A/40/PV.57 General Assembly
I should like to make an
announcement regarding the programme of work for next week as certain changes have
been made since the previous announcement.
On Monday, 4 November, the Assembly will begin its consideration of agenda
item 22, "The situation in Kampuchea".
On Wednesday, 6 November, the Assembly will take up agenda item 40, "Question
of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia".
On Thursday, 7 November, the Assembly will consider agenda item 30, "Critical
economic situation in Africa".
On Friday, 8 November in the morning, the Assembly will resume its
consideration of agenda item 14, "Report of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
In the afternoon of th.'t same day, the Assembly will begin its consideration
of agenda item 146, "Solemn appeal to States in conflict to cease armed action
forthwith and to settle disputes between them through np.gotiation~, and to State
MernJ:,~rs of the united Nations to undertake to solve situations of tension and
conflict and existing disputes by political means and to refrain from the threat or
use of force and from any intervention in the internal affairs of other States".
POLICIES OF APARrHEID OF THE OOVERNMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA:
(a) REPORT OF THE SPECIAL Q)MMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID (A/40/22 and Add.l-4) ;
(b) REPORT OF THE AD fI)C COMMITTEE ON THE DRAFTING OF AN INTERNATIONAL Q)NvmJTION AGAINST APARTHEID IN SPORTS (A/40/36);
(c) REPORT OF THE SEC'1.ETARY-GENERAL (A/40/780);
(d) REPORT OF THE SPECIAL POLITICAL Q)MMITTEE (A/40/805)
Mr. AL-MOSFIR (United Arab Emirates) (interpcetation from ~rabic): At
the outset of my statement I should like to express the appreciation of my
delegation for the tireless work of the Special Committee against Apartheid in
preparing reports and supplying documentation to the public on the practice of
racial discrimination practised by the SOuth African Government. There is no doubt
that the Committee's work has led to such results as making world public opinion
fully aware of the problem. Now that we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary
of the establishment of the United Nations, all speakers, whatever their political
tendencies or cultural systems, have unanimously condemned the racist Government of
SOuth Africa for its hateful racist, colonialist and expansionist policies.
Speakers have also condemned the acts of aggression committed by the Pretoria
Government in southern Africa against independent African States. These acts of
aggression clearly show that apartheid is a serious threat not only to neighbouring
African States but also to international peace and security itself, and that
freedom, justice, and independence cannot be achieved by the African peoples except
through the elimination of the system represented by the racist authorities in
Pretoria.
Despite the policies of oppression and terror practised by the racist
Government of South Africa against the population, the national revolution in
southern Africa is determined to continue its struggle until final victory has been
won against that hateful racist regime; but this calls for a concerted effort at
the international level and political determination on the part of the
international community as a whole. Moreover, Members of this Organization must
ensure the implementation of the resolutions of the General Assembly in this year
when we are commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations.
The racist regime in SOuth Africa would have no hope of ~emainin9 in power and
extending its hold if it did not receive the political support that has been given
it. That regime owes its strength and survival to the political and economic aid
given it by certain Western countries and by the colonialist monopolies. we
therefore call on the industrial nations, both Governments and peoples, to ensure
that they place the national interests of the African peoples over their own
selfish interests in the form of immediate material gains. They must not go on
believing that the commercial firms operating in South Africa are seeking to ensure
that justice and equality reign there, and to put an end to the racist regime. Any
such belief is completely illogical.
In July of this year the Pretoria authorities declared a state of emergency
against the black population, which is seeking to restore its legitimate right to
independence, equality and freedom, but the emergency laws have strengthened the
determination of the people of South Africa to continue their struggle until their
legitimate goals are achieved. Despite the detention of over 3,000 Africans
opposed to racial discrimination, and despite the deaths of 150 persons as a result
of barbarous measures taken by the South African Government, resistance to
oppression and the fight for justice continue.
In our statement we do not intend to draw ,up any list of the racist violations
of human rights in South Africa, since we believe that the Pretoria regime is
inhuman and therefore all its acts are violations of hUIJlan dghts and of human
dignity. We must all work sincerely for the elimination of this hateful racist
It is strange to note that those who sympathize with the South African
Government, support it in international bodies, and oppose the adoption of
sanctions under Chapter VII of the C :lrter against the racist regime proclaim
themselves the champions of the liberties of peoples and individuals, and of
democracy. We might well ask how do they perceive freedom and democracy? Freedom
and democracy are intended to safeguard man against injustice and oppression,
without discrimination while preserving his dignity and his human character.
We would remind those supporting the Government of South Africa that the will
of peoples will ultimately triumph, as recent history demonstrates.
The lessons of history include the victory of the Lebanese people over the
Zionist invaders, and the victory of the people of Zimbabwe over the white
minority. I therefore wish to reaffirm, on behalf of my country, our support for
the heroic struggle of the people of South Afr ica to achieve their legitimate
rights. .We wholeheartedly condemn the acts of aggression and terrorism committed
by the racist Pretoria Government against the African population.
We also strongly condemn the collaboration existing between the two racist
regimes of South Africa and occupied Palestine. Although relations between the
racist regimes implanted in South Africa and in Palestine go back to 1948, we have
noted that in the last few years there has been a strengthening of the co-operation
between these two racist regimes, resulting in an effective alliance that threatens
peace and security not only in southern Africa and the Middle East but also
throughout the world. As evidence of that co-operation, I quote from the message
of 21 March 1985 from Mr. Mugabe, the Prime ~Unister of Zimbabwe to the Special
Committee against Apartheid on the occasion of the celebration of the International
Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination:
"Nothing better demonstrates, or more clearly proves, the affinity between
zionism and apartheid than the undeniable, ever-growing level of political,
military and economic co-ope~ation between the Boers and the zionists - a
truly unholy alliance indeed.= (AiAC.ll5/PV.561, p. 16)
We have reliable proof of the existence of co-operation between these two
racist regimes - the one in occupied Palestine and the other in southern Africa.
Suffice it to mention certain united Nations documents that deal with the
co-operation between those two racist regimes, in particular documents
A/40/22/Add.2 of 14 October 1985, A/40/520 of 9 August 1985, and A/AC.109/825 of
7 May 1985.
When the representative of the Zionist entity spoke yesterday in the General
Assembly he said that the racist Government of South Africa was dependent on oil -, imports from the Gulf region. As usual, the Zionists are capable of distorting
truth by giving figures and dates in such a way that what they say appears to be
true. They are able to falsify facts and deceive people because they spread lies
through their slanted information media, and they end up by believing those lies
themselves. Their move yesterday in the General Assembly and in the Committees
during the past few weeks, dwelling on their lie about oil supplies, was intended
solely to divert the discussion to secondary considerations in order to defend
their own racist regime and that of Pretoria.
To make matters quite clear, I wish to state first that my Goveri.ment fully
supports the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, as well
as those adopted by the League of Arab States and the Non-Aligned Movement, calling
for an oil embargo and economic sanctions against South Africa. Secondly, we fully
support the resolutions of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) on the SUbject.
All countries which are friends of Africa are well aware of our support for those
resolutions. Thirdly, with reference to information from the Shipping Research
Bureau in Stockholm on which the zionist representative bases the rumours he wishes
to spread about the ports of Khorfkan and Al Fujayrah in the GUlf, are concerned,
the competent authorities in my country have pointed out the inaccuracr of the
facts contained in the report concerned, as indicated by the geographical facts,
which show that Khorfkan is a port that lies in the Arab zone, not in the Gulf.
Furthermore, this port is known to be a loading port that cannot take oil.
(Mr. Al-Mosfir, United Arab Emirates)
has never been discovered in the Emirate of Al Fujayrah, where there is no port
that can receive tankers. Fourthly, tne authorities of my country require sales
and l~ding of oil certificates establishing the arrival of cargoes at their
destination at the unloading port. The oil carrier companies that operate in the
ports of racist South Africa are not authorized to dock their tankers in my
country's ports.
On behalf of my Government, I wish to denounce strongly all those who deal
with the racist regime in South Africa and the racist Zionist regime.
Mr. FERM (Sweden): The racial tyranny of apartheid is now cracking. A
society based on a State ideology of racial discrimination and on the negation of
fundamental human rights i~ bound to break down. It is tragic to see that the
white minority, confronted with the glowing internal and external opposition, seems
to know no other way than repression by force.
This Assembly is well aware of the growing brutality demonstrated by the
apartheid regime. The eloquent and forceful statement by Bishop Desmond Tutu last
Monday should leave nobody uncertain about the realities in South Africa. The
Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Ambassador Garba of Nigeria,
has scrupulously presented us with the facts of the situation. Killings, torture
and other atrocities committed by the police and the military take place every
day. Only last week the regime extended the state of emergency and arrested scores
of opposition leaders in the Cape Province. The arrogant and hypocritical response
by the regime to the internal and external opposition is also documented by this
Organization., The statements in the Security Council by the representative of
South Africa are an expression of that defiant posture.
Organized resistance in South Africa has reached an unprecedented Level. The
internal support for the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) is
increasing. The United Democratic Front (ooF) has more than 2 million members
today. Trade unions are rapidly expanding. The oppressed people of South Africa
seem no longer to be willing to wait for the international community to take
action. The churches are actively involved in the struggle. Parts of the business
community, too, now support calls for fundamental changes.
The end of apartheid is certain. The minority regime in South Africa is
becoming more and more isolated.
Against that background the reasons for urgent, concerted United Nations
action against apartheid are clear: first, apartheid constitutes a threat to
international peace and security; secondly, breaches of peace and use of armed
force by South Africa against sovereign neighbouring States are an increasingly
regular feature; thirdly, violations of the fundamental rights laid down in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other basic United Nations instruments
are committed in South Africa on an ever-increasing scale; and, fourthly, apartheid
is also a system of massive economic exploitation.
The call for effective international action is more than an appeal for
decency: it is the obligation of all signatories of the United Nations Charter to
take such action. The Charter confers on the Security Council primary
responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. My
Government calls on the Council and, in particular, on its permanent members not to
shirk their responsibility in this context.
Sweden welcomes Security Council resolution 569 (1985) as a step in the right
direction. By that decision the Security Council has accepted the concept of
economic sanctions in the case of apartheid. It must now proceed along that path
and increase the pressure on South Africa. Extended mandatory sanctions are
necessary to achieve that.
I wish here to express our great satisfaction at having been associated with
the work on the resolution on concerted international action for the elimination of
apartheid, which at Our last session one year ago was supported by an overwhelming
majority of the Members of the United Nations. The objective of that resolution
was to initiate an effective, firm and constructive demand for action by the
international community, primarily through the Security Council, and, pending
action by the Council, through unilateral voluntary measures by individual
Governments. In this spirit we sought to approach the matter without including
elements that would detract from the core issue, that is, the elimination of
apartheid, or elements that would bring the issue into an East-West context.
We hope that this year's resolution will be even more favourably received by
the General Assembly this year, and we appeal to our friends who last year decided
that they could not support the resolution to do so this year.
The int~rnational debate on sanctions has advanced significantly. However,
there are still a few but influential forces arguing against sanctions. I am sad
to say that I often find their arguments hypocritical and not founded on the
reality of the situation. Allow me, therefore, to comment briefly on some of the
arguments.
First, it is argued that since sanctions have not been successful in the past,
as in the case of Southern Rhodesia, they will not be e~fective against South
Africa. But in fact the sanctions against Southern Rhodesia had their effect. If
they were not still more effective it was due to the support that Southern Rhodesia
at that time received from South Africa. The effectiveness of sanctions, of
course, depends on the scope of the sanctions and which countries apply them. with
its advanced and sophisticated economy, South Africa is bound to be much more
vulnerable to such measures than Southern Rhodesia was.
