A/38/PV.58 General Assembly

This morning the Assembly will hear an address by the President of the State of Israel. 2. I call on the representative of Iraq on a point of order. 3. Mr. AL-Z.AHAWI (Iraq): Mr. President, in view of the announcement that you have just made, I should like .to inquire as to the meaning of the term "State of Israel". Taking into consideration the numerous past resolutions of the General Assembly and other organs of the United Nations, surely the term would not and should not be construed, as Israel alleges, in any manner which runs counter to the clear-cut meaning and definition spelt out in United Nations resolutions which categorically declare, interaiia, that the annexation of Jerusalem and the dec- laration by Israel that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel are null and void and that the occupation and annexation of Palestinianand other Arab territories by Israel are null and void and contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the rule of international law. 4. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): In reply to the question raised by the representative of Iraq, I must state, as President of the General Assembly, that Mr. Chaim Herzog is on this day attending the General Assembly as President of his cbuntry, assuming the per- sonality of the State of Israel as admitted to the United Nations on 11 May 1949. Therefore, the presence of President Herzog here in this Hall in no way prejudices the resolutions ofthe General Assembly and other organs of the United Nations system in respect of the situation in the Middle East, the inalienable rights of the Pales- tinian people and any other matters on which resolutions havebeen adopted in this Organization; nor does it affect the positions taken in the Assembly by the Member States. I believe that the same applies to the visit by Heads of State or Government of any other Member State. 5. Therefore, we shall follow the tradition established by the General Assembly. 6. On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the hcnour to welcome to the United Nations Mr. Chaim Herzog, President ofthe State of Israel, and to invite him to address the Assembly. 7. Mr. HERZOG (Israel): Mr. President, I rise with no small sense of nostalgia to address the General Assembly and in so doing I take the opportunity to congratulate you, a former colleague of mine in the United Nations, on your election to the presidency of the Assembly and to wish you well. 8. As I look out at the Assembly I am grieved and pained to note that the politics of fear still persists. Here, in the demonstrative departure from this Hall of the representatives of some countries, is summed up in the NEW YORK most succinct manner the problem that Israel faces in the Middle East. Here one sees the problem of the unwilling- ness of nations to listen to each other, to enter into a dialogue, to try to understand each other. There are countries whose representatives have left this Hall which apply for, and receive, technical and agricultural aid from Israel, which send students to train in Israel, yet which have left this Hall for no other reason than fear. 9. Here the Assembly has been exposed in the most dramatic and telling manner to the core of the problem of the Middle East: an unwillingness to talk, to negotiate; a fear of being exposed to the other side's views. The politics of fear, assassination, intimidation, threat and subversion which motivate all too many countries in the world in general and in our Middle East region in par- ticular are reflected in the.behaviour of so many dele- gations to the Assembly. 10. For years, since the establishment of the State of Israel, representative after representative of our Govern- ment, myself included, have stood before the Assembly and decl.ared that our conflict with our Arab neighbours cannot be solved on the field of battle, that it can be resolved only at the negotiating table. We have main- taineu that we are. prepared to negotiate on all issues without prior conditions. 11. For years we maintained that dialogue was the only road to peace and that negotiations, however protracted and difficult, must lead t6 positive results. For years we maintained that no advance could be made without nego- tiations and that no negotiations had ever taken place between ourselves and our Arab neighbours without an advance being made. And then, one day, a great man arose in the Middle East and accepted our challenge. The late lamented President Anwar Sadat of Egypt came to Jerusalem, addressed the Knesset, set forth his demands and entered into negotiations. His challenge was taken up by the Government of Israel. The long and protracted negotiations which ensued, with the active help and his- toric involvement of the United States Government and its President, led ultimately to the signing of the Israeli- Egyptian Peace Treaty and to the Camp David accords, setting out the guidelines for a solution to the Palestinian Arab question. All the territory of Sinai was returned by Israel to Egypt. 