A/40/PV.14 General Assembly
On behalf of the General
Assembly, ! have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the
Republic of Venezuela, His Excellency Mr. oJaime Lusinchi, and to invite him to
address the Assembly.
?resident WSINCHI (interp:etation from Spanish): I should like, first
of all, to convey to you, Sir, my sincere congratulations on your election as
President of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. Your broad and relevant
experience in the United Nations, your outstanding capabilities and acknowledged
spirit of conciliation do honour to your country and to this significant
anniversary.
I should also like once again, to convey to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our sincere congratulations for his
accomplishments as the head of our Organization.
Forty years ago, in response to the strife and tragedy of the second World
War, the United Nations was created for the purpose of securing peace, development
and coexistence, wi th mutual respect, among States. Today, when the possibility of
confrontation seems not only to be getting the better of world leadership but also
to be guiding some of its steps, it has become necessary to reaffirm that
commi tment. Decisive acUon is therefore required to give new life to this
irreplaceable forum where we meet to combine our efforts.
We are now celebraUog the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations with
mixed feelings that fluc:tuate bebleen 'joy and uncertainty, deeply concerned because
the prine!~les and purIJOSes that led to the establishment of the United Nations
seem to fade b~fore mci:e immediate and subordinate interests, including a desire
for domination whieh is as dangerou2 as it is outdated.
Venezuela comes to this session of the General Assembly with a strengthened
determination to achieve peace, justice and understanding among the peoples of the
world; with the S2lme determination with which, together with 50 other countries, it
signed the san Francisco Charter, in circumstances unprecedented in the history of
the world. We wished to bear witness through our presence bere to the unswerving
faith of the Venezuelan people in the potential of the United Nations, established
with the support of Latin America, 22 of whose countries are founding Members.
By drawing up a balance-sheet of what has occurred on the international scene
since 1945, we are in large measure analysing the role fulfilled by the United
Nations, the leading arena for far-reaching decisions and a reflection of
international life itself, marked as it is by countless risks and conflicts. To
examine the present situation of the international community and its future outlook
inevitably involves judging the prospects, the relevance and the influence of the
United Nations as a factor of rapprochement among States. Wars, confrontations and
reCkless actions during these times of upheaval paradoxically strengthen its
relevanc:e and the need to preserve it as a mechanism directed to the rule of reason
in international relations.
AS the United Nations evolved it became evident that its action should
encompass diverse areas if real peace was to be ensured and the deep causes of
violence and the degradation of man were to be eradicated. Toe Organization had to
assume new tasks, becoming a system dedica ted not only to preve"ting conflict but
~lso to promoting economic and social development.
The ver¥ membership of the United Nations reflects one of the major changes of
the present day: a significant number of countries is playing an ever greater role
in the formulation of policies and initiatives.
In 1945 more than 7sa million persons - almost a third of the world's
population - lived under colonial rule. The historic process of decolonization
that subsequently took place under the auspices of the United Nations made it
possible for more than 70 countries in the three regions of the developing world to
attain independence.
In mentioning the many effects of decolonization, we must stress the role
played by the majority group in the United Nationr~ that the countries of Latin
America constituted, and their outstanding performance in the debates and decisions
of the General Assembly during the years prior to the incorporation of the young
States of Africa, Asia and the Caribbean. We Latin Americans can feel proud to
have been in the front line of the struggle against colonialism, a course of
conduct that was no more than our duty in view of our historical roots and our
commitment to freedom and solidarity. Simon Bolivar, the liberator, had shown us
the way.
This Organization has been and is faced with problems of extraordinary
magnitude - problems that it has been unable to solve or mitigate, because of lack
of goodwill, considerations of expediency, complicity, or simply lack of
understanding of the great historical changes. These are situations that have
posed a dilemma, that have acquired ever more alarming proportions and that have
today become established priorities.
In a great paradox of our times, the Powers that played a decisive role in
establishing the United Nations soon undermined by their actions what they had so
solemnly proclaimed at the end of the second World War.
