A/38/PV.72 General Assembly

Before I call on the first speaker, I should like to propose that the list of speakers on this item be closed this after- noon at 6 o'clock. May I take it that there is no objection to that proposal? It was so decided. 2. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): I now call on the acting President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Mr. Mohamed Sahnoun, of Alge- ria, who wishes to introduce the report of the Council [A/38/24]. 3. Mr. SAHNOUN (Algeria), Acting President of the United Nations Council for Namibia: On behalf of the United Nations Council for Namibia I should like, first, to convey to you, Sir, our warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly and to thank you for the outstand- ing and effective manner in which you have guided the deliberations of the session. 4. I should like also to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General for his keen awareness of the problems facing the United Nations-particularly the problem of Namibia-and his continued effort towards their solu- tion, and for his determination to strengthen the role and effectiveness of the Organization. 5. Since the statement of the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia at the thirty-seventh ses- sion of the General Assembly [101st meeting], there has unfortunately been no progress on the issue of Namibian independence. Seventeen years after the United Nations terminated the Mandate of the apartheid regime in Preto- ria over Namibia, that regime is still in illegal occupation of the Territory. In that period, the General Assembly, the Security Council, the United Nations Council for Namibia and several international conferences have per- sistently underlined the responsibility of the international community towards the people of Namibia and have demanded the unconditional withdrawal from the Terri- tory of the racist South African regime. 6. One such occasion on which the i.lternational com- munity pronounced itself was the recent International NEW YORK Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namib- ian People for Independence, held in Paris from 25 to 29 April 1983. As the legal Administering Authority for Namibia until independence, the United Nations Council for Namibia organized that important Conference, which adopted the historic Paris Declaration. J In that Declara- tion, the Conference drew attention to the critical situa- tion in and around Namibia resulting from the apartheid regime's oppressive and aggressive policies, and articu- lated ways of intensifying concrete action by the inter- national community in support of the struggle of the people of Namibia for self-determination under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organi- zation [SWAPO], their sole authentic representative. In the Declaration, the Conference denounced the South African regime's massive military build-up in Namibia and its increased acts of armed aggression and military, political and economic destabilization against the front- line States. The Conference firmly rejected continued attempts to establish "linkage" between the independence of Namibia and the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola and called upon the Security Council to meet at the earliest possible opportunity to consider action towards the implementation of Security Council resolu- tion 435 (1978). 7. On 31 May 1983, the Security Council met and unan- imously adopted its resolution 532 (1983), by which it reaffirmed the [egal responsibility of the United Nations over Namibia and the primary responsibility of the Secu- rity Council for ensuring the implementation of its reso- lutions, induding the holding of free and fair elections in Namibia under the supervision and control of the United Nations. In that resolution, the Security Council condemned South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia, an occupation which is in flagrant defiance of resolutions of the General Assembly and decisions of the Security Council. It called upon South Africa to make a firm commitment as to its readiness to comply forthwith with Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and to co-operate fully with the Secretary-General in order to expedite the implementation of that resolution. 8. As representatives will recall, the Security Council met again in October 1983 and adopted resolution 539 (1983). In that resolution, the Security Council once more expressed its indignation at South Africa's refusal to comply with the Council's resolutions and. in particular, at the racist regime's insistence on the irrelevant and extraneous issue of "linkage", which as obstructed the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). It reiterated that that resolution is the only basis for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian question. 