A/40/PV.27 General Assembly
This afternoon the Assembly
will hear a statement by the Vice-President of the Repuoli~ of Bolivia: His
Excel:le!1cy Mr. Julio Garrett Aj.llon• . ' .
Mr. Julio Garrett Aillon, Vice-President of the Republic of Bolivia, was
escorted to the rostrum.
I have great pleasure in
w~lcoming the Vice-President of Bolivia, His Excellency Mr. Julio Garrett Aillon.
I invite him to address the General Assembly.
Mr. GARRETT AILWN (Bolivia) (interpretation from Spanish): First of all
I should like to express to you, Sir, the satisfaction of the Bolivian Government
at your election as President of the General Assembly. It is a tribute to you and
to Spain, which is so close to the heart of. Lati.n America.
I should also like to express the profound feeling of national gratitude
Bolivia feels with regard to the vigorous activities undertaken by the
Secretary-General of the United Nations, Javier Perez de Cuellar, to bring about
international understanding of our problems. That attitude is coupled with the
outstanding qualities he has demonstrated in the exercise of his office and in the
fulfilment of his great responsibilities.
My country earlier expcessed its great grief at the catastrophe Mexico has
suffered, and I should like to reiterate our sympathy, solidarity and fraternal
suppor t to that great brother nation.
I have come to this rostrum to pay a tribute to the United Nations on its
fortieth anniversary. Bolivia was present at its inception and helped to bring it
into being as an expression of the deep desire for peace felt by a world that had
just emerged from the agonies and destruction of war. Now we are here to join our
voice, however modest it may be, in support of the spirit that prevailed at San
Francisco and that, to the small nations of the world, represents the concrete
embodiment of the princi;le of the legal equality of all States, with respect to
which we associated ourselves yesterday, not to be the instrument of the strong but
rather the voice of the weak and defenceless of the earth.
Here I should like for a moment to touch upoo the work and contribution made
by a group of enlightened young Bolivian diplomats who in 1945 were committed to
the ideals of the Bolivian national reVOlution and who signed the United Nations
Charter. We pay tribute to them and we should like to do so in the person of
Ambassador Carlos Salamanca, who is present at this fortieth session of the General
Assembly once again as a member of the Bolivian delegation. Be has grown older in
his outstanding services to the Organization and to Bolivia during 15 of the
Assembly's 40 sessions.
American law contributed decisively to the inclusion in the Charter of new
concepts of collective security and self-defence in Chapter VIII, which deals with
the regional settlement of disputes. Bolivian law also had an influence on the
drafting of the Charter by expanding the bases of international relations,
contributing to bringing about the inclusion in the rather cold reference to
treaties the concept of international justice that appears in paragraph 3 of the
preamble and in Article 14, thus rooting in the foundations of the Organizations
the principle that underlies Bolivia'S maritime concerns.
Bolivia for the first time supported recognition of the right of peoples
freely to control their natural resources, and I can say with pride that my country
also sponsored the first resolution ,;l.dopted by the United Nations dealin'~ with the
rejection of racial discriminati'an, a principle that we reiterate today as we renew
our total condemna tion of apar theid and our unswerving support for the emancipation
of Namibia under the auspices of the united Nations.
Bolivia, as a founding Member of the United Nations, wishes at this
anniversary session to reaffirm the obligations it has contracted under the Charter
and to reiterate its total commitment to the purposes and principles contained
therein.
The defence of national sovereignty, the right of peoples to
self-determination and the principle of non-intervention are a guarantee of our
national dignity, the sole reliable guarantee upon which our independence rests and
to which we can have recourse in order not to be in thrall to the great powers.
We Bolivians will not allow any foreign interest to dictate the conduct of our
country. Only Bolivians, and they alone, are entitled to correct our errors,
change our course or determine our future.
Bolivia was the first Latin American country invited to participate in the
Non-Aligned Movement. In our view non-alignment is not some negative neutrality;
instead, it is the most rigorous and consistent adherence to the purposes and
principles of the United Nations Charter and a militant conviction that impels to
adopt an uncompromising position vis-a-vis the great world Powers.
My Government's international policy is based on those postulates. We share
the concern for rigorous respect for our political independence, our territorial
integrity, our right to live free from coercion. We cannot agree with the
proposition tilat there exists a hierarchy of sovereignty, and we are actively
opposed to the arms race, which must be eliminated in order to avoid a world
confrontation that could reduce the planet to dust and rubble.
The Non-Aligned Movement is vigilant wi th regard to justice and equity in
international relations. It has spoken out with a frequency appropriate to each
case, calling for the righting of historic wrongs, and with particular emphasis on
matters affecting the vital functioning of States. It is in that framework that
the countries members of the Non-Aligned Movement have expref&sed constant
solidarity with Bolivia's cause in its efforts to recover a sovereign and useful
outlet to the Pacific OCean.
Bolivia, because of its geographical situation in the centre of South America,
is affected by three of the continent's hydrographic basins. It is the contact
country for the five republics that border it. This geographical position thus
makes it essential for Bolivia to have an outlet to the Pacific. Bolivia became an
independent republic in 1825, and at that time my country had a coast over which it
exercised full sovereignty for more than half a century. It was subsequently
deprived of that outlet by a war of conquest. Never has it waived, nor will it
renounce, its right to an outlet to the sea and to a full return to the community
of nations.
It relies on the solidarity of the international community. The countries
membf:t's of the Organization of American States (OAS) have over the last six years
reiterated that
"it is a matter of standing hemispheric interest to find an equitable solution
whereby Bolivia may obtain a sovereign and useful access to the Pacific OCean."
I wish to take this opportunity to thank from this rostrum the 130 countries
throughout the world that have given Bolivia their support, solidarity and
fraternal understanding in its maritime quest.
However, Bolivia now wishes to look to the future and to leave behind an
unfortunate period, opening instead a new page of peace and understanding. Guided
by this intention, it reiterates it traditional openness to dial()gue with Chile
within the context of the exhortations and resolutions of the Organization of
American states (OASj and with a minimum of preconditions being set by the parties
as a guarantee of a bona fide willingness to reaching a practical settlement which,
while having due regard for the reciprocal interests of the countries concerned,
will not put Bolivia's territorial heritage at stake.
Bolivia proclaims its support for all multilateral means of solving disputes,
faithful as it is to the principles of the Charter, without prejUdice to the
usefulness of bilateral solutions. We feel that the bilateral and multilateral
options are not mutually exclusive but can be used in conjunction.
During a period that was not as marked as today is by a balance of terror and
a threat of nuclear destruction, President Victor Paz Estenssoro stated when
addressing the General Assembly in 1963:
"We must advance towards the total prohibition of nuclear weapons and
general and complete disarmament until finally we get to the point of
outlawing war." (A/PV.1252, p. 11)
He also stated on that occasion that the great Powers appeared to rely on force
rather than on the law.
