A/40/PV.28 General Assembly
122. Scale of Assess~1Ents for the Apportionment of the Expenses of the United Nations
I should like to draw the
Assembly's attention to document A/40/645/AQd.5, which contains a letter addressed
to me by the Secretary-General informing me that, since the issuance of his
communication da ted 17 September 1985, the Cen tral African Republic has made the
necessary payment to reduce its arrears below the amount specified in Article 19 of
the Char ter •
May I take it that the General Assembly duly takes note of that information?
It was so decided.
9. GENERAL DEBATE Mr. GIHENO (Papua New Guinea): My delegation and I would like to congratulate you most sincerely, Sir, on your election to the presidency of this important fortieth anniversary of the United Nations General Assembly. In wishing you success in all your deliber:,,~tions, I assure you of my delegation's support and confidence in you throughout your term of office. I wish to extend our congratulations also to your predecessor, Mr. Paul Lusaka, on the matter in which he discharged his responsibilities and guided the deliberations of the thirty-ninth session. Ten years ago, when my country was admitted as a Member of the United Nations, my Prime Minister, Michael Somare, stated from this rostrum that our fundamental commitment was to the maintenance of peace and security throughout our region and the world. He also stated that Papua New Guinea would undertake to uphold the principles and purposes of the Charter. As our track record indicates, Papua New Guinea has lived up to its commitments. On this fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, let me reaffirm Papua new Guinea's obligation and commitment to upholding the fundamental principles and purposes of the United Nations Char ter • In his 1984 annual report to this Assembly, the secretary-General stated that "The original intent of the United Nations was to provide a framework in which Governments of different persuasions could, in their wisdom, work out solutions to in terna tional problems and, if necessary, toge ther take action to put those solutions into effect rather than engaging in conflict". (A/39/1, para. 2) The main purpose was, and continues to be, to unite our commitments and obligations to maintain international peace and security. Papua New Guinea, which last month celebrated the tenth anniversary of its independence, is a young, flourishing democracy whose Government is structured on the Westminster system. We have had changes of Governments, all through the democratic parliamentary process and in accordance with our Constitution. The Papua New Guinea Government's basic approach in the conduct of its foreign relations is one of active and selective engagement. Successive Papua New Guinea Governments have tried to strengthen and consolidate relations with countries with which we share important interests. An important aspect of this policy is Papua New Guinea's developing relations with member States of the SOuth Pacific Forum and the Associa tion of Sou th-East As ian Nations, wi th member na tions of the European Economic Community and the Non-Aligned Movement, with the People's Republic of China, Japan, the United States of America and the Republic of Korea. Papua New Guinea's relations wi th the island developing countries of the SOU th Pacific are based on culture, ethnicity and shared interests. Co-operation with these countries is generally conducted through two regional organizations. are the South Pacific Forum and the South Pacific Conference. In recent years, leaders of the South Pacific island countries have increasingly become concerned with certain £egional issues which have not been given the necessary attention and the publicity they deserve. Pacific leaders realize that one of the best ways of tackling pressing issues of crucial importance to the people and countries of the region is by prolOOting regional consultation and co-operation. Our relations with the independent island countries of the South Pacific are among those of primary concern to us. We welcome increased, constructive participation in regional affairs by metropolitan countries with traditional ties to the region, as well as by Japan, China and South Korea. We are critical of Governments which deny the rights and independence of island Governments~ Papua New Guinea, toge ther wi th 0 ther Sou th Pacific Forum countr ies, has long advocated a nuclear-free zone in our region. For several years now we have protested in the strongest terms possible at the French Government's nuclear-weapon-testing programme on Mururoa Atoll. However, despite those protests, the French Government continues to conduct nuclear tests on Mururoa. Papua New Guinea strongly condemns this arrogant atti tude and calls upon France to comply wi th the wishes of the people of the region. We welcome Prime Minister Nakasone's pledge that Japan will not dump nuclear was tes in the Pacific • They Recently, with other memberc of the region, Papua New Guinea has signed a treaty that would make the South Pacific a nuclea~-free zone. As has been expressed here on numerous occasions by Papua New Guinea representatives, we consider colonialism an anachronism of our time. We therefore find it disturbing that as long as 25 years after the adoption of the historic 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, 19 Non-Self-Governing Territories and one Trust Territory continue to languish under this system of the past. Papua New Guinea believes that the people of dependent and Non-Self-Governing Territories must be given the opportunity to exercise their inalienable right to genuine self-determination. With regard to the special problems of small dependent Territories, they must not be denied self-determination simply because of their size, geographic location, population or limited natural resources, and it is for them, and them alone, freely to express the form they wish to adopt in order to achieve the objectives of resolu tion 1514 (XV). If dependent peoples are to be able to make an informed and reasoned decision on their poli tical status, adequa te poU tical educa tion mus t be conducted by the administering Power concerned to enable them fully to understand the options available to them, as well as the likely implica tions of those options. There must be a greater and more meaningful participation by the indigenous peoples in the affairs of their respective dependent Territories. Appropriate Administering Authorities should promote investment in self-help projects appropriate to the needs and resources of ~ose dependent Territories. In this respect, it is essential that they review tile use of transnational corporations in the economic development of these dependent Territories. (Mr. Giheno, Papua New GUin~a) While colon.ialism is gradually being phased out, certain parts and peoples of the world continue to be saddled Wial the burden of conflicting territorial claims by metropolitan Powers~ Papua New Guinea hopes that the anguish and uncertainty of these peoples can soon 'be ende4~ We urge those responsible to resolve the difficulties in a manner that avoids a further impasse. In this regard, we remind those states disputing each other's -territorial claims that they have an obligation to respect the wishes and well-being of the peoples of those dependent Territor ies. Like other independent Pacific island countries, Papua New Guinea is particularly concerned about the remaining dependent Territories of the Pacific region. We are indeed happy to note that after years of painstaking negotiations between the United States and the Marshal! Islands and t:he Federated States of Micronesia, a compact of free association, agreed to between the parties, is pending before the United States Congress for ratification. We urge the united States Government to honour the originally agreed arrangements under the compact that was negotia ted and accepted by both par ties. In contrast to the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia, a third political entity in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, Palau, has yet to conclude an appropriate compact of free association with the administering Power. We trust that this impasse is only temporary and that both parties will soon find a mutually acceptable formula whereby Palauans.will be allowed to exercise their inalienable right of self-determination at the earliest possible date. Papua New Guinea, however, stands firm in its criticism of any attempts by the Administering Authority to circumvent the Palauan Constitution for reasons of polltical expediency. We shall therefore continue to advocate respect by the administering PC1lIfer for the provision in the Palauan Constitution which outlaws the entry of nuclear weapons into Palau. Of particUlar concern to us is New Caledonia, wl'i.iCh presents a crucial and highly pressing decolonization issue that still remains unsolved. Since our independence 10 years ago we have felt obliged to support the aspiration to independence of our Pacific island neighbours. Our resolve in this respect is as resolute as it ever was. We will continue to persist in our endeavours to bring pressure to bear on France to grant the indigenous population of New Caledonia the genuine exercise of its inalienable right to self-determination. Until several months ago we had some reason to believe that France had a genuine intention to accord New Caledonians their inalienable right to self-determination. It is with the deepest sense of regret that I report here today that the French Government plans to boost its military presence in New Caledonia. It ~ppears quite clear to us that the planned increase in the French military presence in New Caledonia proves beyond reasonable doubt the intention of France to maintain New Caledonia as a colony indefinitely. Papua New Guinea fails to understand why the French Government should make such plans while calls for the decolonization of New Caledonia and modalities for the exercise of self-determination by the New Caledonians are yet to be resolved. In the light of the events that followed the Territorial Assembly elections last year, this latest move by the French Government can only be viewed by Papua New Guinea as an act of intimidation of the Kanaks and as an effort to influence the outcome of any act of self-determination. We are encouraged, however, to learn that, despite an active campaign by the French anti-independence sector in New Caledonia, the Kanaks won three out of four regional elections last month. Nevertheless, the majority of the seats in the Central Congress are still held by those in favour of the French anti-independence settlers. This does not guarantee that New Caledonia will become independent in the near future. We urge the Administering Authority to make further arrangements, inclUding appropriate electoral reforms, to facilitate the full implementation of united Nations General Assembly lesolution 1514 (XV). In this regard we call upon the United Nations to consider the applicability of the United Nations Charter and the historic 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in line with the recent Forum communique. Papua New Guinea shares a common land border with the Republic of Indonesia, which is an important member of the Association of south-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The effective and orderly administration of the Papua New Guinea/Indonesian border is governed by the Basic Agreement on Border Arrangements, signed in 1979 between the two countries and revised in 1984. On the part of Papua New Guinea, the success of the border regime established under the Basic Agreement is based on good understanding and actively encouraged through a policy of independent neighbourly co-OPeration between the two countries. This is not to say that management of the common land border has not been without any difficulties and problems. We have had differences of views on various aspects of border development and administration. However, our ability to exercise a high level of flexibility and mutual respect in trying to understand and appreciate each other's style of approach to solving border problems has contributed immensely towaqrds minimiZing the chances of their escalating into serious border conflicts such as have been experienced by others in similar situations. Papua New Guinea has developed close and meaningful relations with individual ASEAN