A/40/PV.60 General Assembly
22. The Situation in Kampuchea (A) Report of the Secretary-General (A/40/759) {B) Draft Resolution (A/40/L.4 and Corr.L)
I should like to propose
that the list of speakers in the debate on this item be closed this afternoon at
5 p.m. May I take it there is no objection to my proposal?
It was so decided.
The first speaker in the
debate on this item is the representative of the Philippines, who also wishes to
introduce the draft resolution.
Mr. MORENO-SALCEDO (Philippines): During the past two months we have
been privileged to listen to Heads of State and Government, as well as to other
leading statesmen, from all over the world who have reiterated the firm commitment
of their countries and peoples to the principles enshr~ned in the Charter of the
United Nations meant to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to
establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising
from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained. The first
and perhaps most important purpose of the united Nations is:
"to maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take
effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the
peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the
peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the
principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of
international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the
peace."
To attain that purpose, the founders of our Organization wisely enjoined that:
"All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means
in such a manner that j,nternatiunal peace and security, and justice, are not
endangered."
The experience of the past 40 years shows that the success or failure of the
united Nations depends upon the fidelity with which we, its Member States, honour
and obey its purposes and principles. It is against that background that the
General Assembly today takes up item 22 of its agenda entitled "The situation in
Kampuchea."
What is the situation in Kampuchea which once again urgently demands our
attention today, as it has over the past six years? It is succinctly and clearly
described in draft resolution A/40/L.4 and Corr.l, which is now before us, and
which states, first, that foreign armed intervention and occupation of Krmpuchea
continue and that foreign forces have not been withdrawn, thus causing continuing
hostilities in that country and seriously threatening international peace and
securitYi second, that a continued and effective struggle is being waged against
the foreign occupation by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea with
Samdech Norodom Sihanouk as Presidenti third, that the Economic and Social Council,
in its decision 1985/155 of 30 May of this year, reaffirmed the right of peoples to
self-determination, inclUding peoples under colonial or alien domination or foreign
occupationi fourth, that there are reported demographic changes being imposed in
Kampuchea by foreign occupation forcesi fifth, that the foreign armed intervention
and occupation in Kampuchea has been the subject of General Assembly resolutions in
1979. 1980, 1981, 1982, 1983 and 1984i sixth, that the Declaration on Kampuchea and
resolution 1 (I) adopted by the International Conference on Kampuchea offer the
negotiating framework for a comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean
problemJ seventh, that to bring about durable peace in South-East Asia and to
reduce the threat to international peace and security, there is an urgent need for
the international community to find a comprehensive political solution to the
Kampuchean problem that will provide for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and
ensure respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and neutral
and non-aligned status of Kampuchea, as well as the right of the Kampuchean people
to self-determination free from outside interferenceJ eighth, that after a
comprehensive polLtical settlement of the Kampuchea question through peaceful
means, the count~ies of the South-East Asian region can pursue efforts to establish
a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia so as to lessen
international tensions and to achieve lasting peace in the region and, finally,
that it is imperative for all States to adhere strictly to the principles of the
Charter of the united Nations, which call for respect for the national
independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States, non-intervention
and non-interference in the internal affairs of States, non-recourse to the threat
or use of force and peaceful settlement of disputes.
(Mr. Moreno-Salcedo, Philippines)
Repeated mention is made of foreign armed intervention and occupation in
Kampuchea. It is an undeniable fact that the State responsible for this armed
intervention and occupation of Rampuchea is the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
Viet Nam has consistently and defiantly refused to comply with its obligations
under the Charter of the United Nations, of which it is a Member, by ignoring the
resolutions of the General Assembly which enjoin it to withdraw its forces from
Kampuchea, another State Member of the United Nations.
The world community is aware of the repeated and continuing efforts of the
States members of the Association of the South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), namely
Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand, to
help bring about a resolution of the dispute between Viet Nam and Kampuchea. These
efforts have failed ~p to now. It is therefore misleading to claim that there have
been positive developments in South East Asia, or that substantive talks between
ASEAN and Viet Nam have taken place, "marking a new step in the process of peaceful
coexistence between the two groups of countries in South East A~ia".