In taking stock of the 40 years of the work of the United Nations, we observe
that that warning is still valid. It is necessary for all Member States to make a
decisive contribution to a campaign of disarmament to bring about peace and ensure
the survival of mankind. The resources now devoted to the arms race should be
freed in order to raise the standards of living of the great majority of peoples
still struggling with backwardness, ignorance and hunger.
Every twenty-four hours the world squanders approximately $2,140 million on
the arms race. It is impossible to calcula~e the amount of suffering, insecurity
and poverty that any of the poor countries in the world could be spared by the use
of such a sum of money. It is even harder to imagine the amount of pain,
destruction and death that such a sum of money could unleash upon the earth. When
one thinks of this terrible and horrifying reality, the most frightful thing of all
is the lack of moral awareness on the part of those who gamble with the hunger of
peoples and the survival of mankind.
A feeling of insecurity has been created by the instability resulting from the
foreign interference in Central America. My Government considers that the causes
of this lengthy crisis are to be found in unjust economic and social structures,
and that the increasing militarization of the area has further aggravated the
crisis. Bolivia commends the wo~k carried out by the countries of the Contadora
Group in seeking to reach peacefully negotiated solutions through the Act on Peace
and Co-operation in Central America. Bolivia undertakes to help in ensuring that
this instrument will guarantee the security of the region within a framework of
self-determination and the application of the principle of non-interference in
internal affairs.
My Government reiterates its support for the cause of the Republic of
Argentina with regard to the recovery of its sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands,
and it expresses its concern over the deployment of nuclear weapons on those
islands in violation of existing treaties. As has been stated at various times,
Bolivia is in favour of a peacefully negotiated solution of the dispute between
Argentina and the united Kingdom through the good offices of the Secretary-General
of the united Nations.
My country has noted with interest the proposals presented by the Soviet Union
to curb the arms race and bring about collective efforts for the elimination of
wars and local conflicts. Similarly, it believes that the wide-ranging proposals
presented by the United States help to improve the climate of the negotiations to
be held between the major Powers so as to reach an agreement that will strengthen
strategic stability and ensure deterrence through the achievement of an equitable
and lasting agreement.
My Government rejects any intervention or military occupation by foreign
forces whenever it may occur. Accordingly it condemns the military occupation of
the territories of Afghanistan, Kampuchea, Cyprus and Lebanon and it reiterates its
support for the actions of the Secretary-General in that regard.
Similarly, my country is concerned over the persistence of tensions and
confrontations in areas of conflict in the Middle East. My Government supports the
right of the Palestinian people to se1f-determination~ likewise, it recognizes
Israel's right to have secure and recognized boundaries. It also urges Iran and
Iraq to cease hostilities and to begin a process of pacification under the auspices
of the united Nations.
Recalling that one of the fundamental concepts of the United Nations is
universality, my country supports the view that it is advisable that both Koreas
become Members of the United Nations and expresses its gratification at the
resumption of talks between them.
The Government of Eo1ivia fully shares the concern of the international
community concerning the pressing need to prevent and punish the illegal
production, trade and use of illicit drugs, which represent a threat to pUblic
health and particularly to the health of the young. with the same determination,
sense of responsibility and courage as my Government demonstrated as soon as it
came to office in dealing with the economic and political realities in my country,
(Mr. Garrett Ai11on, Bolivia)
it has now begun to use all the resources within its scope to wage a frontal war on
the drug trade, with all the moral strength of its conviction that we must prevent
the degradation of the dignity and worth of the human person, while at the same
time preventing the institutional corruption which could jeopardize the very
security of the State.
By its very nature the drug trade has become an international criminal
activity which accordingly urgently requires effective international measures
accompanied by all the resources necessary to fight this crime against mankind. It
is not reasonable to place the primary responsibility for the fight against this
criminal activity on the producer countries, when it is known that production is in
fact a function of the demand of the countries where the narcotic drugs are
consumed. Bolivia, in its own interests, is prepared to strike at the root of the
problems through a new conceptual and practical approach which would make it quite
clear that the responsibility for the fight against the drug trade lies with" the
international community and that the major contribution must be made by the
consumer countries.
It is irrational to ask a country; embroiled in trying to find a solution to
its economic problems at enormous economic sacrifices, at the same time to devote
its meagre resources to an isolated struggle against the drug trade. It must be
acknowledged that economic and technical limitations may indeed affect the
effectiveness of the fight against drugs. Notwithstanding its difficulties, though
Bolivia is proceeding vigorously to eradicate non-traditional and surplus
production of coca leaves as part of a comprehensive programme set up as part of
its international commitments.
Bolivia, which is a nation severely hurt by this scourge, argues that the
internationalization of the fight against the drug trade within the framework of
the United Nations - and this was a proposal vigorously supported by the President
of Venezuela, Mr. Jaime Lusinchi - can be one of the major achievements of the
United Nations over the next decade, and would be one in keeping with the purposes
and principles of the Charter. After all, the Charter is directed at promoting
international co-operation in the solution of social and humanitarian problems as
serious as the drug trade.
In this context Bolivia firmly supports the convening by the United Nations of
a ministerial conference in 1987 to consider the legal, institutional and
educational ramifications of the illicit international drug traffic.
In this connection, it is necessary to find new, imaginative and practical
means for the international campaign against drugs. While on the subject, it would
be useful to consider the setting up of an international economic fund, principally
supported by the so-called consumer countries, and aimed at the purchase of coca
leaves from their countries of origin in order to prevent the output of these coca
leaves from falling into the hands of organized crime. At the same time, a world
system to monitor production could be set up without damaging the economies of
rural areas.
This would be the most direct and immediate way of attacking the root of this
evil in producer countries and could be combined with an active policy directed at
finding substitutes for the production of the coca leaf.
The international community is on notice that the maintenance of peace and the
continuation of democracy depend on the development and well-being of the backward
regions of our planet. When considering the world economic situation, however, we
note that the 1980s may end as a lost decade for development, unless major economic
measures are taken to relieve the crushing burden of external debt on the economic
and social structure of many developing nations.
The serious situation facing the majority of third-world countries, tied down
by their debt-servicing obligations, has been emphasized. Statistics published by
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), show that the
external debt of those countries has risen, from $20,800 million to
$310,000 million.
As a graphic illustration of this, a recent report of the Inter-American
Development Bank revealed that debt-servicing in Latin American countries
represents twice the war reparations payments imposed by the Allies on Germany in
1919, which that country was compelled to repudiate in the 1920s. Recently, the
Secretary- General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
(UNCTAD) reminded us that the foreign debt-servicing of Latin America totals more
than 5 per cent of its gross domestic product. It is known that mere interest
payments total more than $100,000 million a year.