Secondly, it is argued that economic sanctions will be ignored by the
apartheid regime. But, spokesmen for that regime have reacted even to the threat
of sanctions, including, for instance, some measures taken by my own Government.
The law in South Africa pro~ibits even statements in favour of sanctions.
Thirdly, it is arqued that sanctions will only further entrench the laager
mentality of the white minority regime and escalate violence. But it must be
remembered that sanctions are a peaceful means intended to serve as a political
signal to the Government of South Africa to solve the conflict with its own people,
while this can be done in a peaceful way. The alternative international approach,
for instance, a dialogue with the minority regime without effective pressure, has
so far not produced any clear. positive results. On the contrary, there are many
inside south Africa and elsewhere who have condemned such a policy for having
further strengthened the apartheid regime. And there is ample evidence to support
such a view.
Fourthly, it is argued that sanctions will hurt primarily the black majority
in South Africa as well as the neighbouring States. But sanctions, depending on
their design, should primarily affect the privileges of the white minority, and
this is a reason for that minority's strong reaction against sanctions.
AS to the effects on the black majority, my Government has carefully listened
to representatives of the majority of the population and found that they favour
sanctions. That opinion was recently confirmed by an opinion pool among urban
blacks in South Africa who expressed themselves in spite of the risk of prosecution
for speaking in favour of sanctions. It would be better to suffer for a short time
if it helps to get rid of apartheid then to remain under the subjugation of a
brutal and unjust system. The front-line States have, partly for the same reasons,
adopted a similar policy.
Fifthly, it is argued that sanctions would be in violation of international
obligations. On the ccntrary, we as nations are, as I have already stressed, ~nder
obligation in accordance with the Charter to take action against the apartheid
system. Apartheid is a unique case.
Sweden has for many years called for increased international pressure on the
apartheid regime and has taken a number of unilateral measurep, alone and together
with the other Nordic countries. The specific aim of those measures has been to
encourage other countries to apply similar measures. It is therefore of great
satisfaction to my Government that during the past year several other Governments
have taken steps in the same direction. We note the recent Commonwealth Accord as
a significant step forward. The opposition to sanctions and other effective
measures against 'South Africa is beginning to crumble. But more has yet to be done.
(Mr. Ferm, Sweden)
Ten days ago the five Foreign Ministers of the Nordic countries adopted a new
joint programme of action against apartheid which will be a platform for new joint
Nordic efforts against that policy. That programme, which is reproduced in
document A/40/784, is a follow-up to and an extension of the Nordic Action
Programme of 1978. In addition to strengthening the measures implemented under the
old programme, for instance, in the field of new investments, and of sports,
scientific and cultural contacts, the new programme contains a number of new
measures such as: a recommendation to Nordic enterprises to refrain from trade
with South Africa and prohibition of all government support for trade promotion in
relation to South Africa; measures to prevent government procurement from South
Africa; prohibition of all new contracts in the nuclear field and of the
exportation of computer equipment which may be used by the South African armed
forces and police; further prohibition or discouragement of leasing to enterprises
in South Africa as well as of transfer of patents and manufacturing licenses to
South Africa; refraining from commercial air services to South Africa.
In addition to this, the Nordic countries will increase their humanitarian
assistance to refugees and liberation movements in southern Africa as well as to
victims and opponents of !eartheid. They will also increase their development
assistance to the front-line states and the Southern African Development
Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) co-operation in order to reduce the dependence of
these States on South Africa.
Furthermore, my Government has recently decided to propose to Parliament some
further unilateral measures such as a ban on importation of agricultural products
from South Ar.tica and a tightening of the penalties in relation to the United
Nations arms embargo. The Government has further carried out consultations with
the Swedish shipping companies to avoid maritime· traffic with South Africa. These
unilateral measures are undertaken pending comprehensive mandatory sanctions
decided upon by the Security Council. Such sanctions in our view would be the most
effective peaceful contribution to the eradication of apartheid and to the
establishment of peace and democracy in South Africa.
I wish to emphasize that my Government considers it necessary that these
measures be accompanied by increased assistance to the population in South Africa
and to the States in the region which are the main victims of South African
policy. It is an international duty to ensure that those who are already suffering
from apartheid are not further victimized.
As Chairman of the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa, I should like
in this context to draw the attention of the Assembly to that Fund as well as to
the other united Nations special funds for education, training, legal and other
assistance to the people of South Africa and Namibia and the neighbouring States.
The total Swedish humanitarian assistance to southern Africa amounts this fiscal
year approximately to S25 million. Of that amount around $5 million are meant for
civilian activities of the African National Congress CANC) of South Africa, a
programme of direct Swedish assistance to ANC, which was started as early as 1972,
and which has since then continued to grow. In addition, Sweden contributes
approximately $175 million in development assistance to the front-line States and
SADCC co-operation.
we join the overwhelmihg majority of the peoples of the world today in calling
on the Go'7ernment of South Africa immediately to abrogate the existing state of
emergency; cancel the high treason trials of the leaders of the. United Democratic
FrontJ unconditionally release the leader of the ANC, Mr. Nelson Mandela, and all
other political prisoners; establish political freedom and freedom of association
and, specifically, lift the existing ban on the ANC and other political groupsJ
initiate an unconditional dialogue with the ANC and other genuine representatives
of the majority of the people of South Africa, with a view to establishing equal
political rights for all South Africans; and declare unequivocally that the system
of apartheid will be dismantled without further delay.
The main burden of the liberation of South Africa will be borne by the South.
Africans themflelves. Nevertheless, the international community has an important
role to play. The Charter of the United Nations prescribes the instruments we'have
at our disposal. We have more than sufficient information giving us reason to make
use of those instruments.
The challenge to the international community is now to bring about the rapid
and peacefUl eradication of that inhuman system while there is still time. It is
an international disgrace that apartheid is not yet eradicated. There is no policy
prac~ised by any Member State that h~s so unanimously, so categorically and for so
long been condellU'led by the Assembly.
In conclusion, allow me to refer once again to Bishop Desmond Tutu. He asked
us pertinently whether, in the view of the world, there would be more concern and
more decisive action if the casualties of the violence in South Africa were white
people. He told us that the possibility of a peaceful solution might not exist for
many more months. This fortieth session of th~ Gene~al Assembly may be the final
opportunity to implement the peaceful dismantling of apartheid. "
We, the Member States, need only to exert a stronger political will. Let us,
therefore, before the fortieth session is over, respond to the moral and political
challenge and make our decisive contribution to the eradication of one of the most
long-standing threats to international peac~ ?~~ security and to the end of the
most flagrant violations of human rights t~Aay.
Mr. AKANGA (Togo) (Literpretation from French): In speaking to the
Assembly at this stage in our work, I should like to reiterate, Sir, the warm
congratulations of the Togolese delegation on your well-merited election to preside
over the fortieth session of the General Assembly. The remarkable way in which you
have guided our work since your election confirms our conviction that the current
session will be crowned with success.
My delegation has carefully studied the report of the Special Committee
against Apartheid on the odious practices of the racist regime governing South
Africa. On behalf of the Togolese delegation, I sincerely thank the Special
Committee for its constant work and for the steps it has taken to mobilize
international public opinion and sensitize the international consci~nce concerning
the phenomenon of apartheid.
My delegation also thanks all those who in various capacities have come here
to bring us the message of the unceasing, heroic struggle that the freedom fighters
are waging to recover their dignity in the land of their ancestors.
Togo pays a tribute to the courage of those who, throughout South Africa and
inside the gaols of the racist regime, are firmly continuing the struggle against
oppression and domination. It joins the rest of the international community in
denouncing and condemning the execution of Benjamin Moloise, which was carried out
despite the display of international solidarity aimed at securing the liberation of
that brave martyr, who fell on 18 October 1985 as a glorious soldier on the
battlefield.
(Mr. Ferm, Sweden)
My delegation is concerned about the fate of many other prisoners, especially
Nelson Mandela, whose immediate and unconditional release it demands.
Apartheid is a vile ideology which would not have survived so long but for the
complicity of certain secret, hidden interests. We Africans equate apartheid with
nazism and believe that it must be made clear once and for all that Africa is
determined to fight to the end against this shameful phenomenon of our century.
Today apartheid is seriously threatened with collapse within South Africa and
with isolation internationally, and it is trying to mislead international public
opinion by so-called reforms whose real Object is to conceal the realities of a
horrible, anachronistic system. Africa has not been hoodwinked. The South Af~ican
leaders must themselves abolish apartheid before it is too late, because their
delaying tactics could lead to a catastrophe.
Not long ago, on 11 October this year, Mr. Atsu Roffi ~Jnega, Minister of
Foreign Affairs and Co-operation of the Togolese Republic, told the Assembly:
"Under pressure from the fierce resistan~Q of the freedom fighters and
the condemnation of the international community a~d world pUblic opinion,
major breaches have hQen made in the apartheid system. Thus, following the
obvious failure of the policy of bantustanization and institutional reforms,
eminent leaders of the party in power have acknowledged the serious internal
contradictions in the white req,ime and the aberration of the apartheid
doctrine the pursuit of this ferocious repression against the black
majority and the destabilizing manoeuvres aimed at neighbouring countries in
southern Africa bear witness to the panic of the racists in power, with their
backs against the wall, facing despair, and aware of the fact that they have
reached a turning point in their history. Either apartheid is gradually
dismantled from within or it will be swept away in violence and under the
impact of external factors." (A/40/PV.32, pp. 52, 53)
(Mr. Akanga, TogO)
The people and Government of TOgo, for uhom no sacrifice is too great when it
is a matter of defending, safeguarding and preserving the values of human dignity,
will spare no effort to that end. Accordingly, my country has created a national
anti-apartheid committee, which each year organizes days against racism, during
which many popular demonstrations against apartheid are arranged by cultural and
youth groups from all walks of life.
It is obvious a~d a truism to say that every day international public opinion
understands more clearly the barbarity of the Pretoria regime towards the black
people, who are only demanding their most elementary right to dignity.
(Mr. Akanga, Togo)
We are convinced that the Pretoria Government is incapable Qf responding
decisively and responsibly to the demands of the overwhelming majority. The
so-called reforms announced by that regime are nothing but dilatory manoeuvres
aimed at stifling the legitimate and courageous revolt of the oppressed and to
appease its own conscience.
My delegation invites all countries sincerely to support the implementation of
global sanctions so that action inside the country may lead to the dismantling of
the apartheid system. All States should also support any action aimed at imposing
an efficient and total embargo against South Africa in respect of oil, armaments
and military and nuclear co-operation. The international community as a whole must
intensify pressures because only the disappearance of apartheid will lead to the .
establishment of a just society in which the dignity and worth of each human being
will be taken into account and respected. In order to reach that objective the
international community must support the legitimate struggle of the freedom
fighters in South Africa.
It is right that my delegatio" should express its deep appreciation to the
specialized agencies of the united Nations for their efforts to set up programmes
of assistance to the oppressed peoples of South Africa.
AS if by chance, in South Africa itself the cycle of violence, characterized
by the declaration of a state of emergency and the acts of intimidation, is
continuing and expanding. My delegation considers it high time to act with energy
to prove our devotion to the concept of human dignity and to convince the
Government of south Africa that the knell has rung for apartheid. In this
connection my delegation would wish the Security Council to envisage urgsnt
measures in order to impose compulsory economic sanctions to compel the Pretoria
regime radically to change its policy of racial segregation. My delegation is
(Mr. Akanga, Togo)
convinced that the active and general support of the international community,
together with the struggle of the oppressed peoples, would inevitably lead to the
elimination of the apartheid system in South Africa. This is therefore the
appropriate moment for the international community to act positively with a view to
influencing events.