Despite all the efforts deployed by this Organization, the nuclear-arms race
between the super-Powers continues relentlessly to the consternation of all,
carrying all of us with it as hostages to an uncertain and endangered future. The
arguments with which we hav~ tried to persuade those Powers to sponsor convincing
disarmament and nuclear-arms-control measures have virtually been exhausted in what
amounts to a deaf-ear policy en the part of the great Powers. Since 1945 the
Gen~ral Assembly alone has adopted more than 600 resolutions on subjects linked to
disarmament in a markedly progressive trend.
We cannot console ourselves with a deceptive nuclear peace advocated by both
sides but bearing within it an incalculable destructive potential, nor can we
accept, in lin~ with this strategic sophism, pretexts to carry the confrontation to
other theatres and to further nuclear intimidation in clear violation of
international treaties on the use of outer space. We therefore support and shall
continue to support resolutely all initiatives aimed at demil~tarizing space. Here
there can be no room for doubt or hesitation.
The struggle against underdevelopment is as important as the struggle for
peace. In recent years there has been a process of erosion that has undermined the
very basis of the political consensus on which international co-operation for
development is based.
This situation of uncertainty regarding the present relevance of the
commitment to the problem of development generates a lack of confidence and leads
to a greater degree of insecurity regarding the future of all.
We cannot claim that we lack the necessary resources. The intellectual and
material heritage of humanity if used rationally would be sufficient to overcome
poverty and stagnation. It is time therefore. to invest it in the priorities
demanded by that objective. We must rtilflect on whether we can continue to consent
to a world characterized by intolerable domination, factions in conflict and
repressed tension•
. These scenarios, which are no less real because they are sombre, strengthen
our conviction that, as was originally established by the Charter, it is the duty
of this Organization to be a centre for harmonizing efforts and wills in order to
rescue economic and social development as one of the collective priorities of our
time and to allow us in practice to overcome technical difficulties, reconcile our
interests and go forward together.
We must renew our commi tment to development, without excuses or ambiguity,
without paternalism or ulterior motives, reflecting our resolve for decisive action.
One of the most urgent problems of this decade stems from the lack of a system
for financing development and the weaKening of the institutions that were created
for that purpose. 1 refer to the foreign debt of developing countries which
threatens to paralyse economic growth, erode the process of democratization, upset
SOCial peace and destabilize the international financial system. It is a problem
that involves the entire international community. The responsibility lies equally
with the debtor countr ies, the creditor COuntr ies, pr ivate banking and
international financial institutions. All of them therefore must be responsible
for its solution~ and to try to evade this responsibility may, in our opinion, be a
mistake of unforeseeable dimensions.
To prevent the debt problem from ending in a crisis the debtor countries are
making significant efforts requiring sacrifices on the part of their populations
and advancing adjustment programmes that have helped to improve their balance of
payments. But such efforts cannot be sustained in the medium term. It is obvious
that the debt problem cannot be solved at the expense of the well-being of the
people and that a responsible Head of State can hardly endanger the future of his
nation by carrying sacrifices to an extreme in order to settle its commitments. It
is evident that each country's conduct is coloured by different realities, but the
debt problem in its dimensions and basic characteristics is of an inescapable
collective nature.
Thus it is obvious that only the sustained economic growth of the debtor
countries will enable them to comply with their foreign obligations.
Unfortunately, the serious, calm behaviour of the debtor countries has not
obtained a satisfactory response from the other countries and institutions
involved. We have reached th point where the only method proposed for t'esolving
this problem has been the absurdity of turning the developing countries into net
capi tal expor ters and the only method of action recommended a t the international
level has been the imposition of policies that stimulate recession and unemployment.