In the face of such a situation, Latin America notes with dismay the
insensitivity of some developed countries and international lending agencies, which
display unawareness of the social dimensions of the problem or whose actions are
guided by purely mercantile criteria and are uninterested in seeking any other kind
of solution.
The various dimensions of the situation, taken together, make clear the urgent
need for a reappraisal of policies which must be adopted forthwith if these
problems are to be dealt with.
Longer repayment time limits for developing countries are imperative, as are
lower or preferential rates of interest. This would involve a financial cost which
would have to be met by the international financial community on the basis of
criteria to be agreed upon~ The restaggering of debts over a period of years, the
creation of international facilities to subsidize interest charges, and directly
relating debt-servicing to the performance of international prices, without in
certain cases ruling out a simple writing off of certain debts, are some of the
direct measures which seem to be necessary factors in any lasting solution to the
debt problem.
However, whatever measures are taken to resolve the debt crisis, they will be
insufficient to reactivate the development process if at the same time
consideration is not given to joint action directed at stimulating development
through an increased flow of funds to debtor countries. In this connection the
change in emphasis announced by the United states with ~esPect to Latin America's
external debt could represent a turning point in the financial crisis besetting the
region. It seems to indicate acceptance of the argument that policies directed at
development will make it possible for the region to find more effective ways of
meeting its enormous obligations deriving from Latin America's external debt,
compared to the austerity policies required up to now by the International Monetary
Fund (IMF). The United States initiative would imply a less stringent regulatory
policy followed by the IMF and use of the world Bank and commercial banks as
suppliers of fresh funds making it possible for Latin American debtor nations to
embark again on their economic development. Nevertheless, we are concerned that
over the months to come a slowing down of the united states economy could have
grave consequences for developing countries, which are still subject to the North's
protectionist tendencies. These throttle their economies by limiting their export
prospects and, consequently, their capacity to pay.
The time has come, therefore, to take stock and to look at this matter in a
serious and comprehensive way. Latin America is the only under-developed part of
the western world. Encouragement and assistance tc its development is the only way
to prevent the region from slipping into economic and social disarray. Anarchy in
Latin America has always been the antechamber to dictatorship, and we have no
alternative but to demonstrate, with concrete and swift examples, tnat democracy is
able to liberate peoples from poverty and ignorance.
The greatest and most decisive event in our century was the grandiose
awakening of the new nations of Africa, Asia and America. The success of
decolonization was, however, the result of a common international determination
which emerged in the post-war pe~iod in the midst of the realities of colonial
power. cannot a similar intern~tional consensus bring about a far-reaching reform
of world economic structures? Can the creditor nations not realize that, with each
passing day, external debt becomes the most dynamic factor working for change in
the world economic order, making peoples aware of the international injustice that
prevails ~ithin the system? More than dogmas, myths and paradises, external debt
is acting as the great catalyst of the will for change among peoples.
This will is expressed here from this tribune of the nations i and is rising
like an uncontainable tide. The dilemma at this difficult and dangerous time in
international relations is clear: either the machinery of world power changes the
rules of the economic game through a joint international exercise of will, such as
prevailed after the Second world War to liquidate colonialism, or the world will be
dragged into a financial holocaust which will not be without political implications.
This holocaust is already under way. I am speaking now on behalf of a nation
that lies right in the eye of this international crisis.
Bolivia is the country that has the highest rate of inflation in the world.
Had the Government headed by President Victor Paz Estenssoro not introduced a new
economic policy, hyPerinflation, according to estimates, could have amounted to
more than 44,000 per cent this year. This single example in itself is indicative
of the abyss into which my country could have fallen.
For Bolivia the fall in the prices of basic export products due to the world
recession meant a decline of approximately 20 per cent in its gross domestic
product. If POPulation growth and the negative impact of of inflation are taken
into account, it can be stated that per capita national income fell by more than
30 per cent between 1983 and 1985.
This economic contraction affected the most important social and economic
sectors. Exports from the mining sector, which was in a steep decline, dropped by
over 25 per cent as compared with 1977. The agricultural sector, which accounts
for two-thirds of the population, experienced a similar drop over the same period.
urban unemployment and underemployment are at present the lot of approximately
40 per cent of the active urban population. Between 1982 and 1984 exports as a
whole fell by 50 per cent, which was reflected in a sharp decline in the rate of
domestic development.
It was estimated that, at the end of 1984, Bolivia's public and private
external debt amoounted to $4.693 billion. Exports that year totalled
approximately $780 million, whereas imports amounted to some $520 million. In the
meantime, external debt serVicing in 1984 had risen to a total of $804 million, a
figure that the Bolivian State was materially unable to pay.
What country could overcome so many calamities without political
repercussions? However, Bolivia has preserved democracy, and once again the soul
and spirit of the Bolivian people have withstood the test of adversity.
"To dispel any false hopes, although not hope itself, which must be maintained
to the full in order to meet the challenge posed by misfortune, we can state",
said President Paz Estenssoro, "that there would be no point in living in a
democracy if the people die of hunger".
In view of the fact that the country had been destroyed by poverty caused by
the world recession which brought about a drop in the prices of the minerals it
exports, it was incumbent upon the Government and people of Bolivia to reverse this
economic trend o The inevitable alternative would have been a calamity of
unimaginable proportions. Aware of this ~esponsibility, my Government has
implemented a new economic p\ .icy which implioo austerity measures and adjustments,
but which also presupposes the modernization and improvement of the production
systems and resources available.
President Paz Estenssoro put into words the determination of Bolivia, a
country that does not give in and will not retreat one step in the face of forces
that yesterday did not hesitate to destroy the country in order to destroy the
system. In his view
"there is no formula for resolving the terrible crisis convulsing Bolivia
other than the collective sum of moral values and ©onstant labour which can
increase exportable wealth. We must manage the scarce economic and financial
resources properly, agree to a pause in the social struggle and convince
ourselves that there can be no renaissance for the Republic unless we
understand the scale of the catastrophe and the few effective remedies
available to us to reverse this overwhelming situation."
It would be a sad irony if, at a time when Bolivia is making increasing
sacrifices to help itself, the international community were to refuse to support my
country in its efforts. My people are at present making tremendous sacrifices to
overcome the crisis and to consolidate a democratic political community. we know
that we are not alone, and that representatives gathered here and their respective
Governments will transform this Assembly into the most active instrument for
international co-operation and solidarity.
On behalf of ~ country I express my deep faith that the world will set aside
its disputes and finally understand that peace is inseparable from the well-being
of peoples, that pove~ty represents the denial of life and that there can be no
worse dependency than poverty. Let us have the courage to proclaim that, as has
been said here, we have not lost our faith in the ability to transform life and to
transform the world, and that here in th~ United Nations after 40 years we have not
lost the spirit of San Francisco, which in 1945 represented hope when the glow of
victory seemed to light the way to a new dawn for mankind.