member states. Our relations with ASEAN are unique, in that we are the only country that enjoys special observer status with ASEAN. We have actively sought co-operation with ASEAN and I am pleased to state that we have been invited to participate in selected technical and functional areas. Our relations with member countries of the European Economic Community (EEC), Japan, the People's RepUblic of China, South Korea and the United States of America have markedly increased over the past few years. We welcome this increase in our relations with those countries and look forward to exploring new areas for co-operation. As a special observer vis-a-vis the Non-Aligned Movement, Papua New Guinea hopes to maintain an active outlook on matters that affect the interests of the third world. We have supported and will continue to support issues of major concern to less-developed countries that are advanced by the Group of 77 and the Non-Aligned Movement. We would like to record our appreciation to the many prominent leaders of the third world who have made a commitment to pur~uing collective third-world interests. Once again the General Assembly is meeting at a time when the very fabric of international peace, security, stability and properity is being assailed by inc:eased global disharmony and economic inequity. As the Secretary-General obser~'ed in his report, the past year has been a time of great-Power tension, of heightE!ned violence in several parts of the world, of continued economic difficulties and of a deterioration of the situation in many developing countries. It is Papua New Guinea's view that the united Nations must produce a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. During the last two sessions of the General Assembly, Papua New Guinea supported resolutions which formed a basis for the development of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. We will continue to lend our support this year. We would also like to see the United Nations mandate a working group of the Conference on Disarmament to allow urgent practical work to be done towards such a treaty. Respect for the national sovereignty of all States and for international borders is an important principle in international relations and must be uphe14. The use of superior economic and military strength to invade small countries for the purpose of securing spheres of influence is a matter of the utmost concern to Papua New Guinea. We have witnessed a resurgence of this deplorable phenomenon in Kampuchea, in Cyprus, in Lebanon, in Afghanistan, in Angola, in Namibia and, mo~~ recently, in Botswana. Papua New Guinea strongly condemns the perpetrators of those outrageous acts. The Papua New Guinea Government condemns the Vietnamese invasion of Kampucha and the subsequent installation of a puppet regime. We reaffirm our support for the principles embodied in the 1981 Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea. The Papua New Guinea Government firmly believes that the withdrawal of all foreign forces is necessary for genuine dialogue. Papua New Guineas believes that the crisis in the Middle East can never be resolved unless the principal parties to those conflicts recognize that they all have a right to exist. Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), to which Papua New Guinea subscribes, offer a framework for the settlement of the conflict. The question of Namibia has long been a focus of international attention and United Nations efforts. However, no amount of international censure of South Africa's illegal presence and activities in Namibia has elicited the right response from the Pretoria regime. Papua New Guinea has no reason to believe that south Aftica has any genuine intention of implementing the united Nations plan for Namibia's independence, as cont&ined in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which is the only internationally recognized formula for Namibia's independence. Papua New Guinea continues to support that resolution. In spite of the fact that the United Nations has declared apartheid to be a crime against humanity, South Africa continues to run its affairs on the basis of that obnoxious system. Papua New Guinea strongly deplores the current violence directed against blacks and extends its condolences to the innocent Victims. Papua New Guinea welcomes the recent direct dialogue between North and south Korea in the hope that it will lead to a'reduction of tension in the Korean Peninsula. Papua New Guinea urges Members of the United Nations to help create a better political environment for a peaceful solution of the Korean question by encouraging both sides to continue the dialogue. Papua New Guinea welcomes the adoption of the Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982. However, we are disappointed that since then certain countries not only have sought to alter various fundamental provisions of the Convention but also continue to find reason not to accede to it. Of particular interest are the provisions relating to the exploitation and management of fisheries. Papua New Guinea and other South Pacific Forum Fisheries Agency countries have been negotiating a multilateral fisheries access agreement with the United States. We are concerned, however, that the United States has been reluctant to recognize the ~ights of coastal States over highly migratory species within their 200-mile economic zone. Furthermore, past e~perience has shown that coastal states face a very real threat of economic sanctions by the United States for exercising their rights over their 200 mile economic zone. Papua New Guinea appreciates that there have been some changes in the United States attitude, and therefore, looks forward to an early, and favourable, conclusion of the above-mentioned agreement. Papua New Guinea recognizes that the recovery that has been under way in parts of the world economy has spread unevenly, and has by-passed entirely a large part of the developing world. In many developing countries growth and development have been severely hampered, and in some countries have halted altogether. Papua New Guinea is concerned at the very real risk of many more developing countries facing an unmanageable crisis of debt and development should the economies of the industrial States fail to achieve a lasting recovery. (Mr. Giheno, Papua New Guinea) In this respect, Papua New Guinea welcomes the view expressed by the leaders of industrial count~ies represented at the Bonn summit in June that the prosperity of developed and developing countries has become increasingly linked and therefore we should all work together in a spirit of true partnership. Like other developing states, Papua New Guinea's economic prospects are largely determined by external economic factors which are beyond our control. Consequently the notion of true partnership in international economic co-operation has a very real meaning for our economic survival and the provision ~~ basic human needs. In this, the 40th anniversary of the United Nations, Papua New Guinea would like to urge all Member nations to give a real and practical meaning to that partnership. we need prompt and practical action now if we are serious about dealing effectively with the important challenges that confront us today. Some of the proposals for action include increasing the resources of and lending by mUltilateral institutions, strengthening commodity export earnings, moving decisively to meeting the Official Development Assistance (OOA) targets and ensuring greater and more secure access to markets in developed countries. The Papua New Guinea Government welcomes the commitment made by participants in the London economic summit last year and the Bonn summit this year to urge resistance to and reduction of protection. But, as I have already suggested, what we seek is prompt and practical action. In addition, the Government of Papua New Guinea has acceded to th~ Common Fund set up under the auspices of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). My Government does not see Why there is continuing delay in bringing the Fund into operation. Papua New Guinea appeals to all Member states of the United Nations to show a greater degree of responsibility, commitllent and dedication to the world community. As for Papua New Guinea, recent negative trends and developments have in f~t increased the importance which we attach to the United Nations, and strengthened our commitment and dedication to its principles and objectives. The United Nations Charter commits us to preserving peace and fostering social and economic development. All we Member nations have undertaken to resolve our disputes peacefully and to resPect the independence and territorial integrity of all sovereign States. This Organization provides the only universal framework within which we can keep those promises and pursue those vital ideals and goals collectively. '#hat better year to recommit ourselves to the un~ted Nations than this year - the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. It is not going to be easy, but it can be doae, and do it we must. We cannot hope for an equitable and peacefUl world if we become complacent about the status quo. We must therefore put behind us our animosities and mistrust towards each other, and unite once mor~: as the founders did in San Francisco, with the common goal of preserving the United Nations as an instrument for peace and equity. Papua New Guinea believes that we are up to that task, for we are not only forty years older but, hopefully, forty years Wiser. Mr. KUTESA (Uganda): I wish to extend to you, Sir, my delegation's si ,cere congratulations on your election to the presidency of this historic session of the United Nations General Assembly. My delegation shares fully the warm sentiments expressed so eloquently by previous speakers on your personal qualities which make you eminently qualified for the task entrusted to you. I have no doubt whatsover that under your able leadership the deliberations of this commemorative .ession, "~k(~\:he 40th annivernry ~f I tJt$ Unitec1 Nations, trI:l.ll~be very . - .~ . . fruitful. t~ thi." ~nection, I wiSh" to pledge the full support" and c:o-oper~tion of., delegatlon"'to you in the discharge of your enorllOUs task. I wish to take ~his opportunity to register 8Y profound appreciation for the viae and able leadership deMOnsttated by your predecessor, ~wbassad~r: Paul Lusaka, throughout the 39~h ••sslon of the General A...Mbly. Per.it .. ~l.o to pay a"special tribute to the Secretary-General, Mc. Perez de Cuellar, for his untiring efforts in the search for solutions· to the nu-erous worl~"pr~leMs. I wish to c~nd, in particular, Jtis efforts in ;: . . mobll131ng reiief a.slstance for famine stricken areas of Africa and hie attempts . . ... to find solutions to the probleMs of southern Africa. (Mr~ Kutesa, Uganda) The world has witnessed in the past y~ar a dange~ously deteriorating s~tuation in southern Africa caused by South Africa's increasingly aggressive posture towards its neighbours and a heightened degree of oppression and intimidation directed against the black majority in that country. The unprovoked murder~us attack on Gaberone, leaving more than a doz~n dead and a considerab~~ amount of prope~ty destroyed, the unprovoked invasion of Angola, the continued support of rebel forces in Mozambique in spite of the Nkomati accord, the failed mission to blow up the Malongo oil complex in the Cabinda Province of Angola, and the recent air raid in support oi UNITA, are viewed by my Government as a deliberate policy on the part of south Africa to destabilize its neighbours in a desperate attempt to delay the forces of change for as long as possible. In south Africa itself, the volcano of discontent, which has been rumbling for a long time, is finally erupting. No amount of repressive measures can stem the tide of the march to equality and freedom in South Africa. The imposition of a state of emergency~ the imprisonment, detention and banning of black leaders, the indiscriminate murder of blacks in funeral processions, and the arrest of eight-year-old school children protesting inferior education, may delay but will certainly not stop the move to dismantle apartheid. The time for cosmetic reforms short of the complete dismantling of apartheid has long past. We urge the Pretoria regime, in the interest of all racial groups in that country, to abandon repressive measures and to initiate meaningful dialogue with all