My delegation strongly reaffirms that the apartheid system will be eliminated
more speedily if those who possess the power of persuasion exert effective
pressures on Pretoria. The international community would be grateful to them for
having contributed to the liquidation of this odious system.
The better world to which we aspire implies the building up internally of
democratic societies founded on respect for human worth and tolerance. It is such
a society that the overwhelming majority of States Members of our Organization
would like to see set up in South Africa. It is therefore important for the
General Assembly, at this session, to study ways and means of reaching that goal.
Mr. RABGYE (Bhutan): At first glance reports from southern Africa would
seem to indicate an improvement in the political climate of the area. South Africa
negotiates various non-aggression treaties with the neighbouring front-line
States. South Africa indicates willingness to grant independence to Namibia.
Furthermore, we hear that South Africa has announced plans to modify apartheirl.
South Africa, it appears, is presenting a new face to the world. Why then, in
spite of seemingly encouraging signs, is there greater cause for alarm?
The consternation of the international community is due to the fact that the
fundamental policies of the South Africa Government have not demonstrated any real
desire for constructive change but that the Government continues to pursue the
(Mr. Akanga, TogO)
same objectives, only more aggressively. Frustration and conflicts are increasing
on all sides. We must not allow a clever public relations campaign to confuse the
issues. South Africa remains actively engaged in three wars simultaneously.
First, not content with reducing its neighbours to a state of economic
dependence, South Africa has attempted to destablize the front-line States through
a series of military adventures. Angola and Mozambique have borne the brunt of
this destructiveness, but Lesotho also has suffered an invasion by South Africa.
The territorial integrity of all States must be respected at all times, but recent
events show how little the non-aggression treaties to which South Africa is a party
mean in real terms.
Secondly, the South African Government has continued to wage a brutal war
against the people of Namibia. General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI) adopted in
1966 terminated South Africa's Mandate over the Territory, then known as South~West
Africa, so that South Africa's occupation of Namibia is illegal in the first
place. But South Africa's grip on this colony is a tenacious one, and while it and
its partners, the transnational corporations, continue to exploit the riches of the
land, it has stepped up its war against the freedom fighters recognized as such by
the united Nations. The scheme to hand over power to the mUlti-party conference is
a fraudulent one. It would not mean ,independence for Namibia at all but would
assure Pretoria's continued rule. We must work together for the eradication of
colonialism, whether in Africa or elsewhere. Nor can we allow ourselves to be
deterred in this fight by irrelevant issues, such as linkage, which are mere
excuses for continuing policies of aggression.
Thirdly, perhaps the most tragic and brutal of the three wars being carried on
by the Pretoria Government is that waged against its own people and written into
its laws as apa~theid. Under that system, over 22 million Africans are completely
excluded from the political process ana have virtually no rights whatsoever in
their own country. Peaceful demonstrations are met by gunfire, mass arrests and
the laying-off of thousands of workers. The same rigid policy has created
implausible bantustans and ghetto areas for tbe blacks, known as black spots, which
has made possible the violent uprooting of 3 million blacks and threatens to cause
the deportation of 2 million more. The new constitutior. does nothing in the way of
dismantling this system of violence but further entrenches it. We cannot rejoice
over the removal of a few "Whites Only" signs here and there and call that progress.
The three wars are interconnected and all stem from South Africa's inflexible
ideology of racism and colonialism. It is part of the legacy of such atrocities as
the Berlin Conference of 1884-85 and it is a doctrine which should have been
discarded, in shame, long ago. Since, however, the Pretoria Government persists in
its same course, I must reiterate my country's position on the issues.
We call upon South Africa to withdraw, totally and unconditionally, from
Angola and we call for an immediate halt to South Africa's acts of aggression and
other forms of interference in the affairs of neighbouring front-line States.
We call upon South Africa to halt its war against the Namibian people. We
recognize the right of the Namibians to independence and we support the South West
Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the national liberation movement, as the sole
and authentic representative of the Namibian people.
Furthermore,·we call upon South Africa to take steps immediately to implement
Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which embodies the United Nations plan for
Namibia and remains the only acceptable basis for a peaceful settlement of the
Namibian question. It is imperative that this plan is not modified or circumvented
in any way.·
On the issue of apartheid, the unflinching position of my delegation is that
there can be no compromise with that totally unjust sy~tem. The issue is a simple
one. Apartheid is blatantly evil. It is a form of exploitation, backed by the
legal system of that country, which degrades the vast majority of the people there
and treats them as less than human merely becuase of the colour of their skin.
Laws such as apartheid laws are a perversion of justice and a direct violation of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Abraham Lincoln, speaking out on a similar issue - the slavery of black
Americans - once said:
"Familiarize yourselves with the chains of bondage and you prepare your own
limbs to wear them. Accustomed to trample on the rights of others, you have
lost the genius of you~ own independence and become the fit subjec~s of the
first cunning tyrant who rises among you."
That cunning tyrant in SOuth Africa today is fear, that divided society is a
society of fear, where apartheid's emblems are Sharpeville and SOweto, where
funeral mourners are shot in the back.
We support Security Council resolution 554 (1984), which rejected South
Africa's so-called new constitution as a further entrenchment of apartheid and
therefore declared it null and void. Furthermore, we fUlly support the General
Assembly resolution stating that the elimination of apartheid is one of the major
imperatives of the United Nations. We are committed to working towards the
establishment of a non-racial society in a united South Africa.
One aspect of apartheid which perhaps has not received enough attention is the
difference in health care for blacks and whites in South Airica. In the urban
areas, the risk of death for black children is 14 times greater than that for white
children at ages one to four. Furthermore, in the rural areas where most blacks
live, malaria, cholera and poliomyelitis are rife and in some areas reaches
epidemic proportions.
Some people expressed the hope that constructive engagement would make SOuth
Africa more flexible and more willing to negotiate. As this has not been the case,
what more effective approaches can the international community take?
First, we must make all possible efforts to ensure implementation of the
various United Nations resolutions that have been adopted. Consensus must be
backed by the requisite political will. One such resolution, security Council
resolution 418 (1977), which institut~d a mandatory arms embargo against SOuth
Africa, must be strictly enforced. South Africa has not become the tenth largest
arms producer today without outside help. Feeding the military machine further
creates greater security risks for all of southern Africa.
We join in calling for the institution of a mandatory oil embargo agianst
South Africa. We also call for the isolation of South Africa in the sports,
cultural and technological fields.
We call upon Governments to accede to or ratify the International Convention
on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid.
It is also important that the international community support those working
for change within South Africa by providing assistance to liberation movements
recognized by the Organization of African Unity, such as the African National
Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania.
We call upon the international community to provide assistance to the l
aggression and for the protection of refugees.
We appeal to the International Monetary Fund to stop providing credits and
other assistance to South Africa.
We commend Mr. Garba for his work as Chairman of the United Nations Special
Committee against Apartheid. He has laboured tirelessly in that cause and the
result has been a greater awareness world-wide of this..issue, its urgency and what
actions need to be taken with regard to it. He has been aided in this. by an
excellent staff.
We commend the stud~>~ts, trade unions, religious groups and individuals acting
on their own who have organized disinvestment campaigns and protested against
various forms of co-operation with South Africa. Those people represent the
conscience of the countries of which they are citizens, even if their Governments
take a shortsighted view in doing business with South Africa. Those dedicated
protesters represent the hope of the future.
We cannot welcome South Africa into the civilized community of nations until
it renounces the twin evils of racism and colonialism. Not until then can its
isolation be ended. Nelson Mandela, the great leader of the African National
Congress, once said that there is "no easy walk to freedom". The majority of South
Africans cannot be denied their human rights any longer - they have purchased their
freedom many times over through many years of bitterness and struggle. South
Africa is today faced with an unprecedented choice: it can heed the will of the
international community and acknowledge the rights of all its citizens or it can
slide into a conflagration which threatens the whole of southern Africa.
By reversing its present policies South Africa stands to gain everything. It
would win friends all over the world, defuse the present crisis and tap the untold
human;Potenti~l of all its pedples, so 'much 'of 'which is now wasted. It would be a
glorious opportunity.'·
, Once again we are assembled for an annual ritual,
Mr •. ENcD (Cameroon):
• 'f"' as it were, at which brilliance of speech and intensity of human emotion spell out
the common sense of universal outrage and Africa's frustration at the cruelty,
immorality, brutal murder and defiance brought upon our generation by the system'
called apartheid.
Two decades ago that system seemed to the Cameroon delegation to be a
monstrous dis~gter waiting to happen. Reports today demonstrate not only that the
disaster has exploded but that its vibrations have begun to be felt well beyond the
sUbcontinent. We have been told of the cries of fellow mortals caught in an
outlandish crescendo of violence and destruction. Bishop Desmond Tutu and others
like him, whose abhorrence of violence is unquestionable, have been here to tell us
of what is happening. We have heard the cries of the legitimate leader~ withiQ
southern A~rica asking for no more than that there be restored to them the same
fundamental rights enjoyed by other cL. ~ens in their fatherland.
In the past this universal Assembly has responded with mountains of
resolutions, and we have made the point that we have a tremendous reservoir of
words and sentiments to draw upon. We have encouraged the racists of South Africa
to continue to wear their sardonic smiles in mockery and defiance, confident of the
indolence that we jointly demonstrate after the adoption of resolutions.
Thus, each year brings more pain to the majority of the population. Mothers
must die with their children or else be driven by desperation to accept the
inevitability of their death. Fathers must be compelled to accept separation from
loved one, bullied by poverty and unemployment. We have been call~d upon merely to
look on, each passing day reminding us of the scope of our joint eV~l.
This, c()nunemo(ative.. ~~ar ,m!1st ryot join with other,s past in underlining tha~
evil. Men, women and children are dying senselessly in'South Africa. Their noble
blood shed i~ a historic struggle ~or freedom tells us that apartheid cannot be
reformed, that our indolence tends to strengthen the will of the racists to,attempt
to suspend the march of time, that by that indolence we may collectively be
contributing to further bloodshed in southern Africa as a whole.
The time is long overdue for us t~ do more tilan f4n emotions of hate and
worthless con@Qmnation. International public opinion has been sUfficiently
informed of, and in many instances mobilized against, the atrocities in South
Africa to demand new, decisive measures at the united Nations. Thousands - in
fact, millions - of people in all walks of life across the globe - legislators,
including sC?"',~tors, teachers, scientists, rich, poor, white, black, the noble and
ordinary i0:~, all ha?e joined in calling for radical change in South Africa.
We owe it to them, and mostly to the immediate victims of apartheid, to
undertake united actions to stop the senseless killings there. Most of the leaders
of South Africa have recommended to us the best way to do this. None of them has
so far advocated the retali~tory killing of so-called whites. The wea~ns of death
and destruction are in the hands of the oppressive regime. A cease-fire must come
from them, a "cease-oppression" must come from them, a "drop-apartheid" must begin
with them, a return to civilized conduct must be undertaken by them.
What we all must constantly not fail to reme.tber is that change is prescribed
by history and by the nature of God's creation. No arms of mass destruction, no
human alliances can stop that. Our concern is that we may be doing too little and,
perhaps, too late. We may be reaching a point where destruction among races would
block reconciliation in the future. The racists are insisting that freedom and the
elimination of apartheid will happen only over their dead bodies. They must know
that the blacks are willing to die to attain that freedom, because the enslavement
involved in the present options is dehumanizing. Given the increasing interest of
world opinion, victory in those circumstances can only come to those who fight for
freedom.