On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the Vic~Presidentof the Republic of Bolivia for his
important address.
Mr. Julio Garrett Aillon, Vice--President of the~epublic of Bolivia, was
escorted from the rostrum.
Mr. HARDING (Jamaica): On behalf of the delegation of Jamaica, I take
the opportunity to extend warm congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. It is altogether
fitting that in this important anniversary year of the United Nations the General
Assembly should have presiding over its deliberations a veteran diplomat of your
calibre who has over many years given such distinguished service at the United
Nations.
I take the opportunity also to express our gratitude to your predecessor,
Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia, for his outstanding presidency during the
thirty-ninth session.
In the past year there has been a mix of events which have brought both
despair and glimmers of hope. In the course of history, some years bear the stamp
of some dominating event or series of events for which they remain memorable. I
fear that the past year may be remembered as a notable year for the number and
scale of disasters which have struck in different places and different forms. We
recall with sadness the drought and famine in Africa, the Bhopal disaster, a number
of airline and train crashes, and last month's tragic earthquakes in Mexico City,
all of which meant suffering, death and devastation. They all demonstrate how
fragile is the human condition and the extent to which we are all susceptible to
shatter.ing blows by natural calamity or malfunctioning technology. It should not be
overlooked that it is adversity of this kind which often emphasizes the common bond
of humanity that unites us and places in true perspective the barriers dividing
us. We have seen this reflected in the generous outpouring of verbal and material
expressions of sympathy, solidarity and support from the world at large to the
people of each afflicted nation. Jamaica once again expresses its sympathy to the
Governments and peoples affected.
The united Nations has been involved in disaster relief through the Office of
the united Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator (UNDRO), but recent experience has
illustrated the great importance of readiness and efficient emergency services, as
well as overall co-ordination, in relief efforts. We believe that this is an area
in which international co-operation can be expanded, and we urge that consideration
be given to the strengthening of United Nations capabilities in this field.
On the broader scene, the international situation is still charged with
tension and uncertainty, although some developments during the past year have
generated some optimism. We have been encouraged by the resumption of dialogue
between the United States and the Soviet Union, the resumption of bilateral arms
control negotiations, and the agreement for a summit meeting between the leaders of
those two countries in Geneva next month. We consider it an impo:tant opportunity
for establishing greater understanding and more stable relations. There is much at
stake in this meeting affecting the general atmosphere in international affairs and
the outlook for the future. We hope for a constructive approach and a constructive
spirit from both sides, so that the results may pave the way for a new era in
East-West relations.
It could also give an impetus to progress in arms control and disarmament in
which achievements have so far been meagre. The continued proliferation of nuclear
weapons increases the ever-present danger to our very existence. Jamaica
reiterates its view that the process of nuclear disarmament should begin and that
it should start with an agreement on a comprehensive ban on nuclear tests. In our
view, this would not only open the way for progress to be made in relation to
nuclear weapons but would also foster a climate for moving forward on arms control
for other categories of weapons. In a world where suffering and death from want
are brought so sharply to our attention, particularly in recent times, it is
shameful that so much of the world'~ resources is being devoted to the manufacture
and procurement of armamenfs o A recent estimate of world expenditure on arms puts
it at an annual figure of $1,000 billion - an astounding indictment of the
priorities in the world today. The lessons of the past have taught us the limits
of military power. What is needed in our time are conditions of peace and economic
well-being as the foundations for security. Our collective energies and resources
should be channelled in that direction.
Time is marching on, and too little is achieved in meeting the challenges
being faced and the problems being posed. We meet in this Assembly year after year
and express our common hopes for a better and safer world beyond the narrow vision
of national interests; yet the political accommodation and adjustments to make them
a reality are not made. International co-operation must be seen to be working if
it is to be maintained and extended.
There are disturbing trends which indicate that there are forces at work aimed
at limiting the scope of international action and avoiding a multilateral approach
in dealing with problems of the day. It is therefore important that results can be
shown and progress'made on the many problems facing the international community to
reinforce continued faith in our multilateral institutions.
One area in which there is an emerging consensus for international action is
in relation to the situation in South Africa. Events over the past year or so have
brought the issue to a critical point. Over 700 persons are estimated to have lost
their lives in the continuing unrest in that country, and it must be clear to the
oppressors that the people will not abandon their struggle, even in the face of the
regime's murderous tactics. The killings, mass arrests, bannings and detentions
have proved to be of no avail in stemming the tide of resistance. There is but one
solution: th~ apartheid system must be dismantled and replaced by an order based
on equal rights for all South Africans. AParthe~ cannot be reformed~ it must be
d6~~royed. Superficial adjustments and token changes ~re not acceptable.
For years the regime has been stubbornly and arrogantly rejecting the demands
for fundamental changes. Now the regime is beginning to feel the squeeze from the
combined pressure of the uprising from within and san~tions imposed or threatened
from without. Jamaica has long argued that economic sanctions by the world
community was a necessary ingredient to bring about change in South Africa. We are
encouraged to see that Governments which have hitherto been hesitant in adopting
economic sanctions have begun to move in that direction. The measures that have
been announced, though limited in scope, are a welcome beginning. But much more
will be needed to convince the South African regime of the serious resolve of the
international community on this question. We are therefore looking forward to the
adoption of further measures to curtail investments and financial flows to south
Africa and wider restrictions in economic relations.
Jamaica considers it important that there should be no faltering or hesitation in
taking far-reaching measureS9 It is time for the world community to act, and to
act decis ively• In the meanwhile, we wish to reiterate our support for and
solidarity with those who are struggling so valiantly internally.
For it is not just a question of oppression and injustice inside south
Afr ica. Peace is at risk. South Afr ica continues to commit blatant acts of
aggression against neighbouring African States and to promote subversion and civil
war in others. Over the past year it added further to its brutal and shameful
record of aggression in a series of attacks against Angola and Botswana. No
respect is shown for legality and the sovereign rights of African States in the
region.
In Namibia, the pattern is repeated. South Africa's contempt for
international law and for the rights of the inhabitants of the Territory is
astounding. Through bad faith and duplicity the regime has frustrated every effort
for a negotiated solution. The plan adopted on the initiative of the western
contact group and so elaborately worked out in 1978 has been scuttled by South
African deception and treachery. It has apparently now embarked on implementing
its own plan for the Territory by the appointment of a puppet administration.