genuine leaders of the black community•. As a first step in this direction, the South African authorities should free all political leaders, inclUding Nelson Mandela and the Rev. Allan Boesak, unconditionally. On the eve of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations Declaration on Decolonization, we are faced with a stalemate on the question of Namibia's independence. The Pretoria regime continues to frustrate all efforts to bring about aR end to its illegal "occupation of Namibia. The setting up of the so-called -interim administration- in Namibia by South Africa is yet another plot designed ~o perpetuate the status quo. The international community is duty bound to address itself seriously to this stubborn defiance by the apartheid regime. In this connection, my Government fully supports the demand made by the Security Council, earlier this year, for the immedia~e and unconditional implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978) as the only acceptable basis for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian problem. I wish also to reiterate Uganda's total rejection of all attempts to make Namibia's independence contingent upon factors that are extraneous and irrelevant. Until South Afric~ takes the necessary steps for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), Uganda will continue to support the call for the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa in accordance with Chapter VII of the ~nited Nations Charter. In this connection, it is gratifying to note that several countries have taken heed of the Security Council's call to those Member States which had not done so already to take certain voluntary economic measures against South Africa. Uganda has noted with particular satisfaction the limited economic measures announced hy several Member states against South Africa in recent months. We would like to encourage them to move even further towards mandatory sanctions as the quickest and less painful means of bringing about change in South Africa. We would also like to appeal to those Member States which wield considerable economic clout in South Africa and which have yet to introduce voluntary economic measures against South Africa, to review positively their stand on the question of economic sanctions. (Mr. Kutesa, Uganda) We realize that because of their considerable investments in the South African eqonomy ~he sacrifice of these countries ~esultin9 from the imposition of mandat~ry s~nctions would be greater than that of other Member nations. However, the danger posed to these same interests by the violent revolution that is unfolding in South Africa has to be taken into account. It.is perhaps the perception of t~is fact that has led to contacts between the African National Congress (ANe) and leading south African businessmen. The view that economic sanctions do nol work is not shared by my delegation. It is clear that the limited measures taken or threatened to be taken by some countries which hitherto have been strong supporters of South Africa, have already had a 9reater impact on the apartheid regime than the policy of ·constructive engagement·, which has strengthened, rather than weakened, apartheid. The majority of blacks in South Africa support the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions, even though they realize that they would probably be the worst affected. They know that this sacrifice is no greater than the supreme sacrifice paid by hundreds of their brothers and sisters gunned down in the streets or murdered in detention. The front-line states have also indicated their strong. support for mandatory sanctions despite the fact that they too are likely to be adversely affected. My delegation has noted with deep concern the escalation of the arms race, particularly since the advent of the ·Star Wars· concept. We are opposed to the militarization of outer space. It is regrettable to note that despite the convening of two special emergency sessions of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to disarmament, the manufacture and stockpiling of new and more sophisticated nuclear weapons continues at an alarming pace. I wish to reiterate my delegation's conviction that international peace and- ~, Jt security can be maintained only througb general and complete disw:aament, and in particular nuclear disarmament, under effective internationa~ c04tro1. - In this connection, Uganda supports fully the initiative taken by the si'C Heads of State or Government who called upon all nuclear-weapon States ·to freez~ the testil19, production and deployment of nuclear weapons as a first step to be followed by. an armaments reduction programme leading to general and complete disarmament in their Joint Declaration of 22 May 1984. It is a sad reflection on our values that we should be prepared to spend billions of dollars annually on the refinement of our destructive capabilities instead of directing these resources to the solution of the world's economic, social and humanitarian problems. The situation in the Middle East remains troubled because of· the lack of any progress towards a just and comprehensive settlement of the question of pal:estine. It was with great distress and indignation that my delegation learned of the bombing raid staged on 1 OCtober by Israel against the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLC) headquarters in Tunisia. We are all aware of the fact that the question of Palestine is the core of the Middle East problem and the root cause of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The International Confel~nce on the Question of Palestine, which was held in Geneva in 1983, recommended the convening of an international peace conference with the participation of all concerned parties, inclUding the PLO and the two super-Powers. My delegation supports this move because it believes strongly that a negotiated peace that recognizes the inalienable right of the Palestinians to self-determination in an independent State of Palestine, as well as respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of all States in the region, offers the best hope for all concerned in that part of the world. We urge all concerned to work tirelessly for the convening of the peace conference. with regard to the Iran-Iraq cO~fliot, Uganda, as a fellow member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference ana the Non-Aligned Movement, urges both parties to end this terrible conflict, which has cost both countries so dear in terms of both lives lost and property destroyed. It is time for both countries to respond positively to the many appeals and many mediation efforts that have been directed to them. Uganda continues to follow developments in Cyprus, a fellow Commonwealth member, with keen interest. We will continue to support and encourage the Government and people of Cyprus in their search for a lasting solution on the basis of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. In this connection we commend the efforts of the secretary-General in mediating between the two communities. With regard to the situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, we urge all the parties concerned to seek comprehensive political solutions, which should provide for the withdrawal of foreign forces and ensure respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of both countries. We will continue to render our support to all efforts intended to achieve this goals Uganda calls for effective measures to end all forms of foreign interference in Central America. We fully support the Contadora Group in its efforts to find a peaceful solution for the region, as contained in the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America, of 7 September 1984. The Act represents an important step towards lasting peace and the promotion of economic and social development in the region. We appeal to the five Governments i of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua, to do all in their power to conclude negotiations with the Contadora Group with a view to signing the Act as early as possible. Permit me now to brief this Assembly o~ .the present situation, in Uganda. Today Uganda celebrates the twenty-third anniversary o~ its independence. Regrettably, for more than half of its inaepende~t existence Uganda has known nothing but civil conflict, with its attendant consequences of lawl'~£lsness, political instability, economic decline and moral decay. Uganda, once described by one of the greatest of statesmen, Sir Winston Churchill, as the pe&rl of Africa, started out on its independence road with great promise and high hopes. During the first few years of its independence Uganda experienced rapid development in all fields, particularly in the social Sector. unfortunately that rapid development and progress suffered greatly owing to political instability; which culminated in the military coup staged by Idi Amin. The 1971 military:oup brought development and any progress to a complete halt. The world does not need reminding how brutal and chaotic Amin's dictatorship was. Suffice it to say that the consequences for Uganda were ruinous. The fall of Amin in 1979 presented the people of uganda with a golden opportunity to make a fesh start along the road to reconciliation, peace, unity and development. Regrettably, this opportunity was allowed to slip through our hands. Amin 8s fall was followed by three short-lived administrations in the space of less than two years. Following the general elections of December 1980, the validity of whose results were greatly disputed, the new Obate administration was faced with another civil conflict. Some Ugandans who disputed the fairness and validity of the election results decided to go to the bush to conduct a guerrilla war against abate's Government. This war has been extremely costly to uganda in terms of lives ~ost, property destroyed and development opportunities lost. On nuserous occaaiQns Dr. Milton Obote was urged by prOlllnent personalities both at ~ and abroad to enter intoaialOgue with the various groups fighting his adJail'ii1lJtration in ordl1tr to save ugandm froll further bloodshecJ and sUffering. He stubbornly refused to heed this advice. Thi. stubborn refusal ran counter to his stated policy of re.eoncUia~lo~ and no revenge as the basis for reunifying uganda and its people. This, then, was the backdrop to the .ilitary coup d'etat which took place in Ugan4~ on.27 July 1985. Bxplaining the reasons for the action taken b¥ the army, General Tito Okello Lutwa, Chairman of the ruling Military Council and Read of state, said: -FO~ many years now our country has suffered continuously from a process of political and moral decay and the a~se of power b¥ the authorities of the day. Corruption has been Widespread. The human rights guaranteed by the Constitution have frequently been violated. Tribalis., conflicts and indiacipline have been widespread in all sectors of national life. ~hese ills were killing the country slowly. The action taken b¥ the lien of the UNLA on Saturday, 27 JUly 1985, was therefore aimed at stopping this dange~ous trend and restor1n9 peace and order in Uganda.- 8e went on to e.phasize that -The fighting which has been going on in some parts of the country for the last five years has caused too much SUffering to the people of Uganda. It has been a ha.-orrhage draining the life and energy of the nation. The stopping of all fighting and the establishment of peace in the country therefore constitutes a high priority for the Military Council.- PrOll the foregoing it is quite clear that the new Go~ernment's domestic and foreign policies will be dOMinated by a genuine desire on the part of the Govern.ent for lasting peac~ and tranquillity in uganda in particular and in our regioo~ a. a whole. It is for tb~s reason that, right frc. the cutMt,tbe Governaent bas set as its top-priority task the ending of all fighting in the country. '1'0 this encS the Military Council bas vigorously pursued negotiatioos vi tb all the groups which .,.re 'fighting Obote'. Govtlrsment•. 