T~at type of freedom does not make for a truly multiracial society which alone
would give sustenance and well-being to the South African nation. Children are
being born and growing up in an atmosphere of bitter human conflict fought on
racial lines. They know neither love nor the quality of understanding that
enhances nation-building. They will inherit a country torn apart by racism and
counter-racism, with an entrenched divisiveness and the provoked lawlessness of the
frustrated felt by vanquished and victors alike, with such bitterness overflowing
from the mistrust of a past in whic~ cruelty and injustice could find expression
only in a souring of the joy of existence.
We must take steps to avoid that threatening state of affairs before it is too
late. Future generations must not look to our efforts with rejection, because ~e
permitted the protraction of the evil. Let us block apartheid and then proceed
urgently to destroy it. Let us enable the peoples of South Africa to spend the
years of their lives in a dynamic technological age, building the unity and
development of their country and contributing to world peace ~d security like
everybody else. South Africa now has nuclear capability. That should remind all
nations, great and small, that the situation in the subregion is of concern to all.
We cannot successfully meet the attendant challenges with mere rhetoric, by
apportioning blame and making diversionary references to external factors. Let us
address the serious situation in South Africa. To those who claim to fear that the
African or so-called black will be ~~ost hurt by sanctions, we invite them to listen
to the voices of the victims of apartheid. They are asking how much longer, how
many more deaths we prescribe for them. They are asking what is the scope of our
interest in removing this curse from mankind. They are not interested in philoosphy
and explanations. Patience unto death is for, the slothful, not for those lopg
deprived of a right to decent life and freedom. The pain of the aged ~nd of the
youth is the same.
Even the racists need quick change to save their children and future
generations from the rage of the retributive process. They must be forced out of
the shelves on which they slllmber, seemingly filed away from civilization and the
norms of the Christian religion they claim to profess•.. If this is not to be done
through physical violence to which those defending themselves may feel compelled to
turn, we must now, through a show of unity here, devise a workable, productive and
efficient alternative to save South Africa as a nation before it is too late.
We call upon the United Nations Security Council to make its decisive
contribution, but even more we call upon the two super-Powers, the United States of
America and the Soviet Union, to remove confrontation in their mutual relations in
addressing the desperate situation in southern Africa. It is not in the front-line
States thal: a solution ma~r be found. It is within SOuth Africa itself that a
challenge exists for those two giants and their allies to demonstrate a real
capacity to lead, not merely, bully or menace the rest of mankind.
We do not fail to recognize the contribution of industrialized countries like
France, New Zealand, Canada and Australia, among the ranks of others before them.
What we do ask of them is that they press the contemporary power structures of the
world to save that subregion of Africa from the continuing horrors and scourge of
conflict and disaster.
Mr. FELIX (Dominican Republic) (interpretation from Spanish): Once again
in this Hall a discussion is taking place of the cruel and inhuman system of
political oppression that dooms millions of human beings in South Africa through
the action of the white minority and that we all know as an institutionalized
regime of racial segregation called apartheid.
My country's position with regard to the unjust: system of ae.rtheid has been
repeatedly and clearly _de known in this society of nations, and our view and
position were voiced unequivocally during the general debate in the General
Aasellbly on 7 OCtober of this year by ray country's secretary for P'oreign Affairs.
Be said:
"Every year the Dominican Republic reiterates its total condemnation of
the abhorrent practice of apartheid. In this regard we must express our
concern over the worsening and growing deterioration of the situation in
South Africa, where the absurd policy of apartheid is producing untold human
suffering, arbitr~ry .dass arrests and forced displacement of great sectors of
the popUlation." (A/40/PV.24, p. 66)
The racist minority regime of South Africa cannot continue to sp~rn the will
of the international community as repeatedly expressed in the United Nations
security Council. That is why the Council and the General Assembly must continue
to apply the international measures agreed upon to eliminate the hateful system of
racial oppression. Thus Security Council resolutions 418 (1977) and 558 (1984)
must be com~lied with and implemented in every detail. The Dominican Republic,
which is a (,'ountry that includes blacks, whites and, as a majority, citizens of
mixed race, MUst n~cessarily condemn racial discrimination, especially if that
discrimination is institutionalized and constitutes a threat to peace, mutual
coexistence and understanding among peoples and among the inhabitants of the ragion.
The Pretoria Government is tryi,.ng with impunity to keep alive a political
system tnat is denying human bein~s the exercise of their most elementary rights,
rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The universal principles of human dignity cannot be violated by a minority
that turns a deaf ear to the constant appeals of the international conmunity that
there should be an end, once and for all, to the racial system known as apartheid~
My country has constantly proclaimed its faith in the United Nations and its
institutions, and believes that the bases provided by its resolutions are the most
feasible means of putting an end to the serious obstacles that are depriving
milliorts' of SOulth Africans of the achievement of their most deeply felt
aspirations, which cQsically amount simply to the enjoyment of their civil and
political rights and of the material benefits with which the earth abounds.
We demand that South Africa immediately liberate the great nationalist fi9hter
Nelso~ Mandela, who has been suffering in prison for more than 20 years, and all
the political prisoners in South Africa, whose sole crime is that they have fought
for the just and noble cause of equalityv freedom, social justice and the enjoyment
of the prerogatives that flow from them. The Pretoria regime has the inescapable
duty of repealing its discriminatory and racial legislation and ending the
political repression with respect for the lives of those who are fighting for South
African freedom.
Therefore from this rostrum we affirm our total support for the oppressed
people of SOuth Africa and their vanguard, the African National Congress.
We are firmly convinced that on thi.s fortieth anniversary of the foundation of
our international community as embodied in the United Nations, the white minority
of SOuth Africa will at last understand that the calls of the black majority for
the eradication of apartheid are just and full of the highest human dignity, and
that at some forthcoming session of the General Assembly we shall all be able to
comment on the fact here that in South Africa the dearest and most beautiful dream
of Nelson Mandela, Benjamin Maloise and Bishop Desmond Tutu has become a reality,
since in South Africa, in accordance with our wishes, blacks, whites and those of
mixed race will enjoy full equality in accordance with the principles and rules of
law as set forth in our own founding Charter and in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights.
I laud the noble cause of the Africans, and I laud the martyrs who have fallen
in that noble struggle in defence of SOuth African liberty.
Mr. CHARLES (Haiti) (interpretation from French): This year the debate
on the apartheid policy of the South African regime is being held at a time when
the crisis caused and maintained by Pretoria has reached an unprecedented level to
the consternation of the international community, which is searching for ways of
putting an end to it•.
Naturally the world is looking to the United Nations, whose basic role is to
promote and defend peace, liberty, equality and justice in the world. Aware of its
responsibility, it has striven since its ~reation to oblige the racist regime to
respect, while there is still time, the legitimate claims of the majority with a
view to elimi.nating the apartheid system and establishing a democratic society
based on equal rights and duties for all citizens. Nothing could be more
unacceptable for the partisans of a regime based on racial superiority and
exploitation. It is therefore easy to understand that the many resolutions and
recommendations of the General Assembly, the Security Council and other
international bodies have not been implemented. On the contrary, contemptuous of a
United Nations that seems powerless, and of world public opinion, Pretoria is not
only pursuing its criminal apartheid policy but is intensifying it through terror
and repression of the indigenous population.
However, the spirit of resistan~e has never been stronger. It is
unconquerable, and can be seen everywhere: in the mines, in the workshops, in
churches, in places of employment and in the streets, where defenceless
demonstrators are killed ill cold blood, thus increasing the number of names on the
impressive list of victims who, from Sharpeville to Uitenhage, have boldly shown
their opposition to 2f§rtheid.
At the same time, to appease its allies Pretoria engages in all sorts of
manoeuvres which have no effect on the substance of the problem and which, although
they are described as constructive changes, are in fact designed to maintain the
racist regime and perpetuate white domination.
Its desperate attempts to break the resistance of the oppressed people,
against whom it uses not only police forces but even the army, under the state of
emergency, the measures to strengthen its illegal occupation of Namihia in
violation of the relevant resolutions of the united Nations, and even its attempts
to pacify or intimidate the neighbouring States, leave hO doubt, if there ever were
doubt, of its true intentions. This has been confirmed by the leader of the racist
regime himself, Mr. Botha, who, embarrassing his main apologists, stated in the
course of a most provocative speech last August that he would never accept majority
rule in a united South Africa, since that would lead to domination of the minority
by the majority. Of course we completely reject such an argument, the purpose of
which is to justify the contrary situation.
In any case, we wish to stress that the il~stor could not have persisted in
this hopeless cause, continued to ignore appeals to reason and co~non sense and
refused to negotiate with the authentic representatives of the people if it had not
been actively assisted by countries whose high moral values can only be tarnished
by such associations. We fully share the concern of the Special Committee against
~artheid when it stresses in its annual report
"the regrettable moves of certain Western Powers to accord respectability and
greater co-operation to the apartheid regime as a partner in a so-called
'peace process' or as an agent of ~reform'"
or when it insists on the need
"to support the legitimate struggle of the oppressed people and to exert all
influence to dissuad(~ the few Powers concerned from continuing their
disastrous policies of collaboration with the apartheid regime."
(A/40/22, para. 309)
The total commitment of all of us to concerted action to deal with this
situation is more than ever necessary. We welcome the recent decisions by some
Western countries, notably Canada, New Zealand and France, whose courageous
initiative in the Security Council last July led to the adoption of resolution
569 (1985), in which the Council for the first time urgently requested Member
States to impose specific economic sanctions against South Africa. Although those
measures are inadequate, we nevertheless welcome them and exhort those countries to
co-operate with us to ensure the adoption of the comprehensive mandatory economic
sanctions which alone can lead to a solution in southern Africa.
While we were encouraged by the positive development in the recent attitude of
Western countries, we are very disappointed by the position of three of them,
which, to quote once again from the annual report of the Special committee against
Apartheid:
"bear a tremendous responsibility for the situation in South Africa, in the
light of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security
Council to isolate the apartheid regime and to support the legitimate struggle
of the oppressed people." (para. 346)
This is no time for recriminations, however, and we are ready to forget the
past in spite of what I am tempted to call their collusion with apartheid, provided
that they admit that they do not possess a monopoly of wisdom. We are ready to
forget everything if they finally listen to the voice of the sUffering people, if
they finally decide to act, together with the rest of the international community,
to eliminate the last vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid in southern
Africa. The choice is theirs.
Mr. BASSOLE(Burkina Faso) (interpretation from French): It is in the
name of justice, freedom, independence and human dignity that my delegation feels
compelled to take part in the debate on the policies of apartheid of South Africa.
The united Nations has had the question of the disastrous situation prevailing
in that part of the world on its agenda for 40 years. In spite of the efforts made
to put an end to it, it seems as if apartheid, which all of us, or at least an
overwhelming majority of us, have identified as a crime against humanity, is
constantly rising from the ashes of the many resolutions and decisions of the
United Nations.
In the light of this, we are confronted with a number of questions. One of
them, the most basic, in our opinion, is why and how a system as abject as the one
which has been unanimously condemned and rejected by all the Members of the united
Nations without exception has been able to survive for so long despite our common
will.
Those who believe that the attention devoted by the General Assembly and the
Security Council to the policy of apartheid of the racist Pretoria regime over this
long period of time is only an annual ritual are right. Forty years have gone by
without any change in the situation of millions of human beings who live in
ghettos, with a status barely superior to that of an animal.
From day to day in South Africa the situation becomes worse. The repeated
acts of aggression by the racist Pretoria regime against the neighbouring States
and its determination to persist in and consolidate the odious system of apartheid
threaten regional and international peace and security a little more each day.
Therefore, we cannot but be surprised tha,t, despi~~ thi~ threat, the measures
capable of isolating that regime are ~hose that are spoken of least t)r tpat no one
wants to hear about.
, .
