A/38/PV.9 General Assembly

The General Assembly will hear a statement by the Prime Minister of the Republic of India, Mrs. Indira Gandhi. I have great pleasure in welcoming her and inviting her to address the General Assembly. 2. Mrs. GANDHI (India): I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to that august office. Your long association with the United Nations and your expe- rience give us hope that during your tenure the Organi- zation will gain strength. We are glad also to see the Secretary-General by your side. His analysis ofthe current world situation deserves serious reflection. We wish success to his patient and untiring labour in the cause of world peace. 3. I welcome our newest Member, St. Kitts-Nevis. 4. I am here on a quest of peace and co-operation. I have the privilege of addressing the Assembly not only on behalf of the people of India, one of the founder Members of the United Nations. but also on behalf of 100 other members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. which met at New Delhi in March at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries and renewed their pledge to work for a world which would not be riven by distrust and hatred and for a truly international community where nations would grasp hands of friendship across geograph- ical frontiers. 5. For the last 20 years the non-aligned have customarily met once in three years, and the Chairperson has reported to the United Nations. Firm faith in the United Nations is central to the non-aligned. All members of the Non- Aligned Movement are Members. current or potential. of the United Nations. However, the United Nations is an institution, the non-aligned group a movement. The United Nations is, or ought to be, a forum for solving disputes; the Non-Aligned Movement eschews discussion of bilateral problems. But the aim is the same: to maintain peace by removing the sources of tension and to bring out the humanity in human beings. 6. At the New Delhi Conference we adopted a compre- hensive statement on the economic and political state of the world. Our views were summed up in what has now come to be called the New Delhi Message. The final paragraph says: "The crisis which confronts our civilization today is unprecedented in history. Great tasks cali for wise decisions. We appeal to the great Powers to give up mistrust, engage in sincere. forward-looking negotia- tions in a spirit of shared good faith to reach agreement on various disarmament measures and to find a way out of the deepening economic crisis which threatens NEW YORK all of us. Unitedly, the members of the Non-Aligned Movement are prepared to do everything in their power to assist in this process. The earth belongs to us all- let us cherish it in peace and true brotherhood, based on the dignity and equality of man." [See A/38/132 and Corr.} and 2.] I am here to give this message to the entire world. 7. When the non-aligned plead wit~ ~he aligned to give up confrontation and. conflict, it is not out of any pre- sumption. We are only too keenly aware of our own weaknesses. of the unnecessary discords and disputes between ourselves. But, being militarily weak, we do not have to find justification for strength. Bc~~g familiar with pain and suffering, we do not want them to increase anywhere. Our plea for peace is not out ofsuperior virtue but because peace is indispensable. because humankind now has the choice, the knowledge and the power to prevent the calamity of eAtinction. 8. Scientists, scholars and some notable soldiers have vividly described the outcome of a future nuclear war. Imagine a hundred or a thousand Hiroshimas at one time. Imagine a world with nowhere to hide and perhaps no- body left to hide. As more and more people in all coun- tries comprehend the full implications of the monstrous stockpiles of nuclear death, peace movements grow in number and beyond political ideology, driven by peoples' inmost urge to live. We can all live only if we all combine in the struggle for peace. 9. Some quarters believe that nuclear armaments can be controlled1 and deployed with exact calculation ofcost- effectiveness. Equally frightening is the preparation and willingness to use other deadly chemical. biological and other such devices. Even more disturbing is the talk in depersonalized terms of using outer space for future wars. 10. This relentless search for ever increasingly barbaric weapons systems is undertaken in the name of security. India and other non-aligned countries are convinced that only general and complete disarmament can provide real and enduring security. Nuclear-weapon Powers owe it to humanity to renounce the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons in any situation whatever. As a first step they should resume negotiations for disarmament and ban the production and testing of all nuclear weapons. 11. In four days we shall celebrate Mahatma Gandhi's one hundred and fourteenth birthday. There is renewed awareness of the continued relevance of his message of non-violence and tolerance. He said: "Man as animal is violent, but as spirit is non- violent. The moment he awakes to the spirit within he cannot remain violent. Either he progresses towards non-violence or rushes to his doom. That is why the prophets and avatars have taught the lessons of truth, harmony, brotherhood, justice-all attributes of non- violence." 