1 wish to report th~t the n890tlations have been successfully concluded with all fighting groups with the exception of the National Resistance Aray, led by Yowerl Museveni. These groups are now participating fully in the govunlng of the country through theit _lIbership of the Military Council. However, negotiations vith the National Resistance Amy are progressing well under the wise and able chalraan8hip of His Excellency President Daniel Arap Mol of Kenya, who has graciously set aside his iaportant State duties in order to assist us in our search for peace. There Is need for a genuine and coaprehenelve process of political reconciliation in our country. Our recent history teaches us that no single group, whether political, reUglous or tr ibal, can succeed alone in bringing peace and tranquillity to Uganda. It le for this reason that the MUitary Council has decided to involve all poU.tical groups in the for_tion of a new Governaent of national unity. We believe that all groups should participate fully in the affairs of the country. The Chairun of the Military Council has urged all political groups to use thie opportunity positively -for the benefit of the entire country. ae has warned th~. not to rHort to their old aethods of sche.ing for power and I18nipulating the people of Uganda. It ls the policy of the Goverruaent to ensure that there is no revenge against and no vlcti.izatlon of anybody. Hemere of the previoas Goverruaent are freeJ relatives and friends of those who were ln power are freeJ those who wanted to join their family embers wbohave lett the country have been allowed to do so, and they will not be harassed or Victimized in any way. Only persons with crilliminal charges against them are in detention. As a result of the conflicts which have been going on within the country for the last several years, there are many refugees outside the country as well as displaced people within the country. It is the policy of the Government to move as rapidly as possible to resettle the refugees and displaced persons. Already many refugees are pouring into Uganda through the districts of Arua from the neighbouring countries of Zaire and Sudan. The Government will spare no efforts to assist these people to resettle in the country. Similarly the Government will work ve£y hard to ensure that the people who were displaced within the country as a result of the fighting, especially those in the Luwero triangle, will be given all assistance in resettling on their land and in their homes• The people of uganda are tired of livi~g in c(lllditions of fear and insecurity. The establishment of security, law and order throughout the country is a top priority for the Government. We are cODUlitte~ to bringing to book criminal elements that kill innocent citizens, destroy properties and loot houses and business premises. We shall work to make the police a more effective and efficient force. We need the co-operation and goodwill of all citizens and all peace-loving countries to make possible the re-establishment of law and order throughout the country. We are aware of the serious economic hardships being experienced by Ugandans throughout the country. We realize these are difficult problems to solve. Their solutions require correct policies as well as discipline in all sectors of national life. The Gov~:"-m~_ent is undertaking an urgent review of the state of the economy in order to put in place policies that will ensure economic recovery. Allow me to outline briefly the Uganda Government's proposals for the peace talks now taking place in Nairobi. The Government has proposed, first, a call for an immediate and effective cease-fir~ to be observed by all parties. Secondly, all parties are to stop recruitment, mobilization and deployment of forces immediately on reaching agreement~ all acquisition of arms should also end. Thirdly, the Military Council has offered six seats on the Council to the National Resistance Army. Fourthly, the Military Council has called for complete disarmament in uganda as a -prerequisite for genuine and lasting peace in Uganda. This would involve disarming all the forces in the country, including the Government forces, under the superVision of a peace-keeping force drawn from friendly countries. Fifthly, the Military Council has called for the creation of a new broadly based and Sixthly, i 1; has proposed the conven1ng of a na tional representative na.tional army. conference to discuss key national issues, which include a viable constitution for the country; and a programme for free and fair elections to be held soon after. The national conference will represent a wide cross-section of all organizations in ugand~. I wish to take th.is opportunity to clarify one important point which may have caused alarm and disquiet in some quarters. This is wi~ regard to the reports th~t "Amin's soldiers" have returned to Uganda. The Chairman and Head of state has been very clear on this subject. He has called on all Ugandans living in exile to return home in a spirit of reconciliation and forgiveness so that we can all participate effectively in the reconstruction of our nation. Following the liberation war in 1979 many people in the West Nile region of Uganda, including some soldiers who served under Amin, fled into exile. They later regrouped and started a guerrilla war against Obote's Government. Some of these groups have returned, and they constitute some of the fighting groups with which the Military Council has concluded peace agreements. These people who have been allowed to return are Ugandans mostly ,'..om the West Nile region of Uganda. The Government has also made it abundantly clear that any Ugandan, irrespective of which fighting group he belongs to, who is known to have committed acts of atrocity or broken the law in any way will face the due process of the law. The past year has been a very difficult one for Africa. Many countries on the continent have suffered from natural disasters of frightening proportions. prolonged drought together with accelerated desertification in several countries, particularly in Ethiopia and Sudan, has led to considerable loss of life and displacement of pOpulations. This serious situation has been compounded by the continued deterioration of the economies of African states. These economies are being suffocated by the crippUn9 burden of,debt servicing, the dw,indling incomes fro. primary coll8)dity exports, the high interest rates and declining development assistance .. We believe tlilat the task of rev1,~lizing our economies lies squarely with ourselves. It is in recognition of b'i\is fact that the African Beads of State or Govern.ent meeting in Add;,s Ababa in JUly resolved to .address themselves boldly to the root causes of our economic ~lC71ise. They adopted a package of measures i~~ended to achieve self-reliant and self-sustained development at the national and continental levels. We are well aware that these noble goals may be beyond our reach, 9iv~n the present state of depression, without substantial external assistance .. tee are convinced that Africa's economic problems differ from those of other ~egiOl'is only 'in the degree of their severity. Their solution, therefore, cannot be tackled in isolation. It is to my delegation a source of gr'eatdisappointment to !tote that the initiatives taken by the developing countries to redress the structural imbalance and inequalities of the present global economic system have been resisted by a few developed countries. We appeal to these countries to refrain from adopting retrogressive policies which run counter to the goals and objectives of the joo:ternational development strategy for the third united Nations Developllent Decade and which frustrate the establishment of the new international economic order. We in Uganda are most appreciative of the response of the international community to the drough~ and famine crisis in Africa. We hope, however, that it will be possible for the donor countr ies to move a stage fur ther from the supply of food aid to the provision of long-term assistance geared to the general improvement of ·food production within the African continent. On behalf of .the Govermaent and the people of Uganda, I wish to reaffirm our firm support for the purposes and principles of the United Nations and the efforts the Organization is making to maintain world peace and security and to promote international co-operation in the economic and social fields. It is my firm conviction that the salvation of the human race lies in our collective effort to create a more stable, equitable world based on humane values and an awareness that after all we are all part of a large universe about which we know so little. ADDRESS BY FATHER WALTER LINI, PRIME MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF VANUATU
The Assembly will now hear
a statement by th~ Prime Minister of the RepUblic of Vanuatu, Father walter Lini.
Father WaIter Li~:, Prime Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu, was escorted to
the rostrum.
I have great pleasure in
welcoming the Prime Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu, His Excellency
Father Walter Lini, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.
Father LINI (Vanuatu): The commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of
the founding of the United Nations represents a historic milestone for all
mankind. This is less. a time for celebration of what we have achieved and more a
tLme for reflection on and rededication to our sometimes forgotten ideals.
Your selection, Sir, to preside over this session of the General Assembly is a
well-deserved tribute to your integrity and your diplomatic skills. It is also a
tribute to your country, which you have faithfully represented here at the united
Nations for so many years. We applaud your selection and the much-deserved honour
bestowed upon you and spain.
We also commend your ii1ustrious predecessor, Mr. paul Lusaka of Zambia, for
the exemplary manner in which he discharged his duties. All of us were the
beneficiaries of his exceptional abilities and his dignified manner. For this, we
shall always be grateful.
We are also grateful to the host country and the host city for the manner in
which we have been received. Many people have worked very hard to ensure the
comfort and safety of the various delegations represented here today. We
appreciate the patience, understanding and goodwill of the people of this great
nation and this great city. The presence of so many Heads of state or Government
here at the same time has not been easy to manage, but all involved have done a
commendable job. The general pUblic, representatives of the various city, state
and federal agencies, and the members of the united Nations Secretariat have all
earned our thanks. I trust that this same teamwork and spirit of co-operation will
in the future symbolize the international community's relationship with the City of
New York.
The Secretary-General of our Organization has earned a reputation for candour
and objectivity. His analytical and thought-provoking annual report enhances that
much-deserved reputation. As he has so capably pointed out, the question before us
now, as always, is
"not so much the future of the United Nations as the future of humanity and of
our planet and the role of the united Nations in that future".
(A/40/l, para. 1)
The opening of this session has, in some quarters, generated an almost
unprecedented interest in the Organization. The news media and general citizenry
of countries which have in recent years been indifferent to the United Nations seem
to have a heightened sense of awareness of some of the items on our agenda. Our
day-to-day wor~ still does not capt~re much of th~ir attention,. b~t at least this
session seems to have generatea 80IIe interest in ~r work. One Might have to go . .. - . back to the early si~ties, or even to the inception of the United Nations, to
recall a comparable level of interest.
Unfortunately, interest in an event does not always ,bring with it knowledge or
~nderstanding of the vario~s perspectives on a s~b5tantive q~estl~n. One of the
~....: .:: challenges we face is how we can transforM the interest in thi~~even~;,the
commemoration of the fortieth a~niversary of the fo~nding of the,~nited Nations,
into a broader knowledge of and appreciation for the s~bstantive work of this
Organization.
There are cynics who do not believe that the United Nations serves any usef~l
purpose. There are some people who feel that what good the united Nations does is
outweighed by waste and inefficiency, divisive political debates and strident
rhetoric. There are others who know better, b~t beca~se the United Nations no
longer serves their interests to the extent it once did, they deliberately distort
and misrepresent the history of 'this organization, and they seidom .1ss an
opportunity to smear its good name.