In fact, as Captain Thomas Sankara, the President of the National Council of
the Revolution and Head of state of Burkina Faso, said at this very rostrum a year
ago:
"The unbelievable insolence of [South Africa] with respect to all nations of
the world, even those that support the terrorism which it has erected into a
State system designed physically to liquidate the black majority of that
country, the contempt that it has shown for our ~esolutions, are among the
most serious and overwhelming concerns of the world today.
"But the most tragic factor is not that South Africa has outlawed itself
from the international community because of its apartheid laws, not even that
it continues to occupy Namibia illegally and keep it under its colonialist and
racist boot or that it continues with impunity to subject its neighbours to
those laws of banditry. No, what is most abject and most humiliating for the
human conscience is that it has made this tragedy a matter of everyday reality
for millions of human beings, who have only their own body and the heroism of
their bare arms to defend themselves." (A/39/PV.20, p. 21)
That has been and continues to be possible only because throughout these years
there have been some who have deliberately - although perhaps without realizing
it - introduced into this issue a link between the question of apartheid and other
questions that actually have no link, direct or indirect, with it. With the
passage of time it has become clear that those who stubbornly refuse to fit their
deeds to their words are trying to make us lose sight of the real nature of the
Pretoria regime's policy of apartheidJ they do that by insinuating that the real
question is the East-West confrontation. Such a view of the situation can only
lead to the conception and application of a policy that takes everything into
account except the fundamental interests of the South African people. Here, that
view of the situation is called the "policy of constructive engagement"J in other
places they prefer not to give it a name.
indescribable suffering of the black southern Africans, victims of the colour of
their skin~ obliges us to make neither concessions nor compromises in ensuring that
the final goal is achieved: the total eradication of apartheid and the
establishment of a democratic society without any racial distinctions, a society
based on the principle 'Of government by the majority, through the full and free
exercise of the right of vote by all the adults, in a united and unfragmented South
Africa.
And it is possible to eradicate apartheid - the only solution that can be
just, lasting and acceptable to the people of South Africa, backed by the
international community. Through untiring efforts, the United Nations General
Assembly and Security Council have defined the framework for such a solution. From
the statements made by many preceding speakers here, we see that the paths to that
solution have been clearly traced.
In other words, let us not waste time in trying to invent something which
already exists. Its conduct for the past 40 years shows that the Pretoria regime
has chosen to remain deaf to all our demands. In that way, it makes clear what
treatment should be meted out to it. And that treatment can only be, in these
circumstances, the application of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. The
overwhelming majority of the State Members of our Organization have called for
that, and they continue to be absolutely in favour of it.
But the expression of this common will has been met with the categorical
refusal by certain States that are so well known that it is unnecessary to name
them. It is that refusal which comforts the Pretoria racist regime and encourages
it to maintain its position. It explains the systematic recourse to terrorism and
repression against the national liberation movements of South Africa, and against
all those struggling for the elimination of racial discrimination and the apartheid
system. It is that refusal, also, which motivates Pretoria in committing acts of
aggression against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the neighbouring
African States and in engaging in all kinds of manoeuvres to Btrengthen the
apartheid system, particularly the establishment of so-called bantustans.
Despite all that, however, we are witnessing today t~~ birth of a new
phenomenon: a sort of barely disguised paternalism that claims concern about the
fate of these millions of black southern Africans - these persons "who had such
flat noses that in former times it was very hard even to feel sorry for them". But
it is only and simply the form, not the substance, of the speech that has changed.
Today the very Powers that have been putting obstacles in the way of the
application of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against Pretoria seem to be
concerned about the impact - which they say will be harmful - that such measures
would have on these blacks. They are absolutely silent, however, about what would
happen to the Pretoria racist regime and their own selfish interests.
perhaps we should remind them - for they are supposed to be more aware than
anyone else of the price of freedom and human dignity - that there could be no more
cruel or humiliating suffering than that which the blacks of southern Africa have
been enduring for many long years now. Perhaps we should call their attention also
to the fact that elsewhere in Africa and in Latin America and Asia there are
peoples that are SUffering, and their SUffering cannot necessarily be linked to the
imposition of any kind of comprehensive mandatory sanctions.
Another condemnation of South Africa by the General Assembly for the crime of
apartheid, another demand that it abolish that system and free all the political
prisoners, will not suffice to change the situation in that country. Today the
peoples of southern Africa expect each of us and the international community as a
whole - if we cannot demonstrate our will to serve their just cause - at least to
stop placing obstacles in the path of their emancipation, for which they are
prepared to make so many sacrifices, including even the final one.
If we want to meet their expectations, which are quite legitimate, we should
speak less and do more - those among us who understand that at the present stage of
the development of the situation in that part of the African continent, only action
is appropriate; all the rest is just weakness or complicity. To that end, we must
stop all this subterfuge and speak the language of firmness and determination to
the racist regime, for whom the knell will soon toll. That would be one of the
most beautiful gifts that the States opposed to the application of Chapter VII of
the Charter to the racist regime of South Africa could offer the United Nations on
its fortieth anniversary; it is a gift which the international community would so
much like those States to give. If it could help those States to take such a
decision, Burkina Faso is prepared to extend its co-operation to them at any time.
We in Burkina Faso pledge to give our constant support, by all possible means,
to the oppressed peoples of South Africa and elsewhere, in their just struggle "to
see liberty, equality, justice and human dignity triumph.
Mr. OGOUMA(Benin) (interpretation from French): The apartheid policy of
the pretoria regime has been on the agenda of the united Nations for 40 years and
it is sad that on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations
which we are so widely celebrating, this violent, barbarous and fascist apartheid
regime should still exist.
There is no need to recapitulate for the benefit of this Assembly the gross
violations of international law and the crimes against humanity daily practised by
the racist regime. Surely the world knows of the atrocities committed by that
regime. Resolutions denouncing the racist Pretoria regime are legion. What more
do we need to prove that the racist apartheid regime holds international public
opinion in contempt.
Wnile we discuss the apartheid policy, the Pretoria regime is continuing to
repress in blood the oppressed people of South Africa with the weapons that are
supplied to it by its allies i~ violation of the arms embargo.
The escalation of the repression practised by the Pretoria aparthei~ regime
against the oppressed population of South Africa culminated in the proclamation of
a state of emergency in many parts of the country and bestowed on the army and
police unlimited powers to search without warrant, to detain people, to declare
curfews and to fire without warning on the population. Thousands of those opposing
apartheid have been arrested and more than 100 have been killed out of hand.
Every appeal by the international community has been met with stubborn
intransigence and disdain by the pretoria regime. But they must know that the
state of emergency will not lead to peace, nor will it solve the fundamental
problems of the black population of South Africa.
The tragic events th~t for some weeks have been ~~k~ng place in South Africa
through widespread demonstrations and struggle s~vagely. repressed by South African
soldiers clearly demonstrate, if further demonstration is needed, ,that
co-operation, dialogue and constructive engagement with the Pretoria regime, far
from helping to solve the problem of apartheid, only help to strengthen its policy
of genocide and repression of the oppressed black people in South Africa.
Protected by its allies, acting with impunity, the racist Pretoria regime is
extending its apartheid system to Namibia which it illegally occupies and is
pursuing its military aggression against the other countries of southern Africa.
Has not ~he Pretoria regime for some 20 years now persisted in its arrogant
defiance and its refusal to apply the decisions of our organization by continuing.
illegally to occupy Namibia and exploit its immense resources? Has it not launched
10 armed aggressions against the People's Republic of Angola since its proclamation
of independence in 1975? Has it not launched aggressions against Mozambique,
Seychelles, Lesotho and BotSWana? IS it not that same apartheid regime of Pretoria
that arrogantly admits having given aid and support to UNITA, despite the Lusaka
agreements of 1984? Has it not publicly vowed that it would continue its acts of
destabilization in Mozambique by supplying the MNR outlaws with weapons, medicine
and so on, in violation of the Nkomat~ accords?
The daily stengthening of the system of apartheid within South Africa by force
of arms, by genocide and by bloody repression, the illegal occupation of Namibia
and the shameless exploitation of its resources, as well as the intensification of
barbarous acts of aggression against the sovereign and independent front-line
States are so many additional crimes that create a particularly dangerous situation
in southern Africa and constitute a grave threat to international peace and
security.
The racist Pretoria regime, by its shameful crimes, radically opposes and
dangerously violates the sacred principles enshrined 40 years ago in the Charter of
the united Nations, particularly those contained in paragraph 4 of Article 2. It
constantly spurns and rejects the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to
Colonial Countries and Peoples contained in resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960 and it
also scoffs at the declaration on South Africa in resolution 34/93 of
12 December 1979.
Defining the apartheid regime in the C~mmittee holding hearings on item 35 of
the agenda, a speaker quite justly said:
"It is well-known that the architects of apartheid were admirers and
supporters of Adolf Hitler and that their evil system was consciously inspired
by nazism. It is no mere coincidence that nazism and apartheid have both been
labelled crimes against humanity. Is there any real difference between
Hitler's master race ideology and apartheid, between his invasion and
occupation of Europe and the racist regime's invasion and occupation of Angola
and aggression against the other independent States in the region r between the
genocide committed against the Jewish people and the massacres which are daily
occurrences in South Africa?" (A/40/SPC/PV.13, p. 58)
That is why the trial of the South African Government's apartheid policy is
also the trial of all those who give assistance to it and thus allow it to continue
to exist, the trial of those who bolster it in its arrogance and in its refusal to
comply with the decisions of our Organization and with the wishes of the whole
international community.
It is also the t~ial of those whose main concern is to preserve the privileged
trade, military and s~lentific relations which they maintain with Pretoria and who
in so doing have contributed, not only to the plundering of the natural wealth of
the country, but also to the acquisition by the illegal South African Government of
a nuclear weapon which allows it to intimidate and terrorize its neighbours.
The trial of the South African regime's apartheid policy is also the trial of
those who, through greed and for their own sordid interests, are South Africa's
accomplices in its illegal occupation of Namibia. In fact, South Africa's obduracy
in its constant refusal to abide by the unanimous decisions of our Organization can
only be explained by the complicity of certain Pow~rs which, conniving with South
Africa, shamelessly exploit the Namibian people and implacably plunder its
resources.
The trial of the South Africa Government's apartheid policy is also the trial
of those who do not dare to speak out in opposition to the acts of aggression, of.
massive destabilization, of terrorism and economic blackmail perpetrated by the
Pretoria regime against its neighbours.
What the oppressed people of South Africa seek, what the black population want
is simply the elimination of apartheid and the establishment of a non-racial
society guaranteeing the enjoyment of equal rights by all the inhabitants of South
Africa regardless of their race, their colour or their creed. That is also what
the United Nations requires in its 1979 Declaration on South Africa, in which it
affirmed that:
"all the people of South Africa, irrespective of race, colour or creed, should
be enabled to exercise their right of self-determination". (resolution 34/93 0)
(Mr. Ogouma, Benin)
The security Council also demands that in its statement of 21 August 1985,
according to which
"The members of the Council believe that a just and lasting solution in
South Africa must be based on the total eradication of the system of apartheid
and the establishment of a free, united, democratic society in South Africa."
(S/17413)
That same demand is made by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and by the
Organization of African unity (OAU), whose current Chairman, president Diouf of
Senegal, speaking in the General Assembly a few days ago, said:
"Over and above the combat imposed on them by the apartheid regime, those
leaders" - that is, the South African liberations movements - "have a clear
vision of post-apartheid South African society, a multiracial, egalitarian and
democratic society guaranteeing freedom and justice for all. 1I (A/40/PV.42,
It is for such an egalitarian society for all that the oppressed people of
south Africa daily fight and shed their blood. It is for such a society, in which
apartheid is eradicated, that the national liberation movements of South Africa and
the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) of Namibia struggle
indomitably, weapons in hand.