There is clear need to take action against South Africa on this question. We
have a duty to the Namibian people, for whom the United Nations has direct
responsibility as the legal administering authority for the Territory. The
international community must, therefore, give urgent consideration as to what steps
should now be taken. We consider it necessary for the Security Council to meet
again in the near future to consider what collective action is to be taken to
discharge its responsibilities and to secure the implementation of its resolutions.
In our own region, the problems of Central America continue to be of great
concern to us. OVer the past year, fighting has continued, but we are encouraged
by the patient and persevering diplomacy of the Contadora Group, which continues to
enjoy the confidence and support of the international community in their search for
a peaceful resolution of the conflicts among the States in the region. The
regional commitment to finding a solution has been reinforced by the initiative to
establish a four-member Support Group to assist in furthering the Contadora
objectives. Jamaica fully supports these efforts. We particularly welcome the
results of the meeting of Contadora and Central American Foreign Ministers held on
12 and 13 September in Panama City in which agreement was reached on a time-table
for negotiations on the Draft Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America
which will enable the process to be completed before the end of November. We
expect that by then all the parties will have signed the documents and will be
ready to implement their provisions fully.
The state of affairs in the Middle East must continue to receive our close
attention. The basic issues are well-known. Our view is that the elements of an
overall settlement have long been identified and have found general international
acceptance. They involve the withdrawal of Israel from Arab territory occupied
since the 1967 war, recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians and
the acknowledgement of the right of all Sta tes in the area to live in peace and
security within recognized boundaries.
New initiatives, such as that proposed by King Bussein of Jordan, create new
opportunities which should be explored as a basis for peace negotiations. We
cannot ignore actions that add fur ther obstacles to the search for peace and
contribute to a climate of tension, instability and insecurity to the region. We
do not accept the assertion of any new doctrine which implies that the sovereign
rights of a third party State can be nakedly violated in response to a perceived
wrong elsewhere. Accordingly, we deplore the attack carried out by Israel in
violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Tunisia.
In other areas of regional conflict, there has been regrettably little
movement in the past year. The war between Iran and Iraq continues to rage without
an immediate prospect of peace, but it is important that the situation be not
abandoned as hopeless. We continue to urge the secretary-General to use his good
offices to mediate between the parties.
In Cyprus there is need to give every possible encouragement to the
secretary-General and to efforts to revive the intercommunal talks and avoid the
imposition of a solution by fait aCCOmpli.
Regrettably, there has been little change in Kampuchea and Afghanistan, and we
must renew the call for withdrawal of foreign forces from the respective
countries. We strongly deplore the reported atrocities and violations of human
rights that have occurred.
We note with interest that on the Korean peninsula bilateral contacts between
the two Koreas have begun and we hope that these preliminary contacts 'lilll develop
into a fruitful dialogue contributing to the reduction of tension in the area and
laying the basis for a future of peaceful ~elations.
I now turn to issues of international economic co-operation. The
international community needs to examine closely the course of events in developing
countries over the past few years. However one looks at the problems of the third
world, the necessary requirements for their solution a~e clear. But there are no
short-term panaceas. Developing countries require ti~e. We require resources. We
need time to make and consolidate important structural changes, some brought on by
the severe economic difficulties of the past few years, others by conscious policy
action. We need resources to ease the difficulties associated with these changes
and to put in place the productive inputs that the long-term development of our
economies require.
I say that the international colIDunity needs to examine the course of events
over the past few years for a good reason. The record shows that the developing
countries have made considerable effort to deal with their problems. The fact that
our economies are still in crisis is a measure of the intractability of the
problems we face, not a reflection of the sacrifice and effort peoples and
governments in the third world have made in the past few years.
These problems and the plight of our countries have been seriously exacerbated
by the continuation of unfavourable international economic conditions. The
economic recovery in the industrial countries, which is vital to the overall
well-being of the worid economy and, particularly, to export prospects of the
developing countries, has been uneven, and now shows worrying signs of running out
of steam. This is particularly disconcerting; for despite minor gains in output
and more significant gains in trade in 1984, per capita product i9 the developing
world remains below what it was at the beginning of the decade.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, which has been struggling to maintain
levels of economic well-being achieved before the onset of the current turbulent
decade, per capita product was almost 9 per cent lower in 1984 than 1.11 1980 and
similar to the level obtained by the region in 1977. There can be no argument w1 th
the view that the first half of the 1980s has been the most difficult per iod for
the developing countries since the depression years of the 1930s.
we have seen in this period major adverse changes in the terms of trade for many
primary commodities, the sharp rise in internat~onal interest rates, severe
cutbacks in international lending, and all of this on the heels of the energy price
increases at the end of the 1970s, to which so many developing countries were still
adapting.
The result has been economic difficulties of unprecedented proportions in our
countries. we should not forget that in an important sense it is not countries
which feel pain, it is people. People living in the developing countries have seen
their standards of living fall since 1980, they have seen social services curtailed
as the international recession and other external shocks have led to internal
economic imbalances and dislocations of growing magnitudeo Jamaica does not make
this point idly. One World Bank study which assesses the impact of external shocks
on the balance-of-payments of selected developing countries has placed Jamaica at
the top of the list in terms of the severity of the impact on our balance of
payments in the period 1979-1982.
Yet in the face of all this we ',:c;e seen, at all times, evidence of the
resilience and the will of people in the third world to cope, adjust and press
forward. For example, the share of manufacturing in the total exports of
developing countries as a whole has grown from 15 to 50 per cent in the past two
decades. Although this is still well short of the target of a 2S per cent share of
world industrial production, it is indicative of the economic strategy that is
being pursued. Even as they struggle to cope with external shocks a significant
number of developing countries are trying to diversify their p~oductive capacities
and to make their economies more efficient. This is particularly reflected in the
fact that the world Bank has already lent some $4.5 billion for s~ructural
adjustment programmes.
At another level, evidence of the demonctrated will of developing countries to
address the problems they face is found in the reduction of the cumulative current
account deficit. Developing countries have reduced that deficit by almost two-
thirds from a high of over $105 billion in 1981 to just $35 billion in 1984. Even
thi$ bald statistic does not do justice to the firmness of fiscal and monetary
policies that have had to be introduced. The maturity and stamina of Governments
have been teste8 and the he~oic fortitude of the peoples of the third world has
been demonstrated. As one prominent public figure from an industrial country has
said:
"The citizens of the developing world cannot be expected to tighten their
belts i,~~!initely nor can debtor countries continue to be net exporters of
capita.;•..'
We can clearly assert, therefore, that two key issues are protectionism and
debt. The international community must ensure a trading environment which is free
from tariff and non-tariff barriers against the products of developing countries.
The irony is that the more developing countries seek to broaden their economic
base by moving into areas such as manufacturing and non-traditional products, the
more intensive are the pressures for protectionism in the industrial countries.
