms race which it so insistently defends in spite of the massively expressed will ofits own peoples and of the peoples of the entire world. 159. "The conflJct in the South Atlantic has unmasked the treacherous role of American imperialism." This was written in the Argentine newspaper C/ar(n at the begin- ning of this year. It was stated in the Panamanian paper Matutino that "The moral support and material assistance given by the United States k :Britain is like a stab in the back to all of Latin America. The Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance is not even worth the paper it is written on." In this connection we might recall the Washington- inspired invasions of Guatemala, the Dominican Repub- lic, Cuba and Grenada. We might recall the gunboat diplomacy now being carried out against Nicaragua and we might r..:"Jall the suppression of the national liberation movements in El Salvador and other countries of Cen- tral America. 160. The war in the South Atlantic has unmasked the essence ofthe military strategic goals of NATO by show- ing that the imperialist Powers are pursuing far-reaching geopolitical goals with regard to various regions and their adjacent seas, and that they are increasing their arma- ments i~ order to achieve those goals. 161. The situation in the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) which has arisen in the period following last year's discus- Germ~n Democratic Republic understands the growing concern ofthe Latin American States and peoples and advocates a settlement on the basis ofthe Charter ofthe United Nations and the Political Declaration ofthe Sev- enth Conference of Heads of State or Government of pu.~on in the resumption ofthe negotiations between the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom [A/38/495]. All this has fully testified to the strong desire of the international community for a peaceful and rational settlement of the dispute over the Malvinas Islanus. 181. The claim of sovereignty by Argentina over the Malvinas Islands has won consistent sympathy and sup- port from the Latin American countries and the non- aligned countries. The confereru.:es of the non-aligned countries and of the OAS have adopted resolutions on many occasions to support the Argentine claim. The Political Declaration adopted at the Seventh summit Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi last March, and the Final Communique adopted at the Meeting of Ministers and Heads of Delegations of the Non-Aligned Countries to the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, held in New York in October of this year, both reaffirmed the Non-Aligned Movement's "firm support for the Republic of Argentina's right to have its sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands restituted through negotiations . . . and reaffirmed the necessity for all parties to take due account of the interests of the population on the Islands" [See A/38/132, annex, sect. I, para 156]. 182. The Chinese Government and the Chinese people always firmly support the third world countries and peoples in their just struggles for safeguarding State sovereignty and territorial integdty. We maintain that the Argentine claim of sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands should be respected by the international community. The relevant resolution adopted by the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly [resolution 37/9) should be implemented. We support the Secretary-General in his renewed efforts of good offices. The question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) is an issue inherited from history between Argentina and the United Kingdom. We hope that both parties will resume as soon as possible their negotiations on the dispute of sovereignty over the Mal- vinas Islands in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly so as to find a just and reason- able settlement to this problem through peaceful negotia- tions. This is not only in accord with the interests of the peoples of Argentina and the United Kingdom but is also conducive to the maintenance of peace in the South Atlantic and the world as a whole. 183. Mr. QUINONES-AMEZQUITA (Guatemala) (interpretation from Spanish): Once again we are dis- .cussing the case of the Malvinas. A year ago in the Assembly we heard the voice of Latin America raised to demand justice for Argentina's cause, which is now America's cause. We have witnessed the inexorable pas- sage of time and we are distressed to note that talks to fmd a solution to the problem of sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands have not yet begun. The patience of the peoples cannot be taxed. To do so leads to conflicts that leave behind them resentments that require years before they are forgotten and sufferings which cannot be foretold. 184. Once again we urge the parties to begin construc- tive talks to find a peaceful solution. 185. Guatemala, believing that disputes must be settled through peaceful means, is again among tire sponsors of a draft resolution. However, we wonder how long one of Defe~ce, Michael Heseltine, regarding their future stra- tegIc Importance. 211. In denouncing here that militaristic policy, which ~ffec,ts the peace and stabi~ty of Lati!! America, Argen- tIna IS merely demonstratIng to the Internationar com- munity the true intentions of the British Government. It is not the denunciation made by my country that contrib- utes to tension in the area, but the British Government's decisions designed to maintain its illegal occupation of the Malvinas, obstructing the achievement of a just, peaceful, permanent solution to the issue. 212. The Permanent Representative ofthe United King- dom during this meeting quoted resolutio:l1514 (XV) as the fundamental decision of the General Assembly in the decolonization process. He seemsto forget that the British Government abstained from the vote on that resolution on 14 I?ecember 1~60. He also forgets that his country's delegatIon at that tIme stated that the self-determination of peoples was not a right, but only a principle. 213. The Permanent Representative of the United King- dom also says that we must respect the right to self- determination of the inhabitants of the Malvinas. On the other hand, he affIrms that the Malvinas are a sovereign British territory. It cannot be denied that the United Kingdom delegation is guilty of serious contradictions which have nothing whatsoever to do with the true situa- tion of the Malvirias. The Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom forgets that his own country in 1946 put ~he. Malvin~. on ~he list of Non-Self-Governing Temtooes. He IS Ignonng the fact that all decisions of the United Nations on the question clearly recognize the existence of a sovereignty dispute between my coun- try and the United Kingdom, and the fact that all have ri~ht of r~ply, the representative of the United Kingdom SaId that In my statement I had made a factual error in talking about tite construction of a military base in the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). I wish to quote from what I said: "There is the growth of anew, sinister military base of a NATO member." To deny the accuracy of that phrase would be to state that the UflJted Kingdom is not a NATO member, or that it intends to leave that Organ- ization in the near future. 217. Mr. MARGETSON (United Kingdom): I have a distinct memory that the representative of the Byelorus- sian Soviet Socialist Republic hesitated and slipped in his delivery of his speech at the passage in question. I think he used the words-I wrote them down-"a NATO base", but I shall certainly withdraw what I said if he did not intend to use those words. 218. However, the repres~ntativeof the German Demo- cratic Republic did not stumble at a similar passage in his speech, and I wrote down his words, which were "a NATO military base". 219. In exercise of his right of reply, the representative of Argentina spoke about United Nations resolutions and the right to self-determination. What he said added no~hingto the argu~entsadvanced so far in this debate, whIch were dealt WIth carefully and at length in the statement of Sir John Thomson this afternoon. 220. As for the remarks about British military strategy, I can only suppose that the representative of Argentina did not listen with complete concentration to the state- ment by Sir John Thomson at this meeting. There is an element of surrealist fantasy in such talk. I am sorry that the representative of Argentina cOJ1tinues to attempt to perpetuate it. May I in all sincerity invite him to read Sir John Thomson's statement. 221. Mt. MUNIZ (Argentina) (interpretation from Spanish): It is understandable that it is annoying when 222. I do not think it is necessary for me to dwell on the other points that have just been raised, since we have NOTES