12. The other major theme ofthe non-aligned is devel- opment. We are largely poor and technologically back- ward. Even the handful of the rich amongst us are not technologically self-reliant. Most of us have become free from colonial rule only in the last 35 years. Our national Assembly. 35. Since the United Nations was founded-and I have not forgotten that France was at San Francisco as one ofthe founding Members-it has filled an essential role. Whatever results it mayor may not have achieved, it has remained the one place where, in spite of Det-backs and the eternal temptation to use force, peaceful solutions have been tirelessly sought. Through the testimony of that search and that perseverance it has become the symbol of all that is best in the international community. 36. I should like to pay a tribute, Mr. President, to the wisdom ofthe thirty-eighth session which, in electing you to preside over it, has underlined the imp<?rtant p~ace occupied today by Panama, and also by Latm Amenca. 37. It is my pleasure to reaffirm here the confidence.of France in the Secretary-General; I have already met {dm several times in Paris, and my country has had the oppor- tunity to appreciate his impartiality and talent and the high-minded approach he takes to his duties..The rep0!1 he presented to the Assembly last year remams fresh m our memories. Like this year's report, it contained sug- gestions concerning the role of the Security Council, the reduction of tension, regional conflicts, disarmament, human rights and economic and social development, suggestions which I would solemnly endorse. It is on the subjects of disarmament and development that I shall now address the Assembly. 38. For more than 30 years a defacto peace based upon deterrence has prevailed between the great Powers of the northern hemisphere, whereas in various corners of the world conflicts have proliferated. There have been more than 100 such conflicts during this period. However, up to the 1970s, the world hag the feeling that it was making progress-difficult progress, uncertain progress, but nevertheless progress towards a less chaotic universe where, it was thought, underdevelopment would be over- come and peace would gain ground in the south as in the north. We now see that the gap is growing wider between the rich, who are growing ever richer in spite of the crisis, and the poor, who are growing ever poorer because of the crisis. Passing from one state ofimbalance to another, the arms race is accelerating. Human rights are still being trampled under foot. All too many conflicts remain unresolved. One crisis succeeds another and each gives rise to another-economic, monetary, strategic and cul- tural. Before our very eyes the world is being rem.ade by blood and the sword; might responds to might, and weakness entails further weakness. 39. Are we to despair ofthe efforts that have been made to fmd solutions for the problems of our world other than domination, violence or war? If the words uttered from this rostrum have any meaning, we cannot resign our- selves to that. Poverty and war are not inexorable, but the inevitable result of a false logic that we must join together to defeat. More than ever we need to realize that this must be done, at a time when fate is making a dramatic choice between peace and war. 40. Yet, what could be more simple than the hopes of the peoples of the world-hopes centred on food, cloth- ing, shelter, a free life, freedom from fear, access to knowledge, security of ownership andthe ability to pass possessions on to one's children? However legitimate such hopes may be, are they, I should like to ask, too much to ask for? ~ate~ weapgns, which neither the f~ericans nor the f!t~f~~~gi~ ~~h~~~=J~~~~d~~then:;~~I~~nn~it~~ ~~~~n:h:m~~~~~e:~ k~li~~~~fc~n1:~~~~.debating Security Council? 48. ~e.can only compare what is comparable. The idea 53. But I should like to dwell on two conflicts in which of welghmg the central weapons system on which the France is involved: the conflict in Lebanon and the con- independence and survival of my cou t t . t th flict in Chad. In Lebanon, the French are present as . t d' I C h n ry res agams e soldl'ers of peace, first wI'thin a Urn'ted Natl'ons corce, the m erme late nuc ear 10rces of t e two major Powers 11 whic~ for them constitute a mere supplement to thei; United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, and later with t fhio~ldable strategIb'c arsenal, is unacceptable. Since in fact Gthor~eernmotheenrt,coasunptartriesoaftatmheultrl~nqaUtel'ostnal°fcothrce.,. LI'nebBanel'rueset s IS a request y the Soviet Union, on what grounds 11 '" can that country expect France to give up something to act as a buffer between the opposing forces there. Has essential, namely its own national defence? Of course we it been forgotten that France contributed tG the dignified are told-and I am prepared to believe it-that this is not ~eparture of the Palestinian.soldiers and then to protect- the ~m of the request, Of course we are promised that mg the survivors of the tragIc Sabra and Shatila camps? the mcluslon of the French force at Geneva will in no We regarded this mission as an honour and we fulfilled way lead to its reduction. But ifFrance were to enter into it. As for the situation recently created by the partial with- a cal~ldathion. ikt hafshno~hing to do with, would it not be Idertahwalalfioghfttl·hneg II'nsrvaOellvil·ArmngcI'Yvili8:Dandb anYdt~eorneel'gWni~ocrrceeass ewine runmng tens 0 avmg the modernization ofits means 11 l' of defence placed und th t I f th ? W Id' have tackled