No legislative body anywhere in the world is witho~t its critics. This is
true of legislative bodies in big co~ntries and small, and in new States and older,
more-established States which call themselves democracies. CriticiSM itself is
healthy and can be a constructive tool -for developaeent and advanceent. It can
also be a dishonest effort to intimidate rather than reform.
The united Nations is perhaps easier to criticize because, although it has the
appearance of a legislative body, it does not have the powers ofa legislative
body. Those who wish to prolong a political crisis know that the united Nations
cannot enforce its will without the co-operation of its Members. Thus, it does not
Make sense to maintain. as sotIe do, that the United Nations has not been able to
solve any of the world's lIa~or political probleMs.
As we all know. and as the secretary-General has restated.
-The United Nations cannot - and was not intended to - solve.!!! the
pr~'e.s of the international caBmunity .~.- (A/40/1. para. 9)
We created an imperfect Organization. Our own sovereign rights as individual
nations li.it the scope and effect of our decisions as the United Nations. If we
wish to create a stronger Organization - one which has an ability to implement its
decisions - it is up to us to do so.-
That is not a new theme. Everyone here knows that it is true. even though
some do not wish to admit it. On the other hand, all of us know that the United
Nations has managed to acca.plish a great deal in other, very important areas.
Today, millions of people have homes to live in and food to eat because of the
work of the specialized agencies of the United Nations. Millions of people can
read and write and see the irreplaceable treasures of their own cultures because of
the work of the specialized agencies of the United Nations. Millions of people no
longer fear certain diseases because of the work of the specialized agencies of the
United Nations. Racism and colonialism are no longer acceptable modes of
international behaviour, thanks in part to the united Nations.
Are not these things that we should all be proud of? Why is it that some
among us can take pride only in how many people they are capable of killing or
maiming in a few short seconds? Why is it that some among us can take pride only
in how many material possessions they ~Q~e in relation to how few others have? Why
is it that some among us can take pride only in competing with nature's ability to
destroy rather than with nature's ability to create?
This year, .ore than ever before, .U11on8 of people are hoping and praying
that ,,~, the leiders of the world, will COIH to our senses and hea~ what they have
been saying. MOiSt peoPle do not want to hear fancy words and unfulfilled
prOMises. MoSt people do not want to live in fear and with uncertainty and
insecudty. They want us to listen a,s well as talk to each other. They want us to
reason together and devise ways'to ensure that' this 'generation leaves a world for
the next generation to inherit. They want us to assure the. that the stars above
us will continue to be for lovers to gaze at, for thinkers to ponder over, and for
scientists to explore - but not a place to store the insttu.ents of war.
Every year the opening of the g~neral '3ebate generates a great deal of anxiety
and anti~ipation here at the headquarters building, and in most of our capitals. - . . . ..
The first few days of the debate are usually highly charged and full-of great
expectations. Everyone seems to wait breathlessly for new pronounce~nts on the
problems of the world. This is particularly true when the pronouncements are being
made by the larger, more powerful countries, which have the ability to affect those
problems. '.
As the debate continues, however, and smaller countries take the rostrum, the
interest of the opinion-makers seems to flag. They say that the speeches take on a
strident and familiar tone. To them, each day seems to be a little bit less
dramatic than the one before, and unless a new crisis arises, or a highly visible
personality arrives on the scene, they lose interest and direct the public's
attention elsewhere.
Thus, when at this historic session the President of Tanzania,
\ Mr. Julius K. Nyerere, addressed the General Assembly for the last time, the
public's attention was indeed directed elsewhere. President Nyerere is one of the
most respected figures of this century. His has always been an articulate and
reasonable voice for the discriminated against, the disadvantaged, and the
disenfranchised of this world. We of the developing countries treasure him as one
of our elder statesmen; We shall miss him her~ at the General Assembly.
I know that I speak for many others'when I applaud 'his words and say that his
last address deserved far better coverage by the news media. What more persuasive
evidence can be present~d on behalf of the need for a new international information
order?
Ironica.lly,,~wblle this bistoric session marked MWalilllJ's last address to us as
President of ~anzania, it also marked the first addr'ess to the General Assemb1y by
me of the developing world's younger sta,tesmen, Mr. AlanGarcia, President of
Peru. The symbolism of this coincidence should be noted.
one is a lion of Africa, the other is a son of south America. BOth of them
spoke for others as well !lS the people of their native lands, and both belong to us
all. Both had the courage and conviction to address difficult subjects with
imagination and originality. BOth electrified this hall wben they spoke.
I cite these twC) addresses as examples of the careful thought and analys is
every nation has brought to this session.
Mr. Jose Sarney, President of Brazil, set the tone for us with his stimulating
opening address. Each successive speaker has placed his own unique signature on
our dialogue. We only hope that the message is being received and will be given
c~refu1 consideration.
Who better to remind us of the very nature of our international democracy, and
of our responsibility vigorously to oppose the apartheid regime of south Africa
than President Nyerere? Who better to illustrate to us the per ils of the 1111ci t
drug trade, addictive monetary policies, and an equally addictive arms race than
President Garcia, representing a small developing country whose democracy is
threatened by all three?
Vanuatu is, as members of the Assembly are aware, a very small developing
country situated in a region that some delegates might not often think of as they
pondelr the great issues of the day. There are, however, some facts about our
region that should be borne in mind, particularly on this, the fortieth anniversary
of the founding of the United Nations.
In 1945 aost of the currentMe~er8of ~is international eaa-unity were
", colonies'. OUr region was .no exception. Qur peop~e were exploited, undereducated
and socially segregated in our own land, as were east colonized peoples. A1though
we ourselves were not allOng the rich and powerful of this earth, our region was
fiercely cClIltested during the second World War.. Veterans of that figbting insist
that it was the IIOst, intense of any collbat anywhere in the world.
One of the nations of our region bad, on a per capJ,ta basie, the highest
nWllber of men in uniform, the highest nullber of lien in colllbet .overseas, and the'
highest number of casualties. When the united Nations was forlled, this nation and
another from our region vere considered by SOlle to be the spokesraen for the ellall
countries, the reason being, of course, that other Baaller countries were still
colonies ..
We ourselves, althougb still a colony during the war, rellalned loyal to the
allied cause when one of our colonizers was occupied by the forces of fascism and
the Vichy government established. When that country was liberated by allied forces
we shared in the joy of its people, even thougb we ourselves were still a colony.
When the war ended, we watched with aaaze_nt as millions of dollars worth of
material and equipment, some of which we could s till use today, was a_ped into the
ocean or otherwise destroyed. We, of course, did not understand such waste.
We also beard the IIigbty roar and saw Q'1e terrible flashes of nuclear bombs as
the land, the seas, and the wbole environment of our region were used to test new,
more powerful weapons of destruction. Peace had come, we were told, but our
environment knew no pea:ce.
Today, our environment still knows no peace. One of our former colonizers -
the same one whose own liberation we fought for and cheered - continues to test its
nucl.at w.a~ in our eiwiron....t. It ~1& ..that tb••e testa are s.t. and that
we are free- to Q9_, and- in8peot the q.ta,lUs for our..lv_. It ignores QUI:1IOra1
clbjectionsto nQc1eaJ:', weaponry III
we' notAi that there iano conclusive scientific.videoe-, that these tests are
safe. Even if they. ",ere, we would still' oppolle the use of o~ region for the
testing of these weapons" If the testa are ~ ••fe, let tho be conducted on the
land of the testing country. Then tbere will not even :be • need for us to be
inVited to· inspec:t the test .sitea.
The nation that continues to test those nuclear weapons In our regien is also
the nation that conti~@Gs to ..intain a colonial presence in our region. The two
policies go hand in hand.
An independent New Caledonia ttOuld not be a support base for nuclear testing
in the SOuth Pacific. We doubt that an independent Prench Polynesia would be the
site of nuclear tests.
We are told that-these tests and visits to our ports and wate~s by
nuclear-armed or nuclear-powered vessels are necessary to help defend us and our
way of life. At this point, we wonder if our would-be defenders even understand
our way of life. In our innocence, we have always believed that freeda. Mans that
the people of a particular society are free to ake their own decisions. If we do
not wish to be defended with nuclear weapons or nuclear-powered vessels, our wishes
should be respected.
Ours is a parliamentary democracy. We follow the will of our people and not
the will of others our people never elected. The people of the South Pacific have
chosen to reject nuclear weaponry, which we all have a very strong reason to
detest. We appeal to those who have it within their power to free our children
from the fear of nuclear tests to respect our wishes and to do so. Their failure
to do so will not lead us to change our position, but it may lead us to change our
belief in their sincerity.
This year marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the
Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. One
of the greatest achieve~ents of the united Nations is that the process of
decolonization is now almost completed. The United Nations is now an almost
universal international body.
Unfortunately, some do not like that. To them, smaller countries such as ours
should be seen - primarily by tourists - and rarely heard. The same voices that did
not want to extend the right to vote to all of the people in their own countries
now decry the spread of international democracy and the right of all nations to
have an equal vote in the world body.
We are told that the size of a nation's financial contribution should
determine its influence here at the united Nations. This is an interesting
proposition that deserves closer examination. Let us not for the moment even
exaaine how and from what and where the wealth of the wealthy nations was created.