12. Today the border with Egypt is open. Israeli tourists frequent Egyptian resorts in Sinai. A bus leaves Tel-Aviv every morning, arriving in Cairo at midday. True, there are problems. Not all developments have been as we would have wished them, but the machinery of nego- tiation and dialogue exists in the Israeli Embassy at Cairo and in the Egyptian Embassy in Israel. It is sobering and sad indeed to reflect that the United Nations, dedicated, as it is supposed to be, to the peace of the world and to the achievement of peaceful relations between nations, condemned an agreement the most tangible result of which has been the fact that since President Sadat's historic visit to Jerusalem on 19 November 1977 not one Israeli or Egyptian soldier has died in t.he Sinai or on the Israeli-Egyptian border. Because of the process of peace set in motion by President Sadat's visit, there is not one 31. I take this opportunity to call on Egypt to return to negotiations on the autonomy arrangements and to call

The question of the situation in South-East Asia is the suboject of discussion in the Genelral Assembly f~~' the fourth time in a row. The delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria attaches great importance to this debate which should permit us to proceed to a detailed and objective analysis of the situation prevailing in that part of the world and to give due attention to the concrete ideas and proposals aimed at a just and lasting settlement of the problems there. 46. We must state once again today that the situation in South-East Asia continues to be complicated and tense. The course of events during the present year shows once again that the imperialist and hegemonist forces have not renounced their attempts to take strategic revenge and to put this region back into their economic and political orbit. 47. It is common knowledge that the United States considers, and has for ,a long time considered, this region as a rather important military post for aggressive acts against the socialist and democratic forces and the move- ments of national liberation. South-East Asia is the area which, in the plans of the Pentagon, constitutes the key link in the whole system of United States bases in Asia and the Pacific. It is precisely this area which, according to United States evaluations, constitutes a point of departure for rapid intervention operations in the Persian Gulf, the Indian Ocean, the Middle East and elsewhere, wherever the famous "vital interests" of Washington might appear to be threatened. 48. These imperial considerations determine the concrete policy of the most powerful Western State towards the different countries of South-East Asia. It is an open secret that in the present phase the cutting edge of this policy is directed at the three progressive countries of Indo-China, that is, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Lao People's Democratic Republic. 49. The People's Republic of Kampuchea is one of the principal targets of this policy. Washington grants massive military, economic and political support to the remnants of the Pol Pot gangs which have found refuge along the border between Thailand and Kampuchea. With its direct participation, there has been formed the so-called "coalition government" made up of all types .... I *Rcsl,lmed from the 55th·meeting. 55. It is clear that a new political realityhas been created in South-East Asia, a reality which is increasingly influ- encing international relations in the direction of peace, good-neighbourliness and international security. It is a reality that cannot be underestimated. 56. At the international level, tile Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic ofKampuchea are pursuing a rational policy of peace, a policy whose keystone is the normali- zation of the situation in South-East Asia and the estab- w.hment in the region of relations ofpeaceful coexistence and mutually advantageous co-operation. Between Jan- uary 1980 and July 1983 the Foreign Ministers of those countries held s~ven meetings, adopting a detailed, complex and realistic programme to improve the political climate in the region and to turn the region into a zone of peace and stability. There has been a great inter- national response to the programme, and its construc- tive measures are well known to all. 57. In the commun:que issued at the latest of those meetings rA/38/316) the three States of Indo-China re- affIrmedtheirwillingness to begin, withoutpre-conditions, a dialogue with the ASEAN countries, and they stated their readiness to examine any proposal concerning the agenda and the participants in those discussions. They also proposed that the decisions of the Seventh Con- ference of Heads ofState or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983 [seeA/38/132 andCO".1and2] , should serve as the basis for any possible discussions. The three Indo-Chinese States indicated their willingness to include in the dis- cussions the ASEAN States' idea of creating in South- East Asia a "zone of peace, freedom and neutrality". 58. The declaration of tbe Socialist Republic of Viet Nati~, 1?,mlofthe People's I~epUblICofKampuchea on the presentt' of Vietnamese army volunteers in Kampuchea and thl~ deci!lions taken on the withdrawal each year of a i'lortion of th~se volunteers were apprr--ciated as signs of good will. W.nat is more, two withdrawals of Viet- namese contingen~ have alreadyt~en place, in July 1982 and May 1983. The communique specifIcally states that it has been agreed that all the Vietnamese contingents will be withdrawn once the external threat has been removed. 