this task by placing ourselves at th'" .::e:'nce er e con en 0 0 ers. ou It "'.. AY A not be taking on a responsibility which it rejects that of of peace. I proclaim loudly from this rostrum: France disrupting the world balance? ' has no enemy in Lebanon. It is protecting its nationals as it must. That is all. Its wish is for the Lebanese t~ 49. My country is independent. Its deterrent force obeys h . the orders of the President of the Republic alone. Its manage to overcome t err divisions within the framework loyalty to the Atlantic alliance does not affect its auton- of their institutions and respect for their legitimate au- omy. It respects the great Russian people and wI'shes to thorities, for Lebanon to regain its independence sover- eignty and unity and for the United Nations to broaden m~ntain t~e ag~-old good relations linking us. It has its mission as soon as possible, if necessary, in line with neither the mtention nor the means-and it does not wish the 0 als fit lead De f th C f h ' 'I pr pos 0 re evan ers. parture 0 e 10reign or t em-to Impose Its aw by force ofarms. It possesses armies will make it unnecessary to mainw'n an I'nterna- weapons for its own defence, no more, no less. It would .bonal security force. not understand a monopoly of intermediate nuclear forces in Europe being agreed to for the Soviet Union 54. As regards Chad, we went to that country at a time in particular, which is the case today, and it hopes that when it was the victim of external aggression, at the mutua! conc~sions between the two Geneva partners will request of the Government recognized by the interna- mak~ ~t pOSSible to end that mC!nopoly, while creating tional community and in accordance with Article 51 of conditIOns for a new balance, which I fervently hope for. the Ch~er of the United Nations and Security Council This presupposes a continued tireless search for a mid- resolution 387 (1976). Our efforts today are aimed at point from which we shall be able to see whether prefer- media~ion! and as a !J1atter C?f priority mediation by the ence has been given to reduction of tensions rather than Orgamzatlon of Afncan Urnty lOA U], making possible ~~.th~o::::~~~:~:n~e must consider the whole pI'cture ~f:s:~f~~i~~:'::: ~~~:o~~~~~e: ~1c~~~~~~ , to guarantee the integrity of Chad and the withdrawal we must not forget that several conflicts, the direct or of, foreign armies. Then, I assure the Assembly, France indirect results of the policy of blocs, or stirred up or II t d I b h h \ ! I aggravated by such a policy, are giving rise to concern. WI no e ay yone our t e repatriation of its troops. I have mentioned the OAU, thus indicating France's 51. The unjustifiable destruction of a South Korean interes~ in r~gional effo~s, which are an excellent way civilian aircraft by a Soviet military aircraft leads us to of dealing With the conflicts. I could have praised in this deplore the contempt for moral standards and the tragic regard, the action undertaken in another part of th~ world absence of laws strong enough to make the perpetration by the Contadora Group, and I can think of many other ofsuch an act impossible. I hope that France's proposals examples. to ICAO will finally be heeded. 55. It is time, at this stage of my statement, to come 5~. '!Jut be~ond this event, how many unacceptable back to strategic nuclear armaments in the world. We can- Situations eXist, how many countries are occupied or not reject the idea-and I do not-that the five nuclear threaten.ed by foreign armies and how many peoples on Powers should together debate, when the t:""e comes a all contments are prevented from choosing their own permanent limitation of their strategic syste;;. We m~st dthrestiny h , Afrfo~ Central America to South-East Asia, tfihelrdefore set out clearlythe conditions for progress in this oug. nca, the Middb East, central Asia and not le. forgettmg Europe! Let us stop; the list would be long 56. The first of these conditions is the correction of the I am also thinking of these men and women throughout fundamental difference, in terms of type and quantl'ty, t~e world, in exile, refugees, political prisoners, vic- between the armaments of the two major Powers and bms of torture, those whose most elementary rights are those of th th d th dif'~ b 'flouted. On this latter point, surely the I'nternatl'onal e 0 ers, an e lerence etween a country that might use them to assert its power and a country c.ommunity has been too sparing in its protests and sanc- which might be forced to make use of them for its own tions, and finally has it not resigned itself to these crimes? survival. 74. To deal with the problr~ of overarmament at its roots and put disarmament at the service ofdevelopment, it is not enough-although of course the idea may be supported-to seek to use for the benefit of the countries of the South a tax levied on military budgets or procure- ment expenditures. The prolonged crisis we have expe- rienced leads us to adopt a global approach-or should lead us to adopt a global or, more precisely, a political approach. We have to go back to the origin of these expenditures, that is, the close and growing link between military insecurity and economic insecurity which charac- terizes the world today. Bya series of paradoxes, the de- regulation of the international economic systeDl strength- ens the need for security and by the same tokenfuel:; the arms race, which, in its turn, causes disequilibrium. In view ofthis, the following essential tasks must be tackled. First of all, we have to determine the true weight of armaments, and urgent questions arise: for example, how to 'overcome differences in terms of both data and esti- mates; how to work out a basis of evaluation acceptable *Mr. Spiljak spoke in Ser1:;o-Croatian. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation. in~reasing1y blurred. Millions of people all over the wond r~tories occupied since June 1967. There can be no peace without the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights to self-determination, to return to their homes, to independence and to their Own State, or with- out the exercise by all countries of that region of their right to develop in safety and independe!1ce. The peace process in the Middle East is not possible without the equal and independent participation of the PLO, the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The ·lnternational Conference on the Question of Palestine, held recently at Geneva, has reaffirmed onc~again these principles and the basis for the resolution of the.Middle East crisis. 101. In view of the fact that secu';ty in the Mediterra- nean is inextricably linked to security in the Middle East, Africa and Europe, Yugoslavia has for a number of years pledged itself to the strengthening of all-round co-oper- ation in eliminating the hotbeds of crisis in the region, 104. We pledge ourselves as well to promote the exercise by the peoples of Central America of their right to free development without any foreign interference or pressure. Full support for the initiative of the Contadora Group, aimed at checking further critical developments in the region and at seeking peaceful solutions, is of paramount importance. 105. .It is with deep concern that we note the prolonga- tion of the war between Iran and Iraq. This affects most seriously those two countries, but also peace and security in the region and elsewhere. We support the appeals and initiatives of the United Nations and of the MovemeH of Non-Aligned Countries, and we call once again on those two non-aligned countries, with which we have friendly relations, to withdraw their troops to the inter- nationally recognized borders and start negotiations. 106. The solution of economic problems is one of the priorities of the international community. Lasting an- swers can be found only through struc~ural changes conducive to the establishment of the new international economic order based on equitable co-operation and for the benefit of all. 107. The sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development failed to fulfil the hopes and expectations of developing countries. No relevant con- clusions were drawn from the broad agreement on diffi- culties in the world economy, growing interdependence and global responsibility for taking appropriate action towards changing inequitable economic relations, revi- talizing economic activity and stii:1ulating development, first and foremost of the developing countries. Further- more, there is a desire to integrate the developing coun- tries into the existing system. 108. It is high time to overcome narrow interests and really tackle world economic problems for the benefit of the entire world community and therefore of each indi- vidual country as well. That is why, more than ever before, we need today a political decision on launching development. 137. The Atlantic m"~'~ary presence in the Mediterra- 131. In the eleventh century the area was exposed to nean is a challenge not only to us but to the entire inter- coloniaiist invasions called the Crusades. The Napoleonic national community, as it is a threat to securityand peace. expedition was another version, followed by frequent It is an expression of the rejuvenation of the aggressive resort to military threats in the nineteenth century, espe- colonialist spirit against the peoples and their right to self- cially during the events in Lt.lJanon between the years determination, as well as against the peoples and Gov- 1840 and 1860. Western colonialism again reared its ugly eroments concerned. Our nation, which has defeated all head during the First World War, bringing to the region a Ih'nI.vstaodreyr,s WlbYllitdse~etraUtgtghleesnanewd I.dnevtaedremrsin.ation throughout scheme to seize Palestine and hand it over to the Zionist I' movement. A number of events followed, and the racist 138. In talking about the ambitions of United States entity was created in that region, nurtured and supported imperialism and some of the Western allies, it is impera- by the United States and its Western allies. Because of t' t . t t th . tIt' f th b' t' . t Ive 0 pom ou e In erre a Ion 0 e 0 ~ec IVes, m er- that support in the military, political and economic fields, ests and ambitions of those forces and those ofthe Zionist that entity was able to occupy Palestine and parts of entity, which they consider their eastern military flank Syria, Egypt and Lebanon. and use as an advanced forward base. This explains the 132. The gravity of the situation in the Middle East volume of military, political and economic aid extended region is due to the following reasons. to Israel. 133. First, the usurpation of Palestine and parts ofother 139. The gravity of the situation results from Israel's Arab territories by the Zionist movement and the estab- aggressive intransigence, which is enjoying all-out support .. ~=~~:~:~~=~p=~.a~:~~i ....:::~~~~~~;~~~~=-~= The meeting rose at 1.25 p.m. NOTES