F-.r2.t for them the solution does not lie in protecting declining industries or
sectors from more cost-effective producers in the third world. The interests of
efficiency and equity are best served when costs and benefits associated with
shifting comparative advantage are not nullified at the points of entry by tariff
and non-tariff barriers which penalize emerging industries and sectors in the
developing world.
This is not an abstract concern. The World Bank has estimated that an
increase in protectionism large enough to produce a 10 per cent deterioration in
the terms of trade of Latin .~rica and the Caribbean exacts a cost from our region
equivalent to the real interest cost of the region's entire debt. The situation,
therefore, requires wise and firm leadership. Common sense tells us that if
developing countries cannot export they will be able neither to pay their debts nor
to continue to be a major market for the exports of the industrialized countries.
The shift from equity to debt financing that began in the 1970s now results in
massive debt-service payments by developing countries. Last year those payments
amounted to $100 billion. That outflow has contributed in significant measure to
the overall net resource transfer that occurred from capital importing developing
countries to developed countries in 1984. In Latin America and the Caribbean as a
whole, 35 per cent of export earnings were needed to make interest payments on debt
in 1984. In one country the figure was as high as 57 per cent. This cannot be
sustained. The debt problem had its genesis in scarce resources: we borro~ to
supplement our resources and to achieve greater returns in the future. But the
unprecedented economic events of the first half of the decade have created the need
for a breathing space. In the immediate future difficult decisions must be made.
Those decisions should be consistent with a tradition of fidelity to obligations as
well as showing a full understanding of the difficult social and economic realities
which now exist in many debtor countries. The debt issue urgently requires
judicious and sympathetic handling within a framework which recognizes that it is
not simply now a matter of meeting obligations, which Jamaica, for one, is pledged
to do, but has become part of the problem of development itself. Jamaica continues
to support the proposal for an international conference on money and finance for
development, where these and other related issues can receive the integrated
treatment we believe is necessary.
It is precisely because of problems of these dimensions that there can be no
shirking of the national responsibility to be resolute and creative in tackling the
problems of development. Equally, and it is more important to say so in this
forum, it is precisely because of the international nature of problems such as
these that there can be no retreat from multilateral co-operation.
This year the activities of the United Nations have been marked by two
important events: the world Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of
the United Nations Decade for Women, held in Nairobi, Kenya, and the observance of
International Youth Year.
Jamaica is pleased to have participated in the Conference, much of the success
of which was due to the efforts of the Government of Kenya. The adoption of the
Forward Looking Strategies was a notable achievement, and we place particular
emphasis on the implementation of the programmes to the year 2000 for advancing the
status of women and for their full integration.
As part of the celebrations for Interl)ational Youth Year, Jamaica played host
to a Youth Festival and International Youth Conference which issued a significant
declaration.
In reflecting on the achievements of the United Nations over the past
40 years, one accanplishment which stands out, and one in which Jamaica takes
special pride in being associated with, is the conclusion of the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea signed at Montego Bay on 10 December 1982. I am
happy to report that, on the closing date for signature last December, the
Convention had 159 signatories, a clear and unmistakable indication of the broad
support it enjoys in the international community.
The Preparatory Commission, which has the responsibility for implementation of
the Convention, held two meetings during the year, and we are satisfied that it is
making progress in carrying out its mandate. But we must note with concern that,
under national legislation, licences are being issued which purport to grant
exploitation rights to parts of the international sea-bed area. This amounts to a
direct challenge to the mandate given to the Preparatory Commission and a defiance
of the will of the international community and is totally unacceptable. At its
Geneva meeting the Preparatory Commission adopted a declaration in which it
reaffirmed that the only regime for the exploitation of the area and its resources
is that established by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and
rejected any claim, agreement or action incompatible with the Convention as a basis
for creating legal rights to the international sea-bed area which is the common
heritage of mankind. We once again urge Member States who have not yet done so to
ratify the Convention as a tangible affirmation of their support for it.
For the United Nations, the future holds great challenges, and the price of
inaction or failure is frighteningly high. In disarmament, in peace and security,
in international economic co-operation, in the field of human rights, in the care
of the environment, in all these areas and others, we have an uncanpromising
obligation to ourselves and to future inhabitants of this planet. Those who
emphasize the shortcomings of the united Nations and who disregard its achievements
should be made to reco~.dze that there can be no turning back. The best hope for
mankind is to persevere in the search for solutions through the institutions of .
multilateral co-operation, for the common bond of humanity transcends the divisions
among states.
Mr. BARRQtl (Belize): On the histor ic occasion of this for tieth session
of the General Assembly, we hail the fact that mankind has endured. We have
survived intact through the sometimes uncomfortable period between the end of the
last World War and the threat of a later, more comple te des truction.
Much of the credit goes to this Organization, and much to the success of the
deliberative mechanisms structured within the system of the united Nations and
enshrined in its Charter, mechanisms which have institutionalized and underseored
the universal recognition of the continuing need for the nations of planet earth to
live together in some semblance of civilized behaviour.
To be sure, the success of the uni ted Na tions has been limi ted, for the Uni ted
Nations has oeen an imperfect instrument in an uncertain world, but the very fact
of our survival is a cause for celebration. Belize therefore joins the rest of the
community in recording its appreciation of the effor ts of this Organization in
helping to ward off the ultimate destruction of humanity, which the awesome
elements of our tec:hnology have made so fr ighteningly possible.
We congratulate you, Mr. President, 00 your unanimous election to the
presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly, in full confidence that
the brilliant record as statesman and conciliator that you bring to this high
office will be placed at our disposal during the coming months.
For your predecessor, Belize's great friend, Paul Lusaka, we have the highest
words of praise for bis inspired leadership of the thirty-ninth session of the
General Asselllbly, and for the manner in which he conducted the deliberations of
this body during his term of office. We wish him well in what must surely continue
to be a distinguished career in the service of his country, Zambia, and of the
wider international CODl1llunity •
Since the last session of the General Assembly, the people of Belize have
exercised their democratic right to choose another vision of what their future
should be. They bave chosen growth instead of stagnation; expansion, instead of
contraction; hope, instead of despair. They have chosen the united Demcratic
Party, under the leadership of Prime Minister Manuel Esquivel, to lead Belize as
their newly elected Government. This choice was freely made, wi thout coercion,
without bloodshed and without recrimination, and Belizeans have chosen a Government
dedica ted to the cause of freedan, personal independence and democratic development.
The task of the flew Government now is to demonstrate the boldness of action
necessary to translate beliefs and principles into reality, proceeding in the
confidence that within the Belizean people lie the power and the will to transform
t.~eir lives and the life of the na tion.
OUr most iuportant goal is to stimulate economic growth and move the nation to
increased employment and prosperity. Accordingly, domestic policies are being put
into effect aimed at dignifying Belizeans in all walks of life.