The industrialized countries must participate actively with the debtor
countries in seeking more conclusive solutions to the debt problem and, in
particular, in establishing protective mech~nisms to cope with the high interest
rates that are kept high so as to attract the capital necessary to finance deficits
and high standards of liVing, while ou~ countries, on the contrary, are being
obliged to adopt severe adjustment measures at the cost of great sacrifice in order
to eliminate existing deficits and honour our commitments.
From the standpoint of internation~l solidarity there is no justification
Whatsoever for keeping real interest rates several points above the rate of
inflation, as has been the practice in international financial markets. It is
indespensable and urgent that we seek a solution of this problem in order to
relieve the burden implied by debt servicing and to avoid worsening the economic
situation'of the developing countries.
The lack of will to find shared solu~ions increases the possibility that we
shall in the end face a crisis. Those who feel that the danger has been averted by
the fact that the most difficult cons~uences of the problem have been postponed
and have not yet affected international financial centres are mistaken. The danger
remains. The advances made to date have only contributed to preventing a
confrontation and to keeping open the possibility of dialogue. If, however, this
dialogue does not take place, if it does not find substantive solutions, if it does
not cover all the countries involved, these advances will have been illusory.
The Latin American countries, through the Cartagena Consensus, have proposed a
dialogue at the governmental level aimed at finding real and lasting solutions to
the debt problem. Unfortunately, we met wi th no response. This leads us to the
paradoxical situation in which the more the stability of the international
financial system depends on us the more difficult it is made for us to find
counterparts wi~ whom to seek formulas that will enable us to maintain that
stability.
We are determined that these formulas shall be of a multilateral naturef but
we cannot remain passive if they are not achieved, because we cannot allow the fate
of our peoples to remain at the mercy of an uncertain international economy; nor
can we compromise the development of our nations beyond reasonable limits.
Venezuela, like other debtor countries, has stated and given proof of its firm
desire to fulfil its foreign commitments. In our case we have established
restructuring agreements with our creditors that lessen the impact of debt on our
efforts to ensure our national development. We believe, on the basis of current
estimates, that our commitments are viable. A contingency clause has been included
in these agreements that allows for changes to be made in the event of special
situations caused by fortuitous circumstances or force majeure, or in the case of
substantial economic changes that modify the basis of the agreement. We believe
that this should be a universal standard for refinancing agreements.
Moreover, experience of negotiations has taught us that an effort is necessary
to create international economic conditions that will not endanger agreements
already reached, that countries cannot be required to assume obligations that they
are unable to fulfil, and that it is damaging to try to take advantage of or
disregard the situation of countries experiencing very difficult circumstances. In
this respect, we consider it necessary to establish, through dialogue, a mutually
acceptable general frame of reference that takes into account the development needs
and need for well-being of peoples and the need to establish a stable
development-financing system and the will to regularize international financial
commitments.
Howev~r great Latin America's efforts, its problems cannot be overcome without
a revitalization of its economies, and this requires the orderly and sustained
growth of the world economy. But this essential balance cannot be achieved while
the big industrialized countries maintain unnecessary prqte,ctionist barriers which
with absurd, excessive selfishness they even seek to strengthen.
There is a close link between the fulfilment of their financial obligations by
our countries and their prospects of economic and trade expansion. OUr exports
must grow so that we can pay our foreign debt, but first and foremost to generate
the resources necessary to finance our development. We cannot devote the fruits of
our adjustment efforts exclusively to debt-servicing, as we have been doing over
the past four years. In 1984, for example, Latin America had a trade surplus of
$37 billion, the largest in its history, but we had to transfer it to our creditors
in interest payments. In fact, Latin America has become a net exporter of capital,
which is a strange situation for a region of developing countries. Since 1982 this
net transfer of resources has reached $70 billion, which in real terms is equal to
nearly twice the resources used under the Marshall Plan for the reconstruction of
the war-ravaged European economies.
The development of circumstances makes it necessa~y for the General Assembly
to undertake at this fortieth session, in the economic sphere, an essential
exercise in joint reflection in which we seriously analyse the present situation
and attempt to reach a common diagnosis which will enable us immediately to
undertake the necessary action.