59. We are absolutely convinced that the constructive initiatives of the countries of Indo-China accord with the vital interests ofall the peoples of South-East Asia. They take into account the political realities of the region, and have been dictated by the sincere desire of those coun- tries to reduce tension and prevent the eruption ofa new crisis in this part of the world, which has already suf- fered so much. These initiatives are based on the belief that there is no objective reason for hostilities and con- flicts between the countries ofASEAN and those of Indo- China. In order to normalize the international climate in the region it is obviously particularly important that these proposals receive a prompt response from those to whom they are addressed. The situatioI1 will deteriorate still more ifpre-conditions continue to be set, ifcompromise solutions are not sought, and if ultimatums are presented. 60. My delegation reiterates that there is only oite way to solve the problems of South-East Asia-that of im- mediate negotiation based upon the principles ofequality, non-interference in the internal affairs of each country,' mutual respect for the legitimate interests of all the parties, and peaceful coexistence. K~lllpuchea,the sole genuine, true authority in Phnom Penh and throughout the country, and to disinter the political corpses of Sihanouk, Pol Pot and company, giving them the status ofGovernment and State: the Gov- ernment of a State with neither territory nor population. 72. Those i.hat attempt to maintain this fiction and to use it as a basis for regional policy are not promoting peace or stability. Attempts to isolate and blockade the countries of Indo-China can in the long run only harm the authors of those attempts. Peaceful coexistence on the basis of mutual respect and non-interference in the internal affairs of others constitutes a first step on the path to a future of peace and security and of mutually beneficial, and undoubtedly necessary and fruitful, . co-operation. 73. It is peace and security that are most ardently desired by the peoples of South-East Asia. It will be possible to attain those noble objectives only through a natural and irreversible process of mutual trust, which can lay the foundations for understanding and co-opera- tion beneficial to all parties and will have great historical significance for peace and security in that region ;.lnd other regions of the world. The peoples of Kampuchea, Laos and Viet Nam have tirelessly reiterated the fact that all the disputes among the peoples of the region can be settled through negoHations on the basis of the prin- ciples of equality, non-interference in internal affairs and respect for the legitimate interests of all parties. Mr. E/sheikh (Sudan), Vice-President, took the Chair. 74. Statements of this kind have been made at summit meetings and conferences of the Foreign Ministers of the Indo-Chinese countries. In the communique issued by the Seventh Conference of the Foreign Ministers of Laos, Kampuchea and Viet Nam, held in July 1983 at Phnom Penh [A/38/316), the three Indo-Chinese countries re- ,affirmed the need for dialogue, without pre-conditions, between the two groups of countries: the ASEAN coun- tries and the Indo-Chinese countries. They further reiterated their readiness ,to accept the ASEAN proposal concerning a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in Asia as a starting point for deliberations between the applie..~ both to the ASEAN countries and to the countries of Indo-China, and in our view demonstrates a growing desire for dialogue. In this context the partial withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea must be an en- couraging factor in the negotiating process. 78. Other important factors promoting a climate con- ducive to the establishment of peace in South-East Asia are no doubt the efforts made by the Secretary-General to promote consultations am~mg the States of the region and the stated desire of many countries outside the region to contribute to the successful development ofthat process. 79. All this is preparing the framework within which the Member States of the United Nations can unite their efforts to have the General Assembly support. and encourage a rapid start to negotiations, by uring all the countries of the region to adopt a constructive position taking into account their shared interests, and all other States to contribute to the attainment ofthese important objectives and to refrain from any action that might obstruct the process of understanding, which has already begun among the countries of South-East Asia. 80. Cuba hopes that the increasing awareness on the part of all States concerned that in South-East Asia there is an objective possibility for mutual understanding and that any course other than dialogue can only serve to prolong the situation of tension and instability in that (m:plosive region, will bring nearer the day when the beautiful dream of all the peoples in the region to live in peace will become a reality. 