Inheriting an economy that has been virtually crippled by the burdens imposed
upon us by the limitations of the past, as well as the greater problems arising
from unsatisfactory world economic conditions, we do not pretend to face an easy
task.
We are not alone in decrying the external factors over which we have no
control and which have proved a scourge to every developing coun try. We continue
to face a decline in both the markets and the prices offered for our primary
products mainly because of protectionist policies adopted by the importing
countries. Our access to international financial assistance becomes more and more
limited with the imposition of more difficult - and at times socially
unacceptable - conditions for borrowing and repayment. And the debt burden grows
heavier with the rise in international interest rates.
While we adhere fUlly to the principle of observing international obligations.
we urge the financial community to look with favour at proposals to reduce the
crushing burden of debt repayments. The concept - already developed by some of our
sister Latin American nations - of linking repayments to export earnings, is
clearly a meritorious one.
In his report to the united Nations this year, the Secretary-General makes
point~:! reference to the inclination of many countries to resort to protectionism
to solve their own problems at the expense of other countries. We too lament this
trend t'Owards economic nationalism and urge the implementation of a universal legal
principle of obligation to enhance the development of less-advantaged peoples. The
problems of poorer countries must continue to be the focus of attention, and the
ccuntervailing growth of quasi-regionalism and bilateralism among the big countries
must be retarded.
A pillar of our own economic development in Belize is the free enterprise
system. But it is difficult for those who want to believe in the wisdom of the
system to contemplate its continuing unfairness, where the industrialized world
witholds necessary assistance and co-operation; where multilateral financial
institutions inject political considerations into eligibility criteriaJ and where
sovereign Governments are told that they must accept externally imposed
macro-economic prescriptions or face intolerable contractions in the financial
flows from world lending institutions.
Free enterprise should serve the interests of development, not challenge the
bases of our fragile economies, nor act as the instrument for the further
impoverishment of poor societies. And developing nations like Belize, with small
open economies, must wage a constant struggle to preserve their independence and
their sovereignty in the face of the geopolitical realities of implied coercion in
an increasingly bipolar world.
As a small Central American and Caribbean State~ Belize's foreign policy must
of necessity proj~t domestic concerns but be based on the principles of peaceful
coexistence, political pluralism, non-interference in the internal affairs of other
nations and the pea~eful resolution of disputes. We must vigilantly and
unselfishly act in solidarity with other small states experiencing similar problems
These are the principles that guide Belize's relationship with members of the
Caribbean co"~unity, who share with us a kinship born of a common cultural
heritage, a common histor.y and a common colonial experience. We are committed to
acting in concert with our Caribbean sister states to make the subregional grouping
more effective, more integrated and more representative of the aspirations of our
people. And we urge the co-operation of extraregional nations with the policy that
the Caribbean be made a zone of peace.
In the normal course of events, there is also a coincidence of interests with
the larger hemispheric nations, particularly the United states. My Government,
however, does not subscribe to any doctrine of geographic determinism. The fact of
our being located within the so-called sphere of influence of a world Power cannot
dictate that Belize's freedom of action in its international relations should be
circumscribed by any need for an external imprimatur.
Belize's relations with neighbouring states on our Centlal American mainland
are based on respect for national self-determination, sovereignty and the right of
all peoples to choose their own political, social and economic systems free from
external threats and pressures. We have of our own accord, however, chosen to
subscribe fUlly to the principles of parliamentary democracy, and we note with
satisfaction the marked trend towards the democratization, or perhaps
redemocratization, of our America.
The violence that continues to consume Central America and cause wrenching
dislocations of people from their homelands is regrettable and weighs heavily on
our ability as peace-loving nations to create the conditions for a return to
normalcy in our region.
My Government has a particular concern in this matter because the transborder
migration of those fleeing the conflicts has produced an influx of refugees into
Belize which strains our already thinly stretched social and economic resources and
Furthermore, Belizeans, with our history of peaceful and stable development,
cannot forever remain immune to the inherent hostility and mistrust that
characterize the evolution of the conflict in this region. We cannot ignore the
attempts being made by outside Powers to exploit historical and prevailing
conditions in ~n effort to gain advantage in the global East-West confrontational
struggle.
We maintain the view that a regional political solution is imperative. We
hold to the thesis that the Contadora process is the best means to deal with the
situation.
During the 10 months of the new administration in Belize, the Prime Minister
and members of his cabinet have had an opportunity to begin discussions and
exchange views with members of the Contadora countries on developments in Central
America. Throughout these discussions, one theme has been recurring, and that is
the need finally to put in place the mechanisms which will ensure a lasting
solution to the regional problem.
There is now an urgent need for the protagonists in the conflict to summon up
the act of political ~~ll necessary for the signing of the final draft of the
Contadora Act on peace and co-operation in Central America. For only then will
there be an elimination of the distances that have been created between polities
and groups by ~rtificial political and economic philosophies. And only then will
the sovereignty and independence of the states of Central America be strengthened
and the creative energies of our people freed to concentrate on the developmental
activities necessary to assure us prosperous, well-ordered societies.
My Government has no desire to complicate further the problems of the region,
but in view of the still unresolved claim by the Republic of Guatemala to the
territory of Belize, we consider the security and defence of our homeland to be our
highest foreign policy priority.
The new Government of Belize ~DS committed itself to showing realism and
flexibility so that a peaceful, diplomatic solution can be found. To that end we
participated in informal discussions with officials of the Guatemalan Government
earlier this year in order to explore ways of arriving at a solution which
recognize~ Belizean solidarity and our right to maintain and preserve intact our
present and cons~itutional borders, a solution that will do this even as it seeks
to satisfy some of the relevant security concerns of Guatemala.
However, it must be made clear that the independence of Belize is
irreversible. It is a practical and legal fact of international life. To seek to
maintain otherwise is counter-productive and counter-historical. In order for any
real progress to be made, discussions and negotiations with Guatemala must reflect
this reality.
Belizeans applaud the s~gnals of a return to democracy and civilian rule in
Guatemala and fully expect understanding and flexibility in future discussioils with
a civilian administration.
A prelude to harmonious relations between Belize and Guatemala, then, is the
recognition that two separate, sovereign entities share a common border. Both are
involved in the search for better conditions of life for their citizens. This
search can best be conducted in an atmosphere of peace, stability and internal
security.
Good-neighbourliness between our two countries, as well as mutual
understanding and respect, can help remove the ba~riers and mistrust that hav~
prevented us from liVing together as neighbours should. This is the position of
Belize. We appeal to the authorities in Guatemala to respond positively.