After all, we must not dwell on the past. What is interesting about the
proposition is the fact that by extending the argument we would have a situation
where nations that now consider themselves democratic would be encouraged to give
greater weight to the votes or opinions of their wealthiest taxpayers. Perhaps
some nations do this already. I do not know. This is not, however, our notion of
democracy, and it is not what we do in·Vanuatu.
Another fact to be considered is that there are different ways to measure
contributions to the United Nations. Based on contributions as a proportion of
gross national product, Vanuatu is the largest contributor to the operational
activities for development of the United Nations system. Should we, therefore,
insist that, unless nations vote the way we want, we will reduce our contribution?
Should we now demand a weighted voting system in the General Assembly? I think not.
Yes, decolonization has changed the United Nations. We think it is a change
for the better. It now more accurately reflects the thinking of most of the
world's PeOple. And, after all, is it not true that one of the things we most
abhor about apartheid the fact that the Government of South Africa does not reflect
the thinking of most o~ that country's people? If we cannot accept the principle
of one nation, one vote here, then how can we champion one person, one vote in
South Africa, or elsewhere?
tn any event, let us leave those who are troubled by our present dellOCracy to
ponder how they .~ght turn back the clock a century. The rest of U3 have soae
unfinished business to attend to in this century.
In our region, the people of New Caledonia want their independence. The
neighbouring States of the South Pacific Forum support the right of the people of
New Caledonia to determine their own future and to be an independent nation. The
foreign ministers of the countries members cf the Non-Aligned Movement also support
that right.
To its credit, the administering Power has taken some constructive steps in
the process of decolonization, but a great deal more remains to be done,
particularly in the face of provocations by extremist elements within the settler
population. Those settlers hope that their militancy and their lawlessness can
coerce the administering Power into a failure to fulfil its commitment and its duty
to facilitate that decolonization process.
In the face of those dangerous provocations New Caledonia's colonized people,
the Kanaks, have been remarkably restrained and conciliatory. At the same time
they refuse to deviate from the path of self-determination· and independence.
The recent elections hel~ in New Caledonia demonstrated the depth of the
feelings of the indigenous people that they be allowed to assert their own identity
and reclaim their own country. The elections also showed that the settlers are, at
this point, determined to remain French. It is they, and not the colonized people
or the administering Power, that have drawn the battle line in New Caledonia. It
is they, and not the indigenous people or the metropolitan Power, that constitute a
clear and present danger to the peace and security of our region. Therefore, it is
now time for the United Nations to be seized of this problem and to assist in
assuring a peaceful but speedy transition to independence.
IIhstdlstlngulebelS Hew caledonl.,~tr~ .other colonial,. 8.1tuation~ in th~,south
P~1flcl.arecognitlOll.by the adalnistet;lng 'Powe~thatthe status quo cannot
continue. The adIIlnlsterlng Pover has not yet raade. such a clear deteralnation with
respact to Itsothel:CQ1onles inthe$OUth ~aclfic.llewever, we expect th«t
eventually it will"
unfortunately, there Is In our region a d~sgul8edQolonialiS\'l 8S well. That
. problea Is proving to be auch MOre difficult to. address•
Too aanyMellbers of this lnterN.ational ea-unlty believe that,,'colcnialln .is
an evil policy of European States only. '1'00 _ny of us do not bel-ieve that a third
world COWltry that is itaelf a forMr colony can be expansionist. Hone of UEl want
to believe that a country ..e adllir. for ita antl-eolontal past would succuBb to the
t8ptatlan to at"pt the annexation ofs.Uer, 80£'. vulnerable neighbours.
Bowever, this ts e.ctly wnat b.s happen" in our r8CJion, and on ROre than ane
occasl.on. we fear that it algbt .en happen again.
East Timr was nev(!r a pert of Indonuta, and ita people were never asked
whether they wanted to be Indonesians. If, •• Indonesia claiu, East Tll10r IS
peopl~ are nappy with the current state of affaira, why is that territory still
closed to outside observers,' and why does the ailiury resistance of the Maubere
people continue?
Portunately for Bast '1'18Or'. people, the International Cc.ittee of the Red
Cross and the united Nations Children'. Pund (UNICBP) have now been perllitted some
access to the territory. This acces8, however, is still very ltaited and tightly
restricted. That there Is any aCC88S at all ie due pdaarlly to the tireless
efforts of the 8ecretary-General of the United Nations and a bi-partisan group of
llellbera of the United States Congress. we colllHlld their efforts, and thank thea
for acting when others did nothLlg.
We are encouraged by the nec)Otiatlons betveen Portugal, the Mlllnisterlng
Power, and Indonesia, the occupying Power. However, ve feel that nothing of
substance can be negotiated without the participation of the represen~tive8 of the
people of East TillOr.
The situation in Best Timr is no~ on the General AseeJllbly's agenda this year,
and there w111 not be a reeolu ticn (1ft tha t subject for us to consider• However,
this does not lIean that the plight of the people of that country should be
Most of the nations represented here wUl never permit that
forgotten 01" igriored.
to OCcur.
It is true that we have a very lcng age.lda, and each year it seems to grow
longer. SO.. of the problems even appear incapable of resolution. Perhaps this ls
because in SOIle instances in the past, SOllle 11Iellbers of the international collltllunity
were unaware of what wall happening in other parts of the world. Others simply
chose to excuse or ignore the type of abuse which is now occurring in East TilllOr.
The colonial historieB of BastTi.or and West Papua were different. The
political clll11lte at the time that each was annexed was also different, as were the
social conditions that existed in eaCh country. However, had enough voices been
raised when West Papua's people were denied the right to make their own choice,
perhaps the rights of Bast Tiller's people would not have been trampled upon.
By new, ll~iJst people have forgotten what happened in West Papua. Its people
have not. Every day we in that region are o~":selves reminded by them. Indonesia
wishes we would forget. We ':Iish that we could. However, only Indonesia can make
us forget, and not by callin~ m: naaes, but by permitti~g those Melanesian people
to decide freely for the_elves who they are and what they want to be.
We 8O..times look at what the earth possesses and wonder why greed and avarice
dr ive SOlle 118n to treat others as sub-humans. What is it that drives some to fear
and despise others because they look different, sound different, or maintain
dUferent religious or political beliefs? All OIler our glebe this seems to be the
case.
The late w. E. B. DuBois once said:
-The problea of the twentieth century is the problem of the eclor line -
Be was right, and nowhere is this IIOre evident than in southern Africa.
(Pather l-ini, Vanuatu)
Long after other societies h~ve CODe to ,grips wi ththe~r own r~cial
contradictions, SOuth Africa continuee to believe that every man, wa.an and child
should be judged by the calor of his or her skin. Long after other societies have
realized that it is not even in their best economic interests to maintain such . . ....
outdated notions South Africa continues, when it comes to racial attitudes, to live
not even in the 19th century, but in the 18th century.
Forty years after the death of Adolf BiUer and the de_ise of his brand of
fascism, his heirs exercise State power in Pretoria and masquerade as a respectable
Government. Why do we tolerate this? Bow can anyone call that State a friend?
What do those who call that GOvernment a friend have in colllllOn with it? Please
tell us~ we should like to know.
I will not go any further, not here today. I sinply state that my Government
is prepared to support any concrete measures that the United Nations may adopt to
oppose that illegally cansti tuted and illegally maintained regime. COJ!i)reh"ensive
international action is required. Partial or selective measures will not work.
They will only permit and encourage South Africa to export the impact of those
measures to those front-line States it holds as economic hostage•. Disengagement
from SOuth Africa must be followed by comprehensive constructive involvement with
the front-line States and those South Africans who are trying to free their country.
Some may wonder why Vanuatu, a small country in the SOuth Pacific, is so
passionate on the subject of South Africa. Those who wonder do not know auch about
our own history. Although we are far relllOved geographically from the centres of
world conflict, we are not an island unto ourselves. In the 19th century, pur . country was depopulated by slave traders who took many of our own people to work
for them in other countries. Our country was also depopulated by the purposefUl
introduction of diseases from which we had no immunity.
,i . In a relatively short period of tie our population was reduced from over
1 million people to considerably fewer than 100,000. We knew genocide before the
world knew the word.
That is why we will never accept any form of racism no lIatter what it is
called. That is why we join with others who express the hope that just a portion
of the massive sUluf of Ifi.oney spent on araaments could instead be spent on research
on cancer, heart disease, sickle-cell ane.ia and the newest deadly killer, AIDS
(acquired t.mune deficiency syndrome). That ia why we associate ourselves with
those who have spoken out so forcefully aga!nst the illicit production,
transportation and consumption of drugs. The drug traffic is to us the new slave
trade, turning so many promising youths into useless, but dangerous, zombies.
Even though we are geographically far removed from the major population
centres of the world, we know how far and h~A fast a deadly disease can spread. We
know how quickly organized crime can corrup~ any society and erode the sovereignty
of its people.
Our region is one which is very susceptible to"earthquakes and hurricanes. We
ourselves suffered the crippling effects of a s~vere hurricane earlier this year.
It caused considerable damage to our economy. We are. now recovering slowly but
surely. Most of our neighbours have also been victimiZed by very bad hurricanes in
the last feu years, particularly Piji. Thus, we understand the suffering of the
people of Mexico; we comprehend the full nature of their tragedy, and we mourn with
them.