9. No doubt representatives are aware that this is the thirty-seventh year that the question of Namibia has been among the dominant concerns of the General Assembly. Nor need I remind members of the Assembly that it is over five years since the Security Council adopted reso- lution 435 (1978), endorsing the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, a plan which had been agreed to by the two parties to the conflict, namely, South Africa and SWAPO. We are almost at the end of 1983 co••• to continue to seek suitable means for the imme- diate and full implementation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) in all Territories that have not yet attained independence and, in particular: "(a) To formulate specific proposals for the elimi- nation of the remaining manifestations of colonial- ism ..." 25. In continuing to perform these tasks in relation to the question of Namibia, the Special Committee took into consideration the various relevant resolutions of the Gen- eral Assembly, particularly resolutions 37/233 A to E concerning this question, as well as the relevant decisions of the Security Council and the United Nations Council for Namibia. 26. As will be noted from the report, during 1983 the Special Committee once again examined in depth devel- opments relating to the question of Namibia, with the active participation of the presiding officer of the United Nations Council for Namibia and representatives of SWAPO. 27. As reflected in paragraph 17 of chapter VIII of the report, the Special Committee noted with great concern that the situation in and relating to Namibia had con- tinued to deteriorate because of South Africa's refusal to comply with the relevant decisions and resolutions of the United Nations and in particular because of the tactics and manoeuvres employed by South Africa to perpetuate its illegal domination of that Territory and to impose an "internal settlement" on the Namibian people. The apart- heid regime of South Africa is thus responsible for a situation which seriously threatens international peace and security. 28. Owing to the intransigence of South Africa, its continued failure to implement Security Council resolu- tion 435 (1978), its massive military buildup in Namibia and its repeated acts of armed aggression against the Namibian people, the Special Committee observed that it was more imperative than ever for the United Nations to reassert its legal responsibility in the matter and take urgent steps to bring about faithful and unqualified com- pliance by the racist regime with the decisions of the United Nations in order to enable the people of Namibia to exercise without further delay their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. 29. In reaffirming once again that Namibia is the direct responsibility of the United Nations, the Special Commit- tee condemned South Africa's continued illegal occupa- tion ofthe Territory, its brutal repression ofthe Namibian people and its persistent violation of their human rights, as well as its efforts to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. 30. The Special Committee reaffirmed the inalienable right of the people of the Territory to self-determination and independence in a united Namibia, and the legitimacy of their struggle by all means at their disposal against the illegal occupation of their territory. independep.~ colony yearning for decolonization. No doubt, the proponents and apologists who convened that Conference in the scramble for Africa will continue to try to justify that abominable process which legalized the colonial conquest and domination of }\frica. They will urge our people and their supporters to be patient and realistic, pleading for more time, as if there is no limit to our patience, which has been sorely tested for far too long. 52. It will be recalled that last year, at the Assembly's thirty-seventh session [102nd meeting], I repeated a well- known fact: that the illegal regime of apartheid South Africa had already turned Namibia into an armed for- tress, controlled and terrorized daily by the marauding apartheid agents. We reported that by March 1981 the racist occupation forces had reached the alarming number of 100,000 troops and paramilitary police in Namibia, providing the astounding concentration of one racist soldier for every 12 Namibians. Since 1972, 80 per cent of the Namibian population has been living in martial- law areas. From time to time, a state of emergency is declared in order to provide a pretext for more repression. Pretoria's colonial governor, the so-called administrator- general, has been empowered to enact Draconian decrees to suppre1'S internal resistance. 53. I also pointed out the fact that these occupation forces not only are perpetuating colonial oppression and domination in Namibia but also are exporting into the neighbouring African States naked aggression, destabi- lization and subversiun, which they carry out in collusion with local traitors and puppets that have been recruited by the enemies of A[Rica to serve the diabolical aims of international imperiaiIsm and apartheid racism in the region. 