It is high time for the united Nations to ensure that concerted measures are
taken to assist the people of South Africa to eliminate apartheid. Our
Organization must take all possible steps to impose comprehensive mandatory
economic sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter against South
Africa.
In this context, my delegation, while expressing its satisfaction to the
Special Committee against Apartheid and its Chairman, Mr. Garba, the Permanent
Representative of Nigeria, with the very comprehensive report submitted to us,
wishes to stress three of the recommendations of the Special Committee by quoting
them here, as follows:*
"The Special Committee considers that Governments which oppose the
strengthening and effective monitoring of the manQatory arms embargo, as well
as corporations which supply equipment and expertise for military and police
use in South Africa, bear a grave responsibility. (A/40/22, para. 374)
"It urges that the S~curity Council take urgent measures to strengthen
the arms ernbargo~ prohibit all co··operation with South Africa in the nuclear
field and ensure the effective monitoring of such measures in accordan~e with
the report of the security Council Committee established in pursuance of
resolution 421 (1977) ••• and the relevant resolutions of the General
Assembly. In this connection, it attaches special importance to the
prohibition of supply of 'dual purpose' equipment, computers and technology
for military and police use in South Africa. (parao 376)
"The Special Committee notes with great concern the stubborn refusal of
major western Powers to recognize the situation in South Africa and southern
Africa as a threat to international peace and security - even when the
apartheid regime continues to commit acts of genocide and has repeatedly
committed acts of aggression against the front-line States. It hopes that
they will be persuaded to facilitate action under Chapter VII of the
Charter." (para. 384)
* Mr. Hepburn (Bahamas), Vice-President, took the Chair.
(Mr. Ogouma, Benin)
Mr. President, the Head of th~;zairian delegation has had an opportunity to offer
you his congratulations en your well-deserved election to conduct the work of the
present session.
Gur consideration of agenda item 35, entitled "Policies of apartheid of the
Government of South Africa", is taking place at a particularly critical and
decisive moment for the black population of South Africa, which is undeniably and
undisputably the majority in that country.
Several debates have been organized within the United Nations system, at the
level of both the General Assembly and the Security Council, leading to many
resolutions, as well as at innumerable international conferences, on the policy of
apartheid carried out by a handful of white racists in South Africa.
Unfortunately, these debate~ have so far been mere oratorical contests.
At a time when the united Nations is celebrating the fortieth anniversary of
its founding and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the De'claration on the Granting of
Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, it is unthinkable and inadmissable
that the whole international community should be, practically speaking, incapable
of exercising any influence on the racism, slavery and other manifestations of the
unjustified superiority complex imposed on the original, indigenous population of
the South African territory.
The fundamental rights of the black peoples of South Africa derive from
history and from the fact that those peoples belong to that territory, which is
occupied and exploited by a white minority which in the main have come from certain
~?untries to imp~ement systematic segregation and make a government policy of a
form of discrimination leading to the extermination of the indigenous population.
Since 1948 apartheid has been applied in South African territory by means of
the law on residential segregati~n, which makes it possible to regroup people by
race and keep them in areas reserved for them. The promulgation of that law, in
1948, represented in the eyes of the international community an alleged
legalization of a de facto situation which was created at the time of the
occupation of that territory by the Boers in 1652.
In fact, since 1487, when the Portuguese Di~~ sai~~d round the South African
coast for the first time, there was a very large black population - estimated to be
far larger than the present-day black population - composed of Bochimans,
Hottentots, zulus and Bantus, who were and remain to our day the real owners of the
South African territory.
Despite the policy of extermination pursued by the invaders from outside that
territory, which was aggravated by the slavery that developed there in about 1685,
the black population of South Africa has always resisted and always will resist the
systematic attempts to liquidate it physically.
Throughout the history of colonization the territory of South Africa has
constituted a bastion where ,defenceless black people have been massacred with
impunity, tyrannized over, humiliated and kept under the heel of an obnoxious
policy which denies them any civil or political rights, while other races have
enjoyed flexibility and amenities, as if they had more rights than the black
original inhabitants of the territory.
• , } ~ l . " • : ' .. has since 1960 led to the liberation of more than 60 countries, the territories of
t.· ..... . ; , . * ~. Namibia and south Africa continue to be subject to illegal occupation by white
racists in spite of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples.
For we should no longer consider the Territory of South Africa as the
so-called Republic, on the one hand owing to the belligerent character of that
regime and its refusal to comply with the decisions and resolutions of the united
Nations and, on the other, because of the fact that the so-called Republic of South
Africa was created against the wishes of the colonial administering Power with
which no political link exists any longer. That 90nfirms the illegal character of
the regime which was imposed without any succession of authority.
The assassination of Verwoerd in 1966, the grave disturbances that took place
in 1976 in the areas reserved for blacks, not to mention the 1960 Sharpeville
massacres and VorsterOs resignation in 1979, were only the precursor of a long
liberation struggle of the black people of South Africa the climax of which was
reached in recent months by greater violence, virulent reactions and a sense of
determination among the black peoples bent on recovering thei~ fundamental rights
and freedom.
Representing more than 73 per cent of the population, the black people of
South Africa can no longer be excluded and left out of South African political
life. More than ever, the united Nations General Assembly should take advantage of
the peoples' reaction noted throughout the world and the various manifestations in
favour of the struggle being waged by the black people of South Africa for the
systematic and complete elimination of apartheid.
" t . • , ~ -,. ' • In this regard, we should stress that the uprising of the black people of
South Africa was favourally received and supported by democratic and mass movements
throughout the world. AS a result, the General Assembly should at this session
prepare a plan of severe concrete measures that could bring the Pretoria regime to
heed reason and dismantle the apartheid system.
The heroic struggle waged by the black majority of South Africa, while its
uncontested leader Nelson Mandela continues to languish. in South African prisons,
is one of combating the hateful regime of apartheid, which disregards the fact that
all human beings are born equal in dignity and rights and that any doctrine of
racial superiority is scientifically false, morally reprehensible, socially unjust
and dangerous. Apartheid has be~n denounced many times by the international
community as a crime against humanity and a threat to international peace and
security.
The delegation of zaire is convinced that all peoples and all human groups
have contributed to the progress of world civilization and culture which constitute
the common heritage of mankind. That applies even more to South Africa where the
white minority has grown rich, thanks to the hard work and the results of the
forced labour of the black working masses, as well as the shameless exploitation of
the resources of both Namibia and South Africa by that minority.
The Zairian delegation rejects and condemns the inhuman policy of the creation
of bantustans which is designed to dispossess the black African inhabitants,
deprive them of their citizenship, and consolidate the political and economic
domination of the white minority population of South Africa.
The Zairian delegation will support all proposals made at the end of this
debate on agenda item 35 aimed at the adoption of comprehensive measures and
sanctions in all possible areas - diplomatic, economic, cultural, sports, social,
trade, technological and so on:,;;;' against the racist regime of south Africa and at
giving'.increased assistance to the black peopl'e of South Africa struggling for its
freedom; independence and dignity.
Hr. KATEKA (United Republic of Tanzania): The 'United Nations has been····
seized of the problem of apartheid since the founding of our Organization. Because
this most shameful and abhorrent policy has existed for so long, some have tended .
to take it for granted. That is a dangerous and untenable situation.
For apartheid reflects adversely on all us all. Whether we are the
perpetrators of this obnoxious system, its victims or indifferent bystanders, we
ail stand condemned for tolerating this strange but unique phenomenon ever created
by man. While it humiliates its victims, aQartheid equally debases its
proponents. It is a vote of no confidence in those who merely regard it as a moral
issue. It is more than that. It is a fundamental trampling on human rights and a
denial of the black majority of its inalienable right to determine its own
destiny. It is systematic and institutionalized racism whereby a white minority
arrogates to itself the role of controlling the fate of the majority, by denying
the latter their humanity owing to the pigmentation of their skin.
Thus there can be no question of peaceful coexistence with the apartheid
system. One cannot coexist peacefully with such a vile system. The policy of live
and let live cannot be extended to a bully that behaves like a rogue elephant to
its own people. The regime's plethora of apartheid laws, its so-called homeland
policy, its ever-increasing military and police repression of the majority
population are a clear manifestation of its unwillingness and inability to bring
about change on its own.
Because of ~ts unjust nature and abominable character, the-South African
system lives and feeds on faar = fear of its hollow creation, fear of the people,
and fear of the day of reckoning -.hence the declaration of a state of emergency in
a country already o~rating 1n a permanent state of siege. Hence its xenophobia by
refusing admission to some foreigners it considers its enemies and restrictions
against foreign journalists. Such a system is doomed to failure and contains the
seeds of its own decay and undoing. What the international community needs to do
is to help the South African people to bring about the demise of the system.
(Mr. Kateka, United Republic of Tan~ania) ,
In this connection, we in Tanzania become concerned when we hear some
countries paying lip-service to the abhorrence of the apartheid system while in
reality they are doing nothing to end it. Those in certain quarters which
outwa~dly oppose apartheid support, condone and collude in the same policy by
advocating so-called peaceful change and power-sharing, which are in fact code
words for the perpetuation of repression in South Africa. When some Powers try to
reason with and appeal to the good sense of the white minority, Botha arrogantly
slaps them in the face by threatening to wreak the havoc of unemployment in the
benefactor countries. What a fitting way to express gratitude:
Equally, we cannot understand the sermonizing regarding the suffering that
would be unleashed on the black majority and on neighbouring States if economic
sanctions were to be imposed on South Africa. The same detractors would have us
believe that sanctions cannot work. Naturally, it does not need great imagination
to realize that sanctions do not work because there are sanctions busters. And,
unfortunately, as experience has shown, the sanctions busters are usually the same
couhtries as argue that sanctions can never succeed. Yet those Powers have
successfully imposed sanctions on their adversaries elsewhere. I would refer the
doubting Thomases to the report of the Secretary-General on economic measures taken
by developed countries for coercive purposes, including their impact on
international economic relations (A/40/596). It is a quite revealing document.
Only in the case of South Africa, it would seem, do sanctions not work.
It would be much more honourable and honest if those Powers were openly to
admit that they are opposed to sanctions because of their economic interests in
South Africa. They should accept responsibility for their lubricating and funding
or toe apartheid economic lt~chinerY1 which in turn is us~d to oppress the majority
of South Africans. Furthermore, they should accept their share of the guilt for
providing arms with which South Africa kills blacks.
We are not impressed by statistics on employment for blacks created by foreign
investments, on the higher wages than are paid in neighbouring States and on tHe
alleged better performance of the South African economy. What we are talking about
is not some slight improvement in the economic well-being of the people but the
right to self-determination for the majority in a free South Africa. As has been
correctly said, we are talking about removing the shackles from the majority and
not merely polishing them.
What is needed is concerted and meaningful action by the international
community to isolate South Africa. The oppressed majority has al~eady suffered
enough in that unhappy land. The daily killing of blacks by the white minority
regime should not be accepted as routine and part of life. If it is, the immense
sacrifice which has been made by those gallant freedom fighters will be wasted.
But, as we have seen on our television screens or read in the press, the young of
South Af~ica are no longer afraid to die for freedom. NO amount of intimidatio~,
random violence or organized terror will cow them into submission. Here I can do
no better than quote fr~~ the address of my President, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere,
when he addressed the Assembly on 27 September:
"For the people of South Africa have protested against apartheid, have
demonstrated, been arrested, tortured and died, year after year. And, despite
a few incidents of sabotage, the intensified struggle is still basically that
of an unarmed people rejecting apartheid angrily and courageously. They are
[ejecting it with their blood, fighting bullets with stones and the sheer
force of numbers. They no longer seem to care about dying. And they are no
longer interested in concessions or reforms announced by a white Government.