Developing countries are always more vulnerable to natural disasters because
our economies are more fragile. We have fewer resources to begin with and
therefore less to call on when these disasters strike. The disaster relief
(Father Lini, Vanuatu)
assistance of the developed world is always welcOllle and appreciate~. However, we "l_;, often wonder ~hy it takes a disaster to mobilize ...sive international aid and
co-operation.
Row lIany people would have been saved in Africa, and fo¥' how Much less IIOney,
if proper development assistance had been provided beforehand and effectively
directed? How many more calamities can we avert in the future by taking a long,
hard look today at the ec~nomic practices which lead to unequal levels of
development and weak national infrastructures? Is it not better for us to sit down
together now and plan for the future than marely to wait to react to the next
disaster?
International co-operation must in the near future become much more than a
phrase or slogan. The future well-being of this planet demands that we pull
together. The Unitea Nations may not be perfect, but it is all that we have. It
is up to us, all of us, to make the next 40 years better than the first 40.·
One area we can start in is that of the law of the sea. The alMost limitless
resources of the sea-bed give us an opportunity to demonstrate that mankind is not
by nature selfish. There is plenty for everyone, and there is an international
treaty that recognizes and codifies that fact.
Why then have some chosen to act separately? What is there to gain? The rest
of us have demonstrated our willingness to negotiate and assign iMpOrtance to their
capital and their technology. What else can we do? What else do they want us to
do? We hope that reason will prevail and that before long the entire community of
n~tions will sign in this painstakingly negotiated and drafted Convention and work
within its confines to make it a success.
~$~ As a developing nall island Sf'fte 11\ the south Pacific, we have a great deal
at stake in that treaty, as in all other for.. of internationl co-operation. Thus,
we we1ca.e the negotiations towards concluding a multilateral access treaty between
the States of our region and the Un....ted States. We hope that the resulting r6gilte
will lead to a BOre equitable arrangeMent for the devel~ftt of fisheries in our
region. We will, however, always be faithful to the long-terM development needs of
our own people and to our int~rnatlonal ~ltMent8.
The United Nations is a young Organization and most of its Meabers are young
States. We are one of its youngest. The concept of international democracy is
itself young, and still developing. OCCasionally, the international cOMunity uy
even make mistakes, but that is one of the costs of deMOCracy. Consider the
alternative. Reflect back to what we left behind only 40 short years ago.
We have come a long way, and we have a lot further to go, but we can only make
the journey together - all of us, large and s.all, developed and developing, North
and south, East and west.
Debate and disagreeMent are healthy and will help us on our journey so long as
we maintain an ability to engage in dialogue and to respect each other's points of
view. It is wrong to try to judge us by whether or not we always agree with each
other or with anyone of the Me.bers. After ail, who is to say that anyone of the
Members is the one that is always right?
Families do not always agree, and we are a fUlly of nations. However, there
are a few iteas on our agenda about which we are all in agreeMent. Let us give our
Organization a birthday gift of our collective resolve to support our
Secretary-General in his efforts to ROve those items forward.
(pather Lini, Vanuatu)
Let us welcome NQl1bia to our ranks as an' independent. State. Let us end
apartheid once and for all. Let us engage in JIleaningful global negOtiations. Let
us convene a global conference on drug trafficking and drug abuse, as proposed by
the secretary..General. Let us support the Contadora process. Let us stop building
weapons of mass destruction. Let us pledge not to destroy the world before the
next generation has a change to make it a bet.ter world. Finally, let. us work to
strengthen rather than undermine the United Nations.
Father Walter Lini, Prime Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu, was escorted
from the rostrum.
Mr. BAKO (Niger) (interpretation from French): Just a few, daY$ ago,
Mexico, its land and its great people suffered one of the most devastating and
extensive earthquakes. we can still see the neartrencUng pictures. Therefore, at
the outsetit is my duty to address to the delegation of that fr iendly country the
sincere condolences of the delegation of Niger.
Your accession to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session, Sir,
at a crucial and very significant moment in the destiny of our Organization and of
the peoples comprising it, is a well-deserved tribute to you and to your
outstanding qualities as a statesman and negotiator, as a talented diplomat whose
style and spirit have so greatly enriched the work of this General Assembly. This
unan imous tr ibute extends beyond you to your CC'untry, to your King and to your
people. We pay tribute to Spain's undying devotion to the ideals of the United
Nations, and appreciate its consistent and distinguished contribution to the
solu tion of the problems faced by the world toda~'.
In your distinguished post, you follow an outstanding son of a great nation,
Ambassaor Paul Lusaka, who, in a masterly, sophisticated and distinguished manner,
presided over the work of the General Assembly at its thirty-ninth session. Africa
is rightly proud of him.
Now, on behalf of my country I should like to expres~ thanks and sincere
congratulations to the secretary-General of the United Nations for his dedication
in carrying out his work. His keen awareness of the problems of the countries of
the Sabel, his initiatives in the area of the maintenance of peace and the solution
of problems affecting the community of nations earn him our deepest respect and our
encouragement.
The international community is getting ready to celebrate the fortieth
anniversary of the united Nations. It is a very fitting commemoration, for indeed
what better oppoztunity than this anniversary for reflection and taking stock?
What better opportunity than this to recall and extol the foundations of the united
Nations? What better time than this to propose to the community of nations a more
noble image, a more human approach, a goal consonant with its unshakeable faith in
man? The Charter of the united h~~ions reflects an enlightened Vision, a noble and
realistic vision, of international relations. The ideals it embodies, the
principles it sets forth, are still relevant today and deserve our full support.
Our support for the Charter stems from our devotion to the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of states, our love for peace and security, our commitment to
preserve a world balancet our ability to organize and maintain effective solidarity
among all the nations of the world, and our sincere desire to build and strengthen
economic and social progress for the entire human race.
As has been recalled by President Seni Kountche, our leader, we of Niger are a
people that loves peace, peace in dignity, peace with respect for other people's
values, peace which involves a reasonable and fair sharing of the fruits of
co-operation among the peoples of the earth.
That explains our stubborn rejection of all injustice, domination and use of
force. It explains why we share the impatience and frustrations felt by developing
countries in the face of this crisis that is undermining the world economy and
hindering our efforts to achieve happiness, calm and peace. Above all, it is what
kindles our unshakeabl~ faith in the United Nations and our burning desire to see
its work directed with more resolve and highest priority to a search for solutions
to the conflicts affecting the world.
Here I all thinking- of the i_inent danger to world peace and security posed by
the survival of apartheid and colonialism in southern Africa. South Africa's
illegal occupation of the territory of N~ibia, 25 years after the General Assembly
adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and
peoples, Is undeniably a serious and continuing challenge to the authority and
credibility of the United Nations.
After more than half a century of brutal and degrading colonialism, and
following the Security Council's adoption of resolution 435 (1978), Africa hoped
that Namibia would swiftly accede to international sovereignty. But today we are
obliged to note that South Africa is still occupying Namibia, which means that
there have been seven more years of indescribable suffering for the people of
Namibia, and countless numbers of raids and acts of aggression against the
front-line States:. seven years of hope and trust betrayed.
Within south Africa itself, the minority regime in power is constantly
pursuing and strengthening its loathsome policy, which it calls a policy of the
separate development of the races, to that end using a whole arsenal of laws and
regulations. Everything is permitted for some; they can do what they want with the
others. Yet nothing is permitted for the others in their own land.
The General Assembly and the Security Council have in turn stated and declared
that apartheid is incompatible with the united Nations Charter, and the
international community has declared it to be a crime against humanity.
Today it is accepted that only through the implementation of Security Council
resolution 435 (1978) and the dismantling of the system of apartheid can a just and
lasting peace be brought about in that ravaged part of our continent.
But if South Africa continues to disregard and insolently trample underfoot
our collective desires, we have no choice but to continue the struggle in a
dynamic, collective and responsible manner. And here I would pay a well deserved
tribute to international public opinion and 1 would encourage it, for today it is
doing a great deal for the cause of justice, hUJIan dignity and peace. Thanks to
its support for the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa, ~uth Africa's
isolation is increasing with each passing day. Public opinion exposes its blind
arrogance and its overweening conceit. Africa would urge public opinion to
intensify its pressure and to militate even more for the adoption of economic
sanctions and other appropriate measures against the racist and aggressive regime
of Pretoria. That is the only language that this regime understands.
Its last barbaric incursion into the territory of Angola is further proof of
its intransigence. We condemn that raid as a serious infringesent of international
rules and of the sovereignty and independence of of the people of Angola.
Other parts of the vast African continent have for years been areas of great
tension. Dangerous and potentially explosive situations still persist in Chad,
Western Sahara and the Born of Africa.
In our view, these conflict situations constitute a major obstacle to the
ideal of African unityg which is the deepest aspiration of the peoples of our
continent. c They are a distraction, because they sidetrack our people from the
paramount tasks of development and social progress.
In Niger we believe that the settlement of .a11 these conflicts inevitably
calls for respect for the principles of international law, to which all. of our
peoples have subscr~d in an act of sO'l1ereignt'.l.
Hence, the independence and sovereignty of Chad must be respected. National
reconciliation must be sought, maintained and encouraged by the people of Chad
themselves without any outside interference.