In matters of trade, there has never before been such a demand for respect for
principles and standards together with such a lack of compliance, such threats o~
trade war and such repeated and open use of the unilateral imposition of measures.
As regards matters of finance, it is scarcely necessary to recall that unless
the multilateral bodies have the required resources and appropriate policies it
will be at best a coincidence if we are able to overcome the widespread debt
problem.
In monetary matters, there is no prospect of controlling the persistent
instability of exchange rates or of reaching a leyel ~f interndtional liquidity in
keeping with the present situation and the foreseeable needs of the
economiesenduring harsh adjustment processes at a time when foreign credit is
contracting. We lack the operational mechanisms needed to deal efficiently wi th
the international trade and financial situation, which is characterized by
volatility and instability. It is even more significant ~~at institutions designed
to promote monetary and payments stability and an adequate flow of resources for
development are undergoing disturbing changes in their purposes and objectives and
being transformed from mechanisms for international co-operation into factors for
control and secu~ity for the benefit of biased interests.
In our View, it is more necessary than ever before to co-ordinate economic
policies multilaterally, both for sustained growth and for development, and the
scope and priorities of that co-ordination cannot be disregar.ded by this
Organiza tion.
Certainly, it was not without interest that we received the information about
the talks held recently by Finance Ministers and Governors of the central banks of
the Federal Republic of Germany, the united States, France, the United Kingdom and
Japan. Although nothing specific resulted from that meeting, and the reports that
did emerge were cloaked in the traditional frustrating wordiness, the timid
acknowledgement of the need to resist protectionist measures, the possibility of
opening markets to our exports and a certain understanding of matters concerning
reasonable interest rates and the granting of financing in suitable quantities and
on suitable conditions could mean that we are witnessing a change in the
perceptions of the great Powers. The developing world has been waiting for a long
time for the necessary dialogue to materialize.
Oil continues to be one of the basic elements of the world economy. The
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) is now 25 years old. Its
noteworthy effort~ throughout that time constitute one of the most just claims of
the ra~material~producingcountries to promote and aohieve more just, rational
trade between the developing and the industrialized countries.
Once again OPEC is issuing warnings that are not being heeded in world
economic centres. Our warnings to the industrializ;d countries concerning ~~e
risks ariBing from an unstable, anarchic oil market and ~e negative repercussions
of an erosion of pr.ices on world financial and commercial markets have fallen on
deaf ears. What we have said about the rapid depletion 02 the oil reserves of
importing countries and of expor.ters not members of our organization has beer~
ignored. The reaction has been short-sighted indifference.
OPEC ~ill continue to defend its right to establish the terms of trade for
this strategi~ k~source, which is essential for international economic ~evelopment.
In Latin America we are facing the challenge of the social and economic
development of our peoples. We are also, through the Contadora Group, tenaciously
and with perseverance attempting to ward off the crisis in Central America. This
action in the cause of peace and g:.:.od will, which has been given the support and
encouragement of the ir.ternational community, has now been strengthened through the
establishment of a support group composed of Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay,
in a categoric demonstration of the fact that Latin America is prepared to resolve
its own problems according to Latin America criteria and formula6, that we are
deeply aware of the problem and that determined solid~rity is being brought to bear
to resolve it.
We unequivocally reject the interference in the region of opposing factors
alien to the authentic aspirations of the peoples of Latin America, which in some
way agitate and seek to undermine the possibilities of establishing peace and
understanding in Central America. We believe that all the countries directly
concerned in the region desire peace and that there are no sectors of the area bent
on prolonging war-mongering speculation in connivance with foreign interests. We
also believe that there is no more room to maintain the privileges and advantages
that in large measure explain the present vicissitudes of the fraternal countries
and the origins of the present crisis.