While recent discussions may have clarified some aspects of the problem,
fundamental differences remain. Viet Nam still regards the situation in Kampuchea
as irreversiple. It also persists in its efforts to seek a military solution in
that country.
Viet Nam has announced its intention to withdraw its occupation troops from
Kampuchea five years from now. In the same announcement, however, Viet Nam has
reserved the right to take "appropriate measures" if in its view the peace and
security of Kampuchea is undermined. In other words, Viet Nam would feel free to
unilaterally reoccupy Kampuchea under its own terms and conditions. Such an
announcement could hardly inspire confidence.
Let me emphasize that the situation in Kampuchea has not improved. It has,
ihst~ad, deteriorated.
The beginning of 1985 was greeted with an unprecedented assault by the
Vietnamese in an attempt to wipe out key border bases of the resistance forces of
the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea. The last Vietnamese dry-season
offensive was the most massive military onslaught since its occupation of
Kampuchea. In its wake it left an enormous toll of human livesand the displacement
of thousands of Kampuchean refugees.
Displaced refugees constitute yet another dimension of the Kampuchean
problem. In the past the international community has been willing to accept or
resettle a sizeable number of those refugees. Recently, however, there has been a
noticeable slowing-down in resettlement, adding to the burden of the ASEAN member
States which have been serving as countries of first refuge or asylum.
The problems posed by these refugees and their saga of human deprivation and
suffering will continue for as long as the Kampuchean problem remains unsolved.
We in ASEAN persistently seek a comprehensive political settlement of the
Kampuchean issue. We remain convinced that the problem cannot be resolved by
military means, and that it can only be effectively addressed through a meaningful
dialogue.
As part of our continuing search for a peaceful solution to the Kampuchean
problem, the eighteen ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, held in Kuala Lumpur last July, on
8 July 1985 issued a joint statement which was circulated as United Nations
document A/40/49l dated 17 July 1985. The Joint Statement embodies a proposal for
exploratory and continuing talks between the main parties to the conflict, namely
the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, on the one hand, and viet Nam,
with the representatives of Mr. Heng Samrin participating if they so wished, on the
other.
The talks, which we call "proximity talks", would focus on the following basic
elements for a comprehensive political settlement: first, the withdrawal of
foreign forces from KampucheaJ secondly, the setting up of a United Nations
control or supervisory commissionJ thirdly, national r£conciliationJ fourthly, the
holdiQg of United-Nations supervised elections which would allow all Kampucheans to
exercise their right to self-determination and elect a ~overnment of their own
choice. So far, Viet Nam has not responded positively to this ASEAN initiative.
We in ASEAN take this opportunity to renew our call on Viet Nam to abandon its
policy of seeking a military solution to the Kampuchean problem and to co-operate
instead in finding a peaceful end to the painful ordeal of the Kampuchean people.
It is my privilege to introduce, on behalf ef i~s 58 sponsors, draft
resolution A/40/Lo4, entitled -The situation in Kampuchea-. The substantive
elements of the draft resolution are essentially a restatement of United Nations
General Assembly resolutions of previous years, because the situation in Kampuchea
remains the same.
In this connection I should like to invite the attention of the
representatives to this Assembly to the French translation of document A/40/L.4. I
would call their attention to the fourth preambular paragraph, which says:
(Spoke in French)
"Notant que la coalition formee avec Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, en qualite
de President du Kampuchea democratique, demeure efficace-,
(continued in English)
I should like to state that there is no reason for this preambular paragraph to be
in this document. It does not exist in the original English text, and we do not
know why this preambular paragraph is present in the French translation. We
therefore request all Members to disregard it. We are requesting the issuance of a
revised French text of our draft resolution to make it correspond with the English
text.
(Mr. Moreno-Salcedo, Philippines)
With regard to the sixth preambular paragraph of the French version of the
draft resolution, and which reads,
(spoke in French)
·Prenant acte de la lutte continue effectivement menee contre
l'occupation etrangeres par la coalition, avec Samdech Norodcm Sihanouk comme
president du Kampuchea democratic·,
(continued in English)
I should like to point out that the translation is incorrect. The translation from
the English text should be:
(spoke in French)
·Prenant acte de la lutte continue et efficace·,
and so on.