The situation in Western Sahara is a matter of grave concern to Niger. There
are ongoing efforts to promote the effective implementation of the right to
self-determination.
Lastly, the return to peace in the Horn of Africa depends on the will of the
countries of that region to respect one another and to abide in their relationships
with the rules of good-neighbourliness.
Africa, through the Orqanization of African unity, is actively seeking
solutions to all these conflicts. We are following with hope the efforts being
made by the current Chairman of the Otganization of African Unity, Mr. Diouf,
President of the RepUblic of Senegal, to ensure peace, justice and democracy.
These efforts ought to be strongly supported by the United Nations and by all .
countries that cherish peace and justice.
The situation in the Middle East is, like the problem of Namibia, another
example of a challenge that we must face in order to restore our Organization's
authori~y and ctedibility.
We would recall that Israel was created by our Organization, but it has been
forgetting the lessons of history and trying to deny other peoples' right to
exist. This attitude on the part of Israel is at the root of the indescribable
tragedy that has been experienced by the Palestinian people for decades. They have
been driven out of the land of their ancestors, deprived of their rights and
properties and unjustly forced into permanent exile.
The United Nations has a major responsibility to the Palestinian people.
Admittedly, it has not abdicated all these responsibilities, but, unfortunately,
its efforts have come up against Israel's arrogance and intransigence. Israel,
flouting law and morality, continues to occupy Arab territories and to harass the
Arab people of Palestine and to commit aggression with impunity against states in
the region. The destruction a few days ago of the headquarters of the Palestine
Liberation Organization, in violation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty
of the Tunisian people, is indicative of the incalculable risks in that part of the
world.
We continue to believe that a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of
the Middle East and of Palestine necessar ily involves a total Israeli wi thdrawal
from cnl Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, recognition of
the Palestinian peo!ple's right to self-determination and its right to establish its
own independen t and sover eign Sta te 1n its homeland, Pales tine, and the full
par ticipa tion of the Pales tine Libera tion Organiza tion in any peace process in the
region.
Other par ts of the wor Id wher e the fa te of in ter national peace and secur i ty is
at stake also require attention and urgent action on the part of the international
community.
In the Gulf, where war continues between two brotherly countries, Iran and
:rraq, the initiative for the restoration of peace must be supported and maintained
by all, and we continue to work along those lines.
The continued occupations of Afghanistan and Kamp.1chea are matters of serious
conern to many States. By an overwhelming majority the General Assembly has called
for the withdrawal of foreign troops from those two countries, for respect for
their independence and sovereignty and for the preservation of their flon-aligned
status.
In Central America, which is in the throes of serious upheaval and
instability, Nlger hopes that a negotiated settlement of the problems of the region
with respect for the sOI7ereign aspirations of each people can be achieved. In this
spirit, we applaud and support the efforts of the Contadora group.
In speaking of conflicts, I should like also to mention the situation in the
Korean peninsula, where the tension that arose with the division of Korea still
exists. In this connection, Niger believes that the problem of the division of
Korea is a political problem and that a solution must be sought by p'eaceful means
in accordance with the aspirations of the Korean people.
We are glad that 24 OCtober also marks the beginning of a week which the
General Assembly has decided to devote to the question of disarmament throughout
Ihe world. This decision reflects the great awareness of the international
community as it is faced with the implementation of the fundamental objective of
the Charter, namely, to preserve future generations from the scourge of war. Forty
years after that commitment was entered into~ the risks of confrontation add to the
fears of the peoples of the United Nations, which are witnessing an exponential
increase in arms expenditures. These expenditures have quadrupled between 1945,
when the United Nations was founded, and the end of the first Disarmament Decade.
In 1983 global military expenditures rose to $750 billion. Specialists have
estimated that in 1985 the amount will be some $1,000 billion. Yet it is broadly
recognized that a considerable reduction in such expenditures would not only help
to ease tension in the world but also help to restore the growth of the world
economy and would help to increase assistance levels for the support of developing
coWltries.
It was because of the current ecopomie situaion in the world that I referred,
qui te deliberately, to the parallel between the mind-boggling levels of military
expenditures artd the resources, pathetically small compared to the immensity of the
needs, provided for development assistance for third-world countries. The
econommic problems facing the world are as Serious and dangerous as the many
conflict situations I have just described. The growing gap between the rich and
the developing countries contains the seeds of instability and also crystallizes
the threats to peace in the world.
The inability of the mechanisms for trade and co-operation to meet present
needs has plunged the world in-to an unprecedented crisi,s affecting all
international economic, trade, financial and monetary relations. In most countries
this crisis has taken the form of rising inflation, serious recession and
constantly worsening social tensions. For our developing countries, to these are
added a worsening of the terms of trade, difficulties in access to the financial
markets, increasingly burdensome debt servicing and a disruptive decrease in
development assistance.
Therefore this is an urgent matter, particularly with regard to the agonizing
debt problem: more than $170 billion for Africa alone. This problem is not only a
question of cont-racts anymore= It is part of macro-political vision: too many
demands on the part of lenders would inevitably engulf the borrowers and thus have
unfavourable repercussions on the lenders. It is in the interest of all for some
middle ground to be found.
However, the prOblems of the Uni ted Natioris are also and above all the
problems o'f Africa: namely, the inability of a continent that was the cradle of
mankind to feed its own people on its own. This is a situation which results from
the difficulties we have encountered in managing our agricultural system, in
building the infrastructure needed to irrigate our arid zones, to open our regions
to provide for a better distribution of our products, to establish a true African
policy for complementarity and co-oper.ation among our States, particularly in the
struggle to combat desertification and i~ the essential area of water control.
These difficulties are accompanied by others that are just as troublesome,
involving education, health, and housing for our people, whom we wish to enable to
manage their lives properly so that they can participate more actively and more
honourably in the development of our continent and of the entire world. Many
voices have been raised here to emphasize this tragic situation in Africa •
ThQ General Assembly itself took up this matter at the thirty-ninth session
and adopted resolution 39/29, the Declaration on the Critical Economic Situation in
Africa. In this connection, there is perhaps nothing more serious or that requires
action by the world comm~nity more urgently than this agonizing problem of hunger
in Africa. Nothing that is said or written can really eonvey the dimensions of
this tragedy and its impact on people. And here 1 should like to thank most
sincerely, on behalf of President Seyni Kountche, the present Chairman of the
Inter-state Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel, friendly countries, the
agencies of the united Nations systgm, non-governmental organizations and people of
good will throughout the world for the humanitarian assistar~e that they have given
us in this difficult period for our continent.
For almost 17 years Africa has been gripped by an implacable drought that has
led to a serious reduction in the availability of water and arable land, the
destruction of vast areas of fauna and flora and the death through hunger and
thirst of thousands of men, women and children.
This situation is a matter of acute concern to Afr1can Governments which, at
the national, subregional and continental levels, have tried to take the first
steps towards a solution.
At the national level, African leaders have undertaken to redefine
agricultural strategies and to maintain, diversify and reconstitute vegetation, to
ensure soil preservation, to develop water resources to ensure food security by
promoting and developing food crops ,Jnd livestock.
Efforts to harmonize these initiatives have been made at the sUbregional and
continental levels. Thus, within the context of the Inter-State Committee to
Combat Drought in the Sahel, eight countries have developed an agreed programme of
rehabilitation, giving priority to water control, combating desertification through
reafforestation, developing agricul.ture and l.ivestock and building buffer stocks of
grain.
At the continental l.evel., lastly, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) had
undertaken a thorough re-examination of ways and means of coping with this
situation. This has led to theest~blishmentof the special fund for emergency
assistance in the struggle against drought and famine in Africa, and major
contributions have already been pledged. o
Obviously,· it is no longer a question of counting exclusively on outside aidJ
above all, Africa must util.ize its resources and its inner strength, the liberating
weapon in a victor:c'Js struggle against hunger. Only Cl pragmatic strategy geared
to fundamental needs and the political determination to carry out a thorough
reorientation of economic systems through reviewing agrarian practices and policies
can enable us to take the first steps towards a solution to the food problem.
Yet the African continent, to which most of the poorest countries of the world
belong, cannot alone cope with this enormous and serious challenge of nature.
It is therefore more necessary than ever that international solidarity is more
effectively directed to saving the lives of millions people in the short term and,
in the long term, to enabling the African people to make themselves self-sufficient
in food. Forceful, even exceptional measures will be needed to get a dynamic
process of rehabilitation and consolidation under way. Those measures must be
consonant with those that were taken to assist in the reconstruction of Europe
after the Second world war.
President Seyni Kountche said from this very rostrum that
·our world is today drifting away from a sense of measure, of sharing, of
generosity·.
And he added:
\
"There is a danger that by 1990800 million human beings will live in a
state of absolute poverty, in other words, below the leve~ of any rational
definition of human dignity. Thousands of men, women and children throughout
the world die every day of hunger, if not of diseases that could have been
avoided if they had been better fed. Entire nations in the southern
hemisphere are not able fully to exercise their sovereignty because, with
their pathetic incomes, which are often completely unrelated to their true
resources and the tremendous efforts made by their people, they are
stagnating."
At this time of political and economic crisis, as we commemorate 40 years of
common endeavour, we should ask ourselves: is this the world we pledged to build?
The meeting rose at 12.45 p.m.