Despite many difficulties, steps are being taken to endorse the Contadora Act
for Peace and Co-operation in Central America. The recent meeting of ministers of
foreign affairs of Central America and Contadora was quite beneficial in this
respect and, without being overly optimistic, we believe that the conditions for
prOCjress are now present. And I venture to say this fUlly aware that, as if by
magic, every time the Contadora meetings take a step forward, incidents or actions
of various types take place in the region which are perhaps intended to undermine
the results of those efforts for peace and reconciliation.
It would be a regrettable paradox if, as we move closer to the signing of the
Contadora Act for Peace and Co-operation in Central America, we were to witness a
systematic worsening of this tyPe of hypocritical conduct.
In any event, we Venezuelans shall not relent in this quest, since we are
convinced that it is necessary to use dialogue to oppose those who try to promote
war and confrontation.
Venezuela is committed to peace in Latin America and in the entire world. We
are committed to ~romoting democracy, freedom, well-being and the defence of human
rights.
As we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on the
Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoplesv and 36 years after the
signing of the Declaration of Human Rights, we see how the racist regime of South
Africa persists in erecting a barrier to contain the will of a people that wishes,
as is legitimately and humanly its due, to be master of its own destiny.
Nelson Mandela's long imprisonment testifies to the tenacity of a brave and
struggling people. It is at the same time, however, a sad symbol of our
Organization's inability to end a universal problem that concerns us all.
After so many years of repression backed by selfish interests and associations
which have compromised and damaged the credibility and effectiveness of the United
Nations, we must without delay act resolutely and decisively to apply effective
sanctions. A decisive outcome is required to end once and for all racism and the
vestiges of colonialism.
We have seen how some Governments are taking selective measures to induce the
Pretoria Government to desist from its ignominious practices of racial
segregation. But we insist that the firm will of important partners of South
Africa is needed for sanctions to be really effective rather than simply an empty
threat which only serves to spur on the racist Government to an intensified
deployment of its powerful repressive apparatus. Nothing must stop us nor cause us
to move backwards in the struggle against apartheid and racial discrimination.
The fate of Namibia is closely linked with the racist practices
institutionalized by South Africa. We are filled with regret at the fact that we
are celebrating this fortieth anniversary of the Unit2d Nations without the
presence of a delegation representing a free Namibia. Numerous major obstacles
have been placed in the way of that wish, shared by the ovet'whelming majority of
nations represented here. We wish to convey to the people of Namibia our
solidarity and our support in its struggle to exercise its inalienable right to
self-determination and independence.
The struggle for human rights and freedom cannot be given up. In Latin
America, we have in recent years succeeded in eliminating regimes and practices
that were shameful for mankind. That task has not yet been completed. Centres of
arbitrariness, violence and injustice remain that gainsay the essence of the Latin
American peoples and that often, like grotesque ghosts, strike blows reminiscent of
a militaristic and arbitrary tradition. We cannot remain passive in the face of
these situations.
Thus far, the joint action of the nations represented in this forum has had to
be to a large extent a reaction against destructive trends, unacceptable practices,
the temptation to dominate and structural deformities. This has been an arduous and
commendable task. But the moment may have come to make it more positive and
effective, to demonstrate that this dialogue can be devoted to stimulating the
potential of mankind and not only to fighting against the violence and exploitation
that still exist in much of our world.
We call for the fulfilment of the objectives of the United Nations and ask for
the participation of the military and economic Powers, which is fundamental, to
eJ.~ourage a new turn of events on the international scene, based on the practical
application of the principles and purposes that we have set for ourselves. We want
those initiatives that are in harmony with the collective outcry for a better world
to be sponsored and supported within this Organization. We cannot allow this
multilateral experience to be dih'.'~ed or weakened even when faced with
intransigence and a lack of unoerstanding. Nor can we allow irreversible
conditions that mak~ possible broade~ conflicts or the creation of distrust among
the peoples represented here to prevail.