81. Mr. HOLLAI (Hungary): Developments inSoutll- East Asia can hardly be understood without bearing in mind the events of history and of the recent past. n. The region today urgently needs the elimination of political tension. The problems that generate tension can be found mainly in the relations between two groups of countries which are bound together by a shared historical underst~mding, which now appears to be emerging. 85. It is indisputablethat with the persistence ofexternal interference, which is now manifest mainly in the use of political, diplomatic and economic means, solidarity among and co-operation between the countries concerned have assumed particular significance. We welcome the strengthening of co-operation between the three socialist countries of Indo-China not only because closer unity enables them to resist foreign interference with greater success but also because, proceeding from our knowledge of history, we regard this tendency as a positive devel- opment towards peace and co-operation in the region as a whole. 86. Since we are following with attention the development of the Socialist RepJ!~lic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Repuo:~c and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, we can safely say that those countries have a clear understanding of the lessons of their common past. This is evidenced first and foremost by their peace-loving and non-aligned foreign policies serving the cause of peace and peaceful coexi~tence. 87. In their relations with each other the ".<lee Indo- Chinese countries are striving to strengthen mutuall:oli- darity and to expand co-operation in all areas. As was reaffirmed by their latest summit meeting at Vientianr. [A/38/98], they are building their relations by having due regard for each other's interests and seeking to resolve their problems by way of negotiations, in a spirit of mutual understanding and on the basis of respect for national sovereignty. We are convinced that the principles they have laid down to guide their relations are correct and may serve as a basis for the settlement of the prob- lems of the whole regioD. The diplomatic initiatives of those countries reflect, readiness to conduct their relations with the other nations ofthe region on the basis of the correct principles applied in their relations with each other. Their initiatives are indicativ,~ of sincere endeavours to establish friendly and good..neighbourly relations with the members ofASEAN. Their policies are aimed at finding solutions, at the negotiating table and with mutual regard for each other's interests, to the th~ genocide of a whole people, the people of Kampu- chea, the aim of that experiment being to convert the country into a springboard for their expansion in the region. Today, those imperialist and hegemonist circles, having failed to learn the lessons of the recent past, continue their adventurist course by intervening in the internal affairs of the South-East Asian countries. Some have unilaterally declared the region a zone linked with their vital interests, but all of them, following their so- called parallel strategic interests, are trying to eliminate the historic conquests of the three peoples and countries of Indo-China, and are increasing tension in the region. To this end, they intensify their propagandistic hysteria around the so-called question ofKamptt'Chea which has, in fact, already been resolved, and to the benefit of the people of Kampuchea itself, thanks to the help, assistance and support of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. ~;. South-East Asia continues to be a cause of concern for all who are anxious to see the strengthening of peace and security in Asia and the whole world. The Soviet delegation feels that the United Nations cannot stand aloof from efforts aimed at normalizing the situation in South-East Asia. Therefore we fully support considera- tion at the current session of the General Assembly of the question of peace, stability and co-operation in South- East Asia. 122. There are various explanations for the continuance of tension in that region. 123. According to one view, the basis of everything is the alleged failure to settle the so-called question of Kam- puchea and the presence of Vietnamese volunteers in the People's Republic of Kampuchea. 124. We, however, hold a different opinion inasmuch as the question ofKampuchea was resolved five years ago when the Kampuchean people overthrew the Pol Pot regime and the country set out on its path of national rebirth. This is the process that is being actively furthered by the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. The temporary presence of Vietnamese volunteers in Kampuchea ensures that country's security and eliminates the threat of a return of the former regime of bloody genocide. 