So apa~theid is clearly doomed, and the longer it takes to come to an end, the
greater will be the misery and the more devastating the chaos."
(A/40/PV.13, p. 13)
For our part, we can help shorten the suffering by fulfilling our internationalist
duty. We can play our part by invoking the following measures.
First and foremost, we must apply comprehensive mandatory sanctions in
accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. In this regard, we deplore the breach
of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), on an arms embargo. We are grateful to
the Governments of third-world countries, socialist countries and some Western
Powers which have applied selective voluntary sanctions against South Africa under
General Assembly resolution 39/72 G, of 1984, and Security council resolutions
566 (1985) and 569 (1985). We believe that their actions are a step in the right
direction towards invoking comprehensive sanctions. Indeed, only a handful of
die-hard Western nations remain opposed to sanctions, but their short-sightedness
will prejudice their long-term interests in a free and democratic South Africa.
Secondly, we call for material and financial assistance for the South African
liberation movement in carrying out its struggle against the apartheid regime.
While we agree that it is for the South African people to liberate themselves, we
disagree with those who say that an armed uprising is not the correct way to bring
about change in South Africa. Those Powers did not hesitate to take up arms to end
the Third Reich.
Thirdly, an end should be put to military collaboration between certain
Western Powers and South Africa. They should be made to realize that the apartheid
r'gime poses a threat to the maintenance of international peace and security. In
fact, it is their connivance that enabled South Africa to acquire nuclear
capability, which threatens indepgndent Africa. Instead of handling the real
threat, those Powers always appeal to us to accede to the Non-proliferation
Treaty. Those appeals are addressed to the wrong people; they should be addressed
to the threshold countries, especially South Africa, otherwise the concept of
denuclearization of Africa will be an empty prospect.
(Mr. Kateka, United Republic of Tanzania)
Fourthly, States shoula tezmifiate cultural and sporting links with South
Africa, which desperately values such contacts as a certificate of respectability.
We applaud the work of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International
Convention against Apartheid in Sports, which has prepared a draft convention after
many years of work. We welcome the inclusion of the third-party principle in
article IJ of the draft. We trust that the Assembly will adopt the draft
convention at this session and that it will come into force as soon as possible.
Fifthly, we join others in calling for the release of all political prisoners,
starting with Nelson Mandela, ancl for the lifting of the ban on political parties
fighting against minority rule.
Last, but not least, we ask the few Western Powers that resort to divisive
measures when it comes to consideration of decisions on the apartheid resolutions
to desist from doing so. Already they are in action. They are trying to obfuscate
the issues by a maze of resolutions to compete with our own drafts. It might have
been thought that those Powers, having opposed tangible and effective measures
against apartheid South Africa, might at least do nothing to impede political and
diplomatic action against the South African regime.
We also resent the injection into the debate of extraneous matters. The
seiousness of the issue under consideration should be respected, just as Africa
respects that of issues that are of major concern to others.
Let there be no mistake; the people of South Africa shall be free, with or
without our assistance. As has rightly been observed, freedom can be delayed, but
it cannot be denied. External assistance can shorten the period of suffering.
But, should freedom be delayed, the South African people will surely not forget
those responsibl~ for the delay. Let us, therefore, work together for the speedy
demise of apartheid and the achievement of justice, peace and freedom in SOUth
Africa.
Before concluding, I wish to thank the Special Committee against Apartheid for
its excellent work since its inception. I pay a tribute to its able Chairman,
Ambassador Garba of Nigeria, for his dynamic stewardship of the Special Committee.
The Special Committee has performed in a sterling manner in its campaign to make
public opinion aware of the evils of apartheid and to mobilize international
opinion against that despicable policy.
Mr. BELYAEV (Byelorussian soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from
Russian): My delegation considers it noteworthy that in the year of the fortieth
anniversary of the victory of the peace-loving forces over fascism and militarism
in the second world War, a victory which begat the United Nations, this forum,
immediately after the solemn celebration of the fortieth anniversary of its birth,
has moved on to consider the question of the elimination of apartheid in southern
Africa, which is the most odious and cruel form of inhuman racist ideology and is
the spiritual heir of fascism.
The present situation in South Africa is justly causing indignation and alarm
throughout the world community. The racist regime of that country, with the
madness of a condemned man, continueS to violate massively and in the harshest
manner the elementary human rights of the vast majority of its population:
exclusively on the basis of colour of skin. The aim of its criminal policy of
bantustanization, the forcible resettlement of Africans and control of the influx
of people by means of the infamous and inhuman pass laws is to perpetuate the
system of apartheid and ultimately turn the overwhelming majority of the indigenous
African population into ali.~ns without rights in their own country.
(Mr. r<ateka, United Republi<1
of Tanzania)
Action by the Africans to defend their human dignity meets with increased
repression by the despotic Pretoria regime, which resorts to the shooting of
unarmed people, the torture and execution of patriots, prohibition of activities
and the elimination of organizations of the indigenous population. Recent events
in South Africa are clear testimony to the fact that the policy and practice of
apartheid pursued by the racist minority is in deep crisis.
The so-called constitutional reforms, widely touted by the South African
regime, are, as was to be expected, just another political trick to create the
illusion of the possibility of positive change while maintaining apartheid. The
essence of the apartheid system, a policy of aggression that infHcts SUffering on
the peoples of Africa, as stressed in several United Nations decisions, remains
unchanged, to the detriment of the fundamental interests of the people of South
Africa and neighbouring States.
The Security Council, in the statement of 21 August this year, stated directly
that in its view a just and lasting solution in South Africa must be based on the
total eradication of the system of apartheid and the establishment of a free,
united and democratic society in South Africa. The international community now has
sufficient incontrovertible proof that the inhuman system of apartheid cannot be
transformed into any kind of system compatible with the basic norms of justice,
freedom and human dignity - the favourite theme of certain historical allies of the
south African racists. Apartheid must be eliminated fully and finally.
In its many decisions the United Nations has long stigmatized apartheid as a
phenomenon that is profoundly hostile to peoples, a crime against humanity,
incompatible with the United Nations Charter, the Declaration on the Granting of
Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the principles of international
law, and a violation of international peace and security. The Security Council has
often called for an end to the policy and ~ractic~ of ap~rtheid: 'which is
intolerable and unacceptable in the world of today, the abolition of the system of
bantustanization and majority rule on the basis of justice and equality.
This year alone the Security Council has adopted several resolutions in
connection with the aqute deterioration of the situation in the southern part of
the African continent. Those resolutions again condemn the policy and practice of
apartheid and the mass arrests and murders, and demand the lifting of the state of
emergency and the immediate release of all political prisoners in South Africa.
The Pretoria regime, however, flouting those united Nations decisions and ignoring
the appeals of other international forums and of the world community, not only
continues but is stepping up its acts of terror and repression "":,ainst the
indigenous population. Striving to save itself from the inevitable collapse and to
maintain its colonial domination in occupied Namibia and restore it in neighbouring
African countries, the racist regime of South Africa applies brutal pressure and
uses open blackmailJ it carries out perfidious acts of aggression and uses other
subversive methods from the arsenal of its policy of State terrorism.
(Mr. Belyaev, Byelorussian SSR)
It is quite clear that the South African racists would not be able to act so
insolently and provocatively if they did not have the mutual understanding and
constant support of their western protectors, who have proclaimed and implemented a
policy of constructive co-operation with Pretoria. Maintenance of the hotbed of
colonialism and racism in the south of the African continent is the long-term goal
of the imperialists, chiefly the united States and its closest allies in the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization, who consider South Africa as a stronghold and base
for the struggle against independent Africa and also as a strategic bridgehead in
that part of the world. To those ends they use various means, including
transnational corporations, to support or even strengthen relations with the
apartheid regime.
Particularly dangerous is their existing and expanding co-operation with the
south African racists in creating and developing Pretoria's nuclear potential. The
so-called partial sanctions recently announced in the West are measures to protect
their own interests in South Africa and have no visible effect on the racist regime
is policy. They are merely yet another manoeuvre to protect the apartheid regime
from the most severe and effective actions against it and hold back the swelling
wave of protest, chiefly in their countries, against continuing co-operation with
Pretoria. One of the guiding spirits of the policy of constructive co-operation
has openly stated that the announced sanctions merely give shape to the existing
relations with South Africa.
The coincidence of the interests of the imperialists and the racists and the
economic, political, military, nuclear and other kinds of co-operation with them
are still the main obstacles to the adoption in international organizations of
effective measures against the apartheid reg~me. The Western Powers' attempts to
strengthen and support the racist regime in South Africa by every possible means
are undoubtedly a part of wider plans of imperialism, to recover the positions it
has lost in Africa and to dep:- ive ta"1e Afdcan peoples of the ga:1iis achieved in the
national liberation struggle and bind them in new ties of neo-colonial dependence.
The discussion which is now coming to a conclusion clearly confirms that it is
high time that the United Nations adopted new, more effective and active measures
to carry out the practical implementation of its decisions aimed at eliminating the
dangerous hotbeds of colonialism, racism and apartheid in southern Africa, which
has doomed millions of the indigenous population of tha.t region to a state of
slavery in their own country.
The international community cannot continue to condone the existence of thEI
apartheid regime. In this connection my delegation fully supports the demands of
the African and other non-aligned countries, and also the appeals of the General
Assembly, for the security Council to apply against South Africa comprehensive and
mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,
including the introduction of an embargo on the supply of oil and petroleum
products to the racist Pretoria regime, and in favour of the stricter observance by
all States of the decisions already adopted by the security Council in this area.
Our delegation also supports other measures proposed in the report. of the
Special Committee against ~artheid (A/40/22) aimed at eradicating apartheid,
granting immediate independence to Namibia and unconditionally halting the
aggressive actions of the racist regime of Pretoria against neighbouring African
States.
We consider that at its present session the General Assembly should exert
every effort so that the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations and
twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to
Colonial Countries and Peoples may be marked by decisive and more important
effective action to ensure the final eradication of colonialism and the elimination
of racism and apartheid.
(Mr. Belyaev, Byelorussian SSR)
ro1r. SUMB1"(Kenya): "The question of the apartheid policies of the racist
r~gime of South Africa has been before this Assembly for many years since it was
first inscribed on the agenda of the General Assembly. It has been debated
continuously and resolutions deploring and condemning the practice of apartheid
have been adopted, but so far not a single one has been implemented by the racist
regime.
The Security Council also has on many occasions discussed the apartheid
policies of the Government of South Africa and urged south Africa to abandon
apartheid. Likewise the Council's decisions have not been heeded and complied with
by the racist regime.
The racist regime, defying those resolutior.s of the General Assembly and
decisions of the security Council, has put itself on the path of confrontation with
the international community. Moreover, the regime has shown that it does not
respect the will of the international community, nor does it mind whatever the
world thinks about its racial policies. This attitude of the racist regime is
manifested in the way the regime has continued to entrench and strengthen apartheid
regardless of the repeated world-wide calls for the dismantling of the evil system
of apartheid.
Over the years the oppressed people of South Africa have made their demands
and their opposition to this evil system abundantly known the world over. To date
their demands are still denied by the racist regime. The oppressed have all along
demanded to be treated as equal to all the other people of South Africa. They have
also demanded the abolition of apartheid. As a result of the refusal by the regime
to grant these de~ands, the oppressed have rebelled and the rebellion has become a
sustained revolt. Despite the severe suppressive and oppressive measures being
taken against them, they have persistently defied the structures of apartheid and
that defiance has escalated from the local to the national level. These people are
simply seeking the fulfilment of their demands for the total eradication of the
diabolic policies of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic government
that is representative of the will of all the people of south Africa.