We fully agree with the call for reflection and action made by the
Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, in his report on the work of the
United Nations, when he points out that
"The Organization's function, and hence that of the Secretary-General, is
therefore to harmonize, to encourage and to initiate. But the implementation,
the drive, must come from the Members. When this drive does come, it can
achieve remarkable results. 11 (A/40/l, p. ~1)
At one time, during the 1950s, when a terrible earthquake almost destroyed the
city of Ambato in Ecuador, the powerful and resonant voice of a Latin American
democrat, Enrique Rodriguez Fabregat of Uruguay, cried out under this same roof,
"Let us respond to this so-called act of nature with an act of man: let us help."
I was in Mexico some days ago to convey personally to President de la Madri6,
on behalf of the people and Government of Venezuela, our solidarity with the
Mexican people in this hour of sorrow and tribu1ation that has moved the entire
international community and, at the same time, to convey our words of encouragement
and our undiminished brotherly support. We therefore co-sponsored, with the
greatest solicitude, the resolution unanimously adopted by the General Assembly
regarding international help for Mexico•
Beyond our efforts for world peace, freedom, human rights and social and
economic development, we are confronted by a new enemy, perhaps the most dangerous
of all: drugs. They are the Trojan horse of our civilization.
In this theatre of peace, I take the responsibility of calling for war, war
against this scourge which is endangering the very health of our peoples and, above
all, of our poorest, and therefore least protected, societies. And it is in this
context that I am gratified to refer to the two resolutions on the subject approved
by consensus during the last session, in the adoption of which Venezuela played an
important role: one condemned the traffic in narcotics and the unlawful use of
drugs and the other proposed the adoption of an international instrument to combat
the problem in its new and devastating manifestations.
As a corollary to this process, the Secretary-General of the United Nations
has called for a meeting to be held at the ministerial level for the purpose of
dealing with all aspects of the drug problem. We attach the greatest importance to
this proposal.
I must say very plainly that we must act simultaneously on the production,
traffic and consumption of drugs. Only the co-ordinated actions of all countries
can put an end to this tragic situation. Among the countries participating in this
Assembly there are more than enough resources to do so. Clearly what is lacking,
is the resolve to take the necessary heroic measures. I appeal to this Assembly:
let us fight this war together.
I could not conclude this message from the people and Government of Venezuela
without paying tribute to those men who have devoted an important part of their
lives - and have even given up their lives - in the service of the United Nations:
Trygve Lie, Dag Hammarskjold, U Thant, Kurt Waldheim and Javier Perez de Cuellar,
who, in the post of Secretary-General, have helped to establish the role of the
Organization as an essential and irreplaceable instrument of co-operation and
solidarity among the peoples of the world. I also wish to pay tribute toa
Venezuelan who has played an important part in the struggles af the United Nations
since its early days, Manuel Perez Guerrero, a Minister in my Government, who was
present at the birth of the United Nations in San Francisco, but who has
unfortunately not been able to be with me during this session.
I am particularly gratified to appear before this General Assembly, this
democratic worl~ parliament, as a spokesman for the genuine feelings of the
Venezuelan people, as President of the homeland of the Liberator Simon Bolivar, who
foresaw an institution such as this one and who, by summoning the Amphictyonic
Congress of Panama in 1826, helped to e~tablish the foundations for the future
development of the international Organization, designed to bring about a
reconciliation of positions and co-operation with mutual respect among nations. By
historical tradition and by deep-rooted conviction, we are firm believers in the
enormous potential of the United Nations. And to believe in the United Nations is,
above all, to trust in the intrinsic capacity of the human being to reconcile
conflicting interests, harmonize different views and cultivate the fertile soil of
understar.~ing. He who has faith can move mountains. Let us make the effort; let
us together set the world on the path towards a new, more just, more humane and
more free civilization. The United Nations can do it.
(The PRESIDENT) (interpretation from Spanish): On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Venezuela f.or the
important statement he has just made.
Mr. Jaime Lusinchi, President of the Republic of Venezuela, was escorted from
the General Assembly Hall.