125. If one looks at thin,gs objectively, one can hardly fail to recognize that the true reason for the tense and unstable relations in South-East Asia is the continuing 146. Of course, the trend towards negotiation and improved relations among the two groups of South-East Asian countries can advance and develop only if the ASEAN countries adopt a more realistic position and do not strive to impose their own one-sided pre-conditions of negotiation on the countries of Indo-China. Unfortu- nately, such attempts are continuing, but international prac::tice shows that the establishment of good-neigh- bourly relations on the basis of mutual respect for sover- eignty, territorial integrity, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit is the true, correct path which alone can lead to the settlement ofthe region's problems and convert South-East Asia into a zone of per.ce, stability and co-operation. 147. We hope that discussion of this question at the current session of the General Assembly will make a positive contribution to the 'development of dialogue between the countries of Indo-China and the members of ASEAN and contribute to normalizing the situation in South-East Asia. 148. Mr. THIOUNN Prasith (Democratic Kampuchea) (interpretation/rom French): Since 1979, at every session, the General Assembly has adopted resolutions condemn- ing the Vietnamese invasion and occupation ofKampuchea and demanding the total and unconditional withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea in order to make it possible for its people to exercise its inalienable right to self-determination without any foreign interference. Those resolutions, always adopted by an overwhelming, four-fifths majority, stress that only a comprehensive political solution to the problem of Kampuchea will make it possible to establish a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia, in accordance with the wishes of all the countries of the region. On 27 October -just two weeks ago-by adopting resolution 38/3 the General Assembly reiterated that firm position with remarkably consistent strength. 149. Furthermore, since the item which we were con- sidering has been on its agenda, the General Assembly has never been able to take any decision on the question. The reason for this is clear and the verdict allows of no appeal: peace, stability and co-opc;ation in South-East Asia will be possible only when Viet Nam applies the rPvlevant United Nations resolutions on Kampuchea and resp~cts the Charter of the United Nations. 150. To this reasonable, clear, just and firm position of the General Assembly, Viet Nam has always responded with insult and disdain. Moreover, defying world-wide condemnation, it continues to apply the law of the jungle and gangster logic in international relations. 151. While Viet Nam's representative speaks here of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia, his country continues to send new military reinforcements to Kampuchea, backed by great amounts of Soviet war material and, in the absence of military successes, it is mobilizing its forces in the border regions between Kam- puchea and Thailand in order to launch new attacks and slaughter against the civilian refugee camps dUr1il3 the forthcoming dry season. Furthermore, in spite of being bogged down in Kampuchea, Viet Nam is intensifying its crimes and repression .against the Kampuchean people and has already sent mbre than 600,000 Vietnamese set- tlers to establish themselves in Kampuchea within the framework of its Vietnamization policy with a view to while enabling them nevertheless to gauge the full arro- gant hypocrisy and bold cynicism of the main author and protagonist, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which has become a typical case. But today, when every aspect of the problem of Kampuchea resulting from the Viet- namese invasion has become clear to all, this drama no longer amuses anyone. Quite the contrary, it is tiring and offensive because by its stubborn repetition it has become an affront to all those who are sincerely dedicated to the noble ideals of peace, justice and freedom and who con- tinue to believe in the respectable and indispensable role ofthe United Nations in the safeguarding ofinternational peace and se~urity. 153. It has been clear for four years that by placing this item on the agenda of the General Assembly, Viet Nam's main objectives are: first, to divert the attention of the international community from the problem of Kampu- chea and make it forget the United Nations resolutions on that problem; secondly, to make the international community aC:0j)t the fait accompli of the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Kampuchea and thus to endorse the formation of the Indo-Chinese Federation under Viet Nam's domination, which Hanoi today euphe- mistically calls "group of Indo-Chinese countries"; thirdly, to present Viet Nam as the apostle of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia and to place responsibility for tension in the region on other countries, thus transforming Viet Nam from an instigator of wars of aggression and expansion into a victim. 154. The scenario designed and played out by Viet Nam in the General Assembly for four years now is part of a campaign oflies, falsifications and manoeuvrings aimed at the same objectives and includes, inter alia, the pro- posal f~r a so-called regional conference or international conference on South-East Asia, the clamour over the so- The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m. NOTES 1See Al361586. annex. 2See AlC.1I1019. 3United Nations, Treaty series. vol. 1025, No. 15063. p. 319.