On another aspect of our security concerns, my Government has been greatly
exercised by, and absolutely condemns, the blot on our society that is the
(Mr. Barrow, Belize)
over the past five years, and spurred on by the phenomenal and continually
expanding consumer market provided by the United States, Belize has become a
large-scale producer of and trafficker in marijuana. We do not need anyone to tell
us of the insiduous nature of the threat posed by this aberrant activity - to our
institutions, to the moral and ethnical dimensions of our national life, and to the
very lI:ule of law and democracy in our country.
Within the limits of our resources we have made Herculean efforts to stamp out
the trade and to defeat the danger of destabilization which it poses. Since the
beginning of this year joint military/police operations have succeeded in
destroying over 80,000 marijuana plants and 70,000 pounds of processed marijuana.
Some 375 persons have been charged in our coun try for dealing in marijuana and 288
have so far been convicted. In the past 6 months alone four United States
registered aircraft and 10 motor vehicles have been seized by the police and
confiscated by our ceurts •
That is why we find it so distressing when the claim is advanced that Belize
has fa iled to eradicate any of its drug crop. To say tha t is to propagate
disinformation of the most malicious sort. To be sure, we have had differences of
opinion with others who engage in the war against drugs, principally over the
methodology to be used in our own eradication campaign. Aerial spraying of
marijuana plantations using chemical herbicides has been pressed upon us, but we
have so far preferred to employ manual eradication methods until we can assure
ourselves and our people that the aerial-spraying exercise would involve no
unacceptable health or environmental risks. Even now, we are taking steps which
will enable us to make that de termina tion.
That position has not proved satisfactory to some, which is regrettable. But
power disequilibria cannot be allowed to defeat the sovereign right of small States
to act in what they consider to be their national interests. We must therefore
stand at this rostrum today and, in accordance wi th the Charter, reject the threat
of coercion implied in the possibility that has been held before us of an aid
cut-off or other measure designed to force us to move prematurely and in a way we
consider undesirable.
In the wider hemispheric context my Government regrets the exclusion of Belize
from the Organization of American States. We trust that the obstacles which now
prevent us from becoming a full member of that important body will soon be
overcome. We rely on the wisdom, statesmanship and responsibility of the members
of the Permanent Council to refashion the Charter of that organization to
accommodate the spirit of hemispheric unity and universality envisaged by the
Charter's framers.
My Government's world view generates the imperative for Belize to be an
outspoken advocate for parliamentary democracy, for mutual co-operation among
States in the world community and for scrupulous respect for the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of our citizens.
We believe in the multilateral approach to resolving some of the pressing
economic, social and political problems facing us as nations and as political
groupings. Any retreat from multilateralism, in our view, erodes the effectiveness
of political communities acting in concert and isolates the smaller and weaker
among us from the benefits of joint action. Such retreat is especially to be
regretted in this fortieth anniversary year of the United Nations, for the very
raison d'etre of the United Nations was interdependence, as was made clear by the
1 January 1942 Declaration that created the wartime alliance, and as is stressed in
the Atlantic Charter incorporated in the 1942 Declaration which, in a very real
sense, is the forerunner of the present-day United Nations Charter.
With all this in view, Belize reiterates its commitment to all regional and
international organizations of which we are a member, including the Caribbean
Community, the Commonwealth of nations, the United Nations and the Non-Aligned
Movement. While we feel that there are those who have sought to convert the
Non-Aligned Movement into a forum for ritual and strident name-calling, and, while
we view that as counterproductive, my Government nonetheless feels that the spirit
of Bandung, the original principles that animated the Movement, can still be a
force for world peace.
My Government supports the original initiatives of the Group of 77, as
ratified by the General Assembly, which resulted in the call for a new
internaticnal economic order. The main goals of the new international economic
order are of clear relevance and importance to Belize, since we suffer the common
problems and the common concerns of other third-world countries.
Belize commits itself to co-opera te fully in the effor t to persuade the
developed countries that the prosperi ty of the interna tional community as a whole
depends on the prosperity of its constituent parts and that the political, economic
and social wellbeing of present and future generations depend more than ever on
co-operation among all the members of the international co~unity on the basis of
sovereign equality.
Belizeans are profoundly concerned that while we celebrate the fortieth
anniversary of the United Nations and hail the many accomplishments of the
Organization and its positive influences over the emerged world order we also mark
the fortieth anniversary of the denial to the Namibian people of their right to
freedom and independence.
We agonize over the sheer powerlessnesss of the international community to
exert effective pressure on the whi te rulers of Sou th Africa to loosen their
stranglehold on the fa te of the black peoples of souther n Afr ica.
Ever.\!, step - however little and however late - taken by countries in a
position to influence the course of events in southern Africa in an effort to
dismantle the morally corrupt and internationally discredited regime of apartheid
is a practical demonstration of support for the right of the black majority in its
struggle to control its own des tiny.
Apartheid is a crime against humanity, and apartheid South Africa has
forfei ted the right to be regarded as a member of the community of na tions. All
measures aimed at isolating that regime need to be intensified. The argument that
mandatory, effective sanctions will only aggravate the plight of the already
suffering black people of SOuth Africa is a spurious one, patronizing at best and,
at worst, a dishonest excuse for the inaction that will perpetuate abhorrent
apartheid..
No less emphatic are we with regard to the need to safeguard the rights of the
inhabitants of the Falkland Islands in the South Atlantic, or the rights of the
peoples of East Timor and of the western Sahara to determine their own destiny, of
the Palestinian people to return to their homeland and the right of Israel to exist
within secure borders, of the rights of the Lebanese people who yearn for peace, of
the Afghan people to regain control of their own land and of the Kampucheans to
reestablis~ their sovereignty.
We find it ironic that the Uear and Middle East, which have been the cradle of
so many of the world's :<:::.-l.ding cultures, should today be the scene of so much
tension and so much strife. There must be an end to those unbrotherly actions
which, for example, prolong the war between Iran and Iraq.
Finally, we call for immedia te action to allevia te the pl ight of all those
countries suffering from hunger, starvation, desertification and disease.
There is no doubt that those wise men who drafted the Charter of the United
Nations 40 years ago in San Francisco contemplated the evolution of an imperfect
world. They foresaw disharmony and conflict. That is why the Charter stresses
conflict resolution and co-operation among States. Much has changed in those 40
years, but the basic goals remain the same.
Of greatest immediacy is whether the world as we know it wHl survive for
another 40 years. Accordingly, we call on all Member States to make this fortieth
anniversary a time of rededication, a time of renewal. Let us strive with
increased assiduity, not for military victories but for diplomatic solutions, not
for nuclear advantage but for the safety of the human raca.
And Belize insists that: it is within the principles and practices of the
United Nations system, and of its multilateral approach to global peace, that we
find the best means of avoiding the apocalyptic prospect - mankind's final
nightfall.
The meeting rose at 5.10 p.m.