54. The latest instrument causing untold death and destruction in Namibia is the notorious gang of thugs and butchers called by its Afrikaans name, Koevoet-·said to be a counter-insurgency unit which is carrying out the dirty work for the Botha regime. It is feared because its methods are so wholesale and genocidal that it is obvious d.evelopme!1~' It has bec~me an object of naked aggres- SIon and mIlItary occupation by the forces of racist South Africa, which play a surrogate role for imperialism. Tod~y! parts of its territory are under foreign occupation, and It IS from these bases that the racist troops provide all forms of [~ssistanceto the bandits ;,)f the puppet UNITA.5 An Angolan "white paper", which has been widely cir- c'!lated by the MPLA 6 Government, presents a clear pIcture of the extent of the destruction inflicted on the Angolan people in terms of loss of human life and prop- erty, including economic sabotage; all this is still going on. 86. We fully endorse the four points made recently by President Jose Eduardo dos Santos: first, there must be an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the racist troops occupying Angolan territory; secondly, South Africa:s. attacks on An~olamust cease; thirdly, all logistic and mIlItary support gIven to the gangs of UNITA pup- pets which are terrorizing Angolan towns must cease; and fourthly, Security Council resolution 435 (1978) must be speedily implemented in order to steer Namibia to genuine independence. 87. The recent debate on the policies ef the apartheid regime has once again shown the total rejection by the international community of this repugnant system, which continues to constitute a crime against humanity. The Geneml Assembly has categorically rejected the so-called constitutional reforms, the fraudulent all-white referen- dum and the whole basis of the neo-colonialist new dis- pensation. Any dispensation which is designed precisely to restructure the apartheid system and racial tyranny, impede the emergence of universal suffrage, permanently deny the black majority their birthright to citizenship in their own land and foment political strife must be rejected. The valiant people of South Africa, led by their national liberation movement, wiH persevere in their heroic struggle to secure majority rule based on democ- racy and justice. We stand shoulder to shoulder with them in their struggle to achieve that national goal. Our close solidarity with ANC is enduring; it is founded on the noble principles emanating from the bitter experiences of the battlefield, and we intend to promote and strengthen further the existing ties of comradeship and co-operation. 88. SWAPO fully supports the demands of the fraternal people of Palestine, led by the Palestine Liberation Organ- ization, for the restoration of their national and just rights, including in particular the establishment of all. independent State in Palestine. The latest in a series of reports concerning relations between apartheid South Africa and Zionist Israel has been submitted to the Assem- bly by the Special Committee against Apartheid [A1381 221Add. 1]. We, the oppressed, must learn from this negative eAample. That means that, as our enemies unite sp~cial military and air force units in Walvis Bay. The racist regime has also created the South West Africa Territory Force on a tribal basis, with overall command resting with the South African Defence Force. Finally, the South West Africa/Namibia police operates as an arm of the South African police. 117. It is all of the above that the major Western allies of the racist regime are supporting. It is all of the above that the United States policy of "constructive engage- ment'~ encourages. It is all of the above that transnational corporations strengthen by supporting South Africa's military establishment, buying bonds, producing ffiilitary equipment and providing loans. In fact, the National Key Points Act of 1980 aims at ensuring collaboration between commercial establishments and racist security forces in controlling key industries and installations used in the oppression of Namibia. About 633 such installa- tions, many of them owned by Western corporations, have been designated "key points" with local defence units or "industrial commandos" in South Africa and Namibia. 118. The racist regime's co!onialism is not limited to its own territory and to Namibic:1. All the sovereign States of southern Africa are threatelled and attacked by the racist armed forces. For over two years now, parts of southern Angola have been under the brutal occupation of the South African army, which has entailed heavy losses of Angolan lives and property. My Government has time and again brought the issue of South African aggression against the People's Republic of Angola to the Security Council, which has so far proved powerless to do anything to assist the victims of racist aggression. 119. The racist attacks on Angola preceded the use by Pretoria of the linkage excuse. In fact, the racists invaded Angola at precisely the moment when our bells were pro- claiming the independence of Angola in November 1975, eight years ago. In 1978, w~en the racist regime scuttled the negotiations and refused to honour Security Council resolution 435 (1978) after having agreed to it, there was no mention oflinkage. At the Geneva pre-implementation talks in January 1981 there was not a whisper about it. 120. My delegation wishes to announce and emphasize yet again that the Central Committee of the MPLA- Workers' Party, the Government and the people of the People's Republic ofAngola absolutely, totally and com- pletely, now and forever, reject the attempt by the racist regime and its ally to link the independence of Namibia with any other factor in southern Africa, least of all an issue which is the internal concern of a sovereign inde- pendent State. In fact, Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations specifically refers to non-intervention in matters which are ~ssentially within the domestic juris- diction of a State. 