To recapitUlate, I should like to state once again that there is a mistake in
the French verstion of draft resolution A/40/L.4. The fourth preambular paragraph
should not be there, and it should be disregarded. In the sixth preambular
paragraph, the words ·continue et efficace· sho~ld replace the words ·continue
effectivement·. We ate going to request that the French text be revised or
corrected accordingly.
It is heartening to note that the sponsors of draft resolution A/40/L ..4 and
Corr.l number 58 in all, namely, Antigua and Barbuda, Bangladesh, Belgium, Brunei
Darussalam, Cameroon, Canada, the Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, Colombia,
Comoros, Costa Rica, Denmark, Dominica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Equatorial
Guinea, Fiji, Gambia, the Federal Republic of Germany, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland,
Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Liberia, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Maldives, Mauritania,
Mauritius, Nepal, the Netherlands, New zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman,
Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, the Philippines, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines, Samoa, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Solomon Islands,
Somalia, Swaziland, Thailand, Togo, Turkey, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, Uruguay and Zaire.
The increase in the number of sponsors this year is proof of the heightened
concern of the members of the international community over the issue of Kampuchea.
It is also indicative of their unstinting support for the principles of the United
Nations Charter.
It is our sincere hope that all the Member States of our Organization will
join us in this endeavour by voting in favour of draft resolution A/40/L.4 and
Corr.l.
I have been informed that
the Secretariat has already made changes in the French text in the manner indicated
by the representative of the Philippines.
Prince NORODOM Sihanouk (Democratic Kampuchea) (interpretation from
French): This is the seventh time that this Assembly has taken up the tragic
problem of Kampuchea. I wish to express to this Assembly, on behalf of the
Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea and on my own behalf, my sincere and
heartfelt thanks for the spirit of justice it has always shown concerning the cause
of the Khmer people ever since 1979, when my small country was invaded by the army
of our powerful neighbour, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
In my speech on 2 October I presented to the Assembly a detailed description
of the current situation in Cambodia, quoting the independent testimony of informed
and reliable foreign observers. As I said then, this situation is characterized by
the following three main facts.
First, despite the violent dry-season offensive against some centres in the
free zone housing only civilians, the ~rietnamese forces have failed to crush our
armed resistance.
Secondly, escaping the staggering blows of the enemy, our armed resistance
have increased the number of its commando units, which are carrying out resolute
and almost always successful operations in several provinces in the heartland,
inter alia in the immediate vicinity of Phnom Penh. The primary objectives of
those well-armed and well-led commando units are to cut off the enemy's supply
lines by attacking their convoys, to capture their observation posts and to harass
their garrisons. Consequently those commando units have won the admiration and
support of the population. The position of the Vietnamese is now insecure almost
everywhere in the country, and their cadres and those of their Russian allies move
around only by helicopter. In the capital itself greater protection is being given
to governmental residential districts, public buildings and radio and television
stations.
Thirdly, stricken by very well-grounded fear, the Heng Samrin and Hun Sen
team, which sees enemies everywhere, has been imposing unbearable oppression on the
popUlation with the active help of the Vietnamese occupiers, thus shamelessly
violating human rights. This team is imposing its violence not only on the real or
alleged resistance but also on thousands of townspeople and peasants whose only
crime is to refuse to comply with the orders of the Heng Samrin puppets and their
masters in Hanoi.
Representatives are by now well aware of the situation in Cambodia, in
particular the plight of its people living in extremely poor conditions, to say the
least, and deprived of their former independence and freedom, as well as of their
traditional high spirits. Therefore I need not take up the precious time of this
Assembly by repeating myself and what has already been stated by previous speakers
- leaders and other representatives of countries that cherish justice, freedom and
peace - who, since the opening of the present session, have dealt eloquently with
my country's problem and the most appropriate solution to it.
It is important at this time to emphasize that the prospect of a peaceful,
equitable solution of the Khmer problem is opposed in this Assembly only by the
Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, backed by the Soviet Union and a small number of
friends and allies of Hanoi and Moscow. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam
stubbornly refuses to comply with the relevant resolutions, which are very clearly
formulated and adopted by an overwhelming majority of Member States of the United
Nations. For instance, there were 110 votes in favour and only 22 against the 1984
resolution.