'"
(Mr. Sumbi, Kenya)
.- .
In addition to 'those demands, they want a South Africa that is united and not
fragmented into so-called bantustans or homelands. My delegation supports those
legitimate demands and aspirations. We in Kenya believe that it is only through
the complete fulfillment of those demands that there ~an be peace and tranquility
in South Africa.
As the oppressed people of South Africa continue to wage the struggle against
apartheid, the racist regime continues to intensify the application of its
institutionalized policies of apartheid. The regime has devised and embarked on a
variety of repressive measures to suppress and oppress the black people and all
other opponents of apartheid. Consequently, it has unashamedly resorted to
large-scale killing and the detention of thousands of opponents of that system.
Under the recent declaration of a state of emergency in some districts of South
Africa, the police and the army have been given sweeping powers, which they are
using to take punitive measures against black people and other opponents of
This has resulted in daily killings, detentions, torture,
apartheid.
assassinations and the disappearance of persons. Brutal incidents of repression
against freedom fighters, students, trade unionists, religious leaders and other
opponents of apartheid have similarly increased.
My delegation unreservedly condemns the imposition of those measures,
including the declaration of the state of emergency. We demand the immediate
lifting of the state of emergency and other repressive measures. We also demand
the unconditional and immediate release of Nelson Mandela and all other political
prisoners and detainees, as well as the removal of the ban on the liberation
movements operating both inside and outside South Africa. We further condemn the
racist regime for having carried out the execution of Benjamin Moloise despite
world-wide appeals to spare his life.
The repressive measures that are characteristic of the Epartheid system being
applied against the black population of South Africa are not limited to that
country alone. The racist regime has exported the same measures to the Territory
of Namibia, which it occupies illegally. We demand the evacuation of the racist
regime from Namibia, along with its apartheid policies, and we condemn its
continued illegal occupation of the Territory. In its efforts to defend and
maintain its apartheid policies, the racist regime has~embarked on naked
aggression, terrorism, sabotage and destabilizing activities against neighbouring
African States. We condemn those destabilizing activities by the regime and demand
that such activities cease forthwith.
In the struggle against apartheid, the oppressed people of South Africa have
not been left alone. The international community has increasingly been made aware
of the evil of apartheid and has risen against its continued existence. Various
intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations and individuals have also
spoken against apartheid. In our view, that is a healthy development and my
delegation wishes to express its appreciation.
The racist regime has ~cted in defiance of the will of the international
community by refusing to dismantle apartheid. It has continued to suppress and
oppress its black population and other opponents of apartheid. It has carried out
aggression with impunity against its neighbours, particularly Angola, Lesotho,
Botswana and o~~er frOnt-line States. My delegation feels that the South African
racist regime could not have carried out all those activities without assistance
from external sources. We therefore appeal to all those countries that assist the
racist regime in the economic, military, technical and nuclear fields to cease such
assistance and collaboration. We are aware that some countries have already taken
measures in that direction and that others have threatened to do likewise. We
(Mr. SUmbi, Kenya)
.~"...... appreciate that line"of action, for the racist regime dOeS not appear to be
prepared voiuntarily'to take any measures towards the dismantling of apartheid.
'The current situation in South Africa is growing more expAosive every day.
Political riots are taking place and social violence is escalating daily. At the
same time, the racist regime is continuing to fuel antagonism between itself and
the opponents of the system. The regime continues its frequent acts of aggression
against neighbouring countries. A point has been reached where innocent and
defenceless people, including schoolchildren, are daily being massacred by the
police and the arm¥.
My delegation strongly deplores the brutality of the regime and would like the
Assembly to recommend to the security Council that it find ways and means to force
the racist regime to cease its wanton killing and to dismantle the policies of
apartheid without delay. In our view, the Security Council should now agree to
impose comprehensive and mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa as .
provided for in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. We believe
comprehensive and mandatory economic sanctions imposed and implemented faithfully
by all would force South Africa to dismantle apartheid and embark on a democratic
course for the benefit of all its inhabitants.
In conclusion, let me emphasize that Kenya condemns the racist regime for its
continued refusal to dismantle apartheir We want the racist regime to know that
it cannot suppress and oppress people forever. We pledge our full support to the
struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements.
I shall now call on representatives who have asked to
speak in exercise of the right of reply. I would remind members that, in
accordance with General Assembly decision 34/401, statements in exercise of the
right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first statement and five minutes
for the second, and should be made by delegations from their seats.
Mr. SHlHABI (Saudi Arabia): Yesterday, the Israeli representative, in a
display of Cl:c'..~ogance and d12magoguery, made false and baseless allegations against
the Kinguom of Saudi Arabia &,d other brother States in a futile attempt to deflect
the attention of the Assembly from the undeniable reality of the full and extensive
collaboration now taking place between the two racist, colonial, settler regimes of
Ziornism-in Palestine and apartheid in South Africa, two regimes which, as the whole
wotld knows, have deep ideological affinities rooted i~ the oppression of the
PalE!SUnian people and the black people of South Africa.
(The president)
The most repugnant part of the Zionist representative's statement was his ...
attempt to depict racist-zionist colonialism as a freedom movementt just as
apartheid, too, has been proclaimed by its perpetrators to be a freedom movement.
Freedom for whom, I should like to ask. For the Zionists, it is freedom at the
expense of all the freedoms of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples, freedom to
invade the land of Palestine, the national home of the Palestinians, freedom to
occupy the West Bank and Gaza, the Golan Heights, southern Lebanon and Jerusalem,
freedom to attack countries and peoples in all directions, freedom to break all
laws and conventions - in short, it is freedom to occupy and plunder, to kill and
maim, to steal and pilfer, to terrorize and enslave other peoples, their lands and
their homes.
That is the freedom movement of Zionism, a movement that defies every
fundamental principle of the Unlted Nations Charter and every civilized norm of
humanity. It is the ugliest form of racism and the towering twin of apartheid.for,
like Zionism, aparthei4 too has been proclaimed by its white minority practitioners
to be a movement for freedom, freedom at the expense of all the freedoms of South
Africa's black majority population. How many crimes are being committed today in
the name of freedom:
The Zionist representative even had the audacity to talk about what he called
"the outlawed practice of slavery." The whole world knows that these slanderous
allegations are false and baseless. If he thinks that he can divert the attention
of the Assembly from the very real slavery-like conditions that the Zionist
settlers are trying to impose upon the P~lestinians and other Arab peoples who are
valiantly struggling for their freedom and livelihood in the occupied territories,
he is totally mistaken. The reality has been fully exposed by the overwhelming
evidence documented in numerous studies and reports of the United N?tions and of
other respec~ed international bodies. The fac~s contained in those reports speak
louder than all the rhetoric and demagogy of the Israeli representative.
In a further misguided attempt to refer to Saudi Arabia, amongst other
brotherly countries, as an elite supplier of oil to the racist ~egime in South
Africa, the Zionist representative yet again sought to deflect the attention of the
Assembly from wide economic collaboration that continues to grow between the
Israeli Zionist establishment and the racist regime in South Africa, a
collaboration which the Zionist representative himself admits and has now put on
record before us, ranking Israel as the seventeenth fUlly trading partner of south
Africa - seventeenth on the open list, first on the actual list.
unlike the Zionist entity, in whose establishment leading white South Africa~s
participated, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is firmly committed to maintaining a
strict economic embargo against South Africa in all sectors, most particularly· in
the oil sector, and has abided by all the relevant resolutions of the United
Nations in this respect. By so doing, the Kingdom has also fully conformed with
resolution 25/5 of 6 May 1981 of the Organization of Arab Petroleum Expo~ting
Countries, which imposed a comprehensive oil embargo against racist South Africa.
It is a strict policy of the Kingdom. We require from all buyers of Saudi oil a
certificate of delivery to the point.ol its destination, as well as the necessary
guarantees that it will not be resold to international outcasts such as racist
Israel and racist South Africa. By this means, both the purchasers and the
shippers of Saudi oil are prohibited from transferring their quota of crude oil or
any of its derivatives to the racist south African authorities.
Indeed, as a matter of principle, the Saudi Arabian Government has always
given serious and careful consideration to any repo~t originating from a credible
and responsible agency concerning a possible breach of the Kingdom's requirements
(Mr. Shihabi, Saudi Arabia)
by a buyer of Saudi oil. In this respect the Government of Saudi Arabia will
continue to stand ready to impose the necessary penalties should any such breach be
fully proved.
In the light of these considerations it might prove worthwhile for the General
Assembly to look more deeply into the extensive, over-all collaboration existing
between the two racist colonial regimes of Zionism and apartheid, which now
stretches from n~clear proliferation across to security co-operation and police
oppression, as documented in the report of the Specjal Committee against Apartheid
in document A/39/22/Add.l.
Mr. AL-KAWARI (Qatar) (interpretation from Arabic): In his statement
yesterday before the Assembly the representative of the Zionist entity attempted to
cast doubts on my country's position regarding the boycott imposed against the
other racist regime in South Africa. While my delegation is absolutely certain
that such lies will deceive no one, since the international comm~nity is well
accustomed to such provocations from that representative, we nevertheless wish to
affirm that the allegations contained in that statement are untrue and baseless.
My country is fully committed to the resolutions adopted by the Security
Council, the General Assembly, the League of Arab States and the Organization of
Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries. My country condemns all dealings with that
regime. It is the Zionist mass media that knowingly propagate and disseminate such
information in hopes of misleading public opinion and of deflecting attention from
the unlimited collaboration and co-operation between the two racist regimes in Tel
Aviv and Pretoria in the political, military, economic and nuclear fields.
United Nations documents unequivocally beal that out. Our position towards
the two racist regimes is one of principle. We make no distinction between the
two.
One of the objectives of the representative of the zionist entity in
propagating these false allegations against Arab states is to cast aspersions on
the close relations between the Arab countries and the African countries, which
provoke hi~ hatred and anger.
We wish to confirm to all that these Afro-Arab relations are strategic and
principled and are indispensable to bcth partners. They will not be affected by
such cheap methods because they are based on a spirit of solidarity and mutual
awareness of their importance.
Consequently these lies will go with the wind.
Mr. DAVIS (United states of America): The representative of Nicaragua
has contrasted United states suppozt fortha: fceedom fighters of the united
Nicaraguan opposition with our all~ged lack of support for the people of
South Africa and Namibia.
The united States does ,not take instruction from a Government whose policies
have wrought havoc to the economy and liberties of its own people and which is bent
on spreading the blight of war and the discredited doctrine of Marxism-Leninism to
its neighbours.
By its policies, including the measures announced in President Reagan's
executive order of 9 September, the united States has again clarified and amplified
its implacable opposition to apartheid.
The Permanent Representative of the Soviet union has described the
United States policy of constructive engagement as hypocritical. What could be
more hypocritical than supplying arms and advisers to certain countries in Africa
and elsewhere while piously calling for peace?
(Mr. Al-Kawari, Qatar)
The United States policy towards South Africa remains crystal-clear: to
facilitate a peaceful transformation of that unhappy society from a State dominated
by a minority to one based on the active consent of all the ·governed. Constructive
engagement offers no accommodation with apartheid whatsoever. "Constructive" is
the opposite of "destructive".
~he United states will persevere in its determined goal of effecting peaceful
change to a truly just society in South Africa.
We have heard the last speaker in the debate on this item.
I understand that a number of draft resolutions will be submitted under this
item and that some of them may have programme budget implications. The voting on
those draft resolutions will therefore take place at a subsequent meeting.
The meeting rose at 6.45 p.m.