121. No Angolan soldier or any soldier operating from Angolan territory has ever s~t foot beyond the national borders of Angola. But mercenaries and racist soldiers from South Africa have occupied our territory with impunity. 122. The independence of Namibia has no connection, no matter how tenuous or remote, with any issue or issues which are the sole prerogati~e of the Government and 134. In the light of this, it is easier to understand why some countries, and recently such a reputable institution as the IMF, are bent on providing Pretoria, despite the relevant United Nations resolutions, with monetary, finan- cial and economic assistance which has placed in the hands of that regime the means to intensify its violence against the Namibian people. 135. This being so, what course is left for this people? The reply comes without hesitation: armed struggle for national liberation. Naturally, South Africa, which has been over-armed by the North Atlantic Treaty Organi- zation, flaunts its crushing military superiority over the other African States. Despite the embargo which was decreed by the United Nations, certain Western Powers and Israel continue to maintain military and nuclear co- operation with South Africa, which is totally unwar- ranted. But beware-the future cannot be foreseen. What are remarkable at the end of the twentieth century are the universal virtues of science, which by its; nature is essentially transmissible. A modern philosopher has said that "science necessarily can be broken down into meth- ods and universal recipes. The benefits which it offers to one can easily be acquired by others". In all events, Africa will not continue for ever to be the bottomless reservoir, the international milch cow. Furthermore, no one should doubt the indomitable strength of a people which is convinced that it is in the right and is determined to cast off the chains of oppression and foreign exploita- tion, whatever the cost. 136. My delegation has studied with particular care the documents submitted by the United Nations Council for Namibia, directed with such devotion and effectiveness by my friend, Mr. Lusaka, of Zambia. We were highly impressed by the concise and clear report which has just been made by Mr. Sahnoun, of Algeria. I should like, on behalf of my Government, and particularly on behalf of President Sassou-Nguesso, to address our warm con- gratulations to the United Nations Council for Namibia, which has done remarkable work despite the obstacles which have been constantly placed in its way by South Africa ancl all those that support it. We should like to express our gratitude to the United Nations Commis- sioner for Namibia, Mr. Mishra, whose positive actions in favour of the liberation of the Namibian people are worthy of our admiration. 137. I cannot leave this rostrum without stating how much we appreciate the tenacious efforts of the Secretary- General, who, when he took office, felt that a completely new approach should be made in order to resist the black- mail of South Africa, the purpose of which is to involve the United Nations involuntarily in its own perverse game. 142. The international community is extremely con- cerned over the failure of the efforts made in the United Nations and in other international forums to enable the people of Namibia to exercise as rapidly as possible their legitimate and inalienable right to self-determination, independence and territorial integrity. The main reason for the failure of those efforts is the intransigent position of the racist, colonialist regime in South Africa, which is given unlimited support by the United States and certain other Western countries. Despite this, we occasionally have cause to express our optimism with regard to the conclusion of an agreement on the withdrawal of South African forces from Namibian territory, but each time we are surprised to find that the racist regime continues to fabricate fictitious reasons to avoid implementing United Nations resolutions on this subject. 143. In 1978, the world again felt some optimism when the five Western States which have since become known as the contact group took the initiative of establishing a plan to achieve a peaceful solution to the Namibian problem. The adoption of the famous Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which endorsed that plan, was the source of that optimism. Many countries felt that the Western States and the transnational corporations involved had changed their attitude and had decirt~d to heed African and world public opinion calling for the granting to the Namibian people of their legitimate rights. NOTES