It is self-evident that such behaviour on the part of the Socialist Republic
of Viet Nam is tantamount to showing scorn for the profound feelings of four-fifths
of the Member States of our Organization. This is shameful behaviour on the part
of a Power, a foIl-fledged Member of the United Nations, which tramples under foot
the letter and spirit of the Charter, which it had pledged to respect. This is a
blatant violation of human rights and a deliberate sabotaging of the
commemoration - with such highly moral significance - of the fortieth anniversary
of our Organization, the ultimate hope for humanity for safeguarding its most noble
and indispensable ideals for a future of peace, justice and progress.
Allow me to add that, in its vain attempts to extricate itself from the
growing difficulties on the ground, the Vietnamese occupying army is actively
making preparations to launch new and larger-scale military operations on the
battlefields, both in the heartland and along the Western border of Kampuchea - as
-it did last year, at the beginning u; the dry season. This is a new attempt to
stamp out our patriotic resistance so as to impose by force of arms the Vietnamese
fait accompli in Cambodia on the United Nations and the international community.
But, as in the past, our people and armed forces, under the leadership of our
Coalition Government, are resolved to counter-attack and inflict increasingly
severe setbacks on the aggressors. Never will Viet Nam be able to subdue our
national resistance and our people'S will for independence.
My statement will be brief; I shall limit myself to a few points that I deem
essential.
Having visited the "People's Republic of Kampuchea" - and having for the most
part not gone beyond Phnom Penh - some politicians, journalists and television-team
members have hinted or even stated that there is no Vietnamese colonization in
Cambodia and that the Khmer people are "free and happy". I admire the "certainty"
of those visitors who have been able to get a glimpse of my country only from what
the official services of the "People's Republic of Kampuchea" have been willing to
show them. I would only ask them a very simple question, wh~ch is a matter of
coll1llOn sense.
If the situation in Cambodia were as described by them, why would the
Socialist Republic of Vie~ Nam be so strongly against the referendum, under
international supervision, recommended by the United Nations resolutions on
KamF'chea, when it would be in its interests to have those resolueions fully
implemented? If Cambodia were not a "colonized" country and if its people were
"free and happy", the puppet regime of Mr. Heng Samrin and Mr. Hun Sen would easily
win those general elections. Then the Coalition Government of Democratic
Kampuchea, repudiated, would collapse and disappear immediately. Thanks to a
landslide Victory, the Phnom Penh regime would definitively take root, with the
approval and congratulations of the international community. The war would come to
an end and the Vietnamese "big brothers", whose "philanthrophy" would at last be
recognized, would be welcomed with open arms, permanently, by the Khmer population.
Alas for the temporary masters of Cambodia, the reality is quite different,
however clever they may be in matters of propaganda and however naive - or
complaisant - some foreign "investigators" may be.
Viet Nam likes to speak - deceitfully - of "partial withdrawals" of its troops
from Kampuchea and even goes so far as to announce a "total withdrawal" of its
troops in 1990 - provided however, it says, that others do not seek "to take
advantage of this withdrawal to undermine the security and peace in Kampuchea."
But is it not the Vietnamese invasion and occupation which have undermined the
security and peace of ~ampuchea for almost seven years now? In linking the "total
w~thdrawal" of its forces to such a condition, Viet Nam clearly shows that it is
determined to set up a "pax vietnamica" in Kampuchea and to annex the country for
ever. As the people, the Coalition Government and the armed forces of DellOCratic
Kupuchea will never: accept Vietnamese domination, it is clear that viet Nam has no
intention whatsoever: of withdrawing its aggression forces unless it is compelled to
do 80 as a result of the irresistible development of our resist~nce and the
political, diplomatic, financial and economic pressure of the international
cOiII'ilunity.
~ oan state - without any fear of being mistaken - that as soon as the
180,000 Vietnamese soldiers now occupying my country, or even only half of them, go
back to their country, the regime of their "collaborators" in Phnom Penh will
collapse. Indeed, the latter will precede their foreign protectors on the road of
exile - leading to Hanoi.
As far as the 11army" of Mr. Heng Samr in and Mr. Hun sen is concerned, its
Khmer members ge~erally avoid fighting the resistance forces. Hundreds of them
have already joined our ranks - and as soon as the Vietnamese grip has loosened,
there will be a massive defection of the Khmer soldiers to our side, where they
will be welcomed as brothers.
I have often drawn the Assembly's attention to the fact that our compatriots
living in the interior of the country express their genuine feelings almost every
day. OUr friend the Kingdom of Thailand, on the one hand, and my Government in
Canbod~a's free zone, on the other, receive almost daily many refugees -
Cambodians, men and women, from all social strata, including peasants who are
traditionally attached to their villages and rice-fields, as well as members of the
Beng Samrin Administration. This tragic and massive exodus of our population will
further increase in the months to come as a result, on the one hand, of large-scale
military operations the authorities in Hanci are about to launch in the current dry
Democratic K8Jlpuchea)
season, and, on the other, of the criminal decision forcibly to enlist our
population - men and women - in the Phnom ?enh puppet army. That is a new measure
take~ by the Vietnamese within the framework of their plan for the total
vietnamization of Kampuchea, with the aim of exterminating our people and emptying
our country of its population. All those people find the colonization of their
mtherland by the Vietnamese unacceptable. Moreover, thes(~ feelings are shared by
countless numbers of m¥ fellow-countrymen, refugees scattered all over the world.
Despite all the pressures, entreaties and promises, they refuse to return to their
homeland so long as it remains under foreign domination.
If, as is believed by some politicians and reporters allowed to visit Phnom
Penh, our people were ·satisfied· with the Vietnamese protectorate, and the Khmer
regime at its service, how could there be almost a million of our nationals living
abroad, inclUding more than 90 per cent of our intellectuals - physicians,
engineers, and so forth - our technicians and our specialized workers, all of whom
refuse to return to Cambodia?
On behalf of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, headed by me, I
put forward the following proposals to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, provided
the latter agrees to respect and implement with us the United Nations resolutions
on Kampuchea.
Democratic Kampuchea)
First, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea solemnly pledges to
take no reprisals against local collaborators with the Vietnamese. They will enjoy
without hindrance all the rights accorded to members of our national community.
Secondly, in a spirit of reconciliation and unity, we shall grant honourable
positions in our national administration to professionally qualified members of the
Heng Samrin and Hun Sen group.
Thirdly, we are ready to sign with the Government of the Socialist Republic of
Viet Ram a treaty of peace~ non-aggression, friendship and techni-;::l, cultural and
economic co-operation. After signing that treaty we shall grant every year to the
people of Viet Nam modest fraternal aid in the form of agricultural produce such as
rice, corn, fruit and dried fish.
These liberal proposals express our desire to find a just and equitable
solution to the "problem of Kampuchea". If the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam
gives them careful consideration, it will note that they represent 3il example
"np~ecedented in history of a victim people proposing to their aggressors peace
conditions marked by generosity and a desire for mutual understanding between two
nations which are by destiny bound to remain neighbours for ever, neither having
any interest whatsoever in indefinitely sacrificing its young people on the "fields
of death".
On 24 September last, Mr. Ed~ard Shevardnadze, Minister for Foreign Affairs of
the USSR, mentioned the problem of Kampuchea to this Assembly in the following
terms:
"The proposals of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea provide a good political
framework for building good-neighbourly relations between all the States of
South-East Asia, particularly between the countries of the Association of
South-East Asian Nations and the States of Indo-China. The basis for such
relations is gradually taking shape and the countries concerned are perfectly
capable of establishing a negotiating mechanism. What is important is that no
one should stand in the ~ay of their wish to reach agreement with each
other~n (A/40/PV.6, p. 73)
Permit me to draw the attention of the international community, validly
represented by this Assembly, to the fact that the Foreign Minister of the Soviet
Union who is indeed in full agreement with his ally, the Socialist Republic of Viet
Nam, has adopted in his speech a tactic aimed purely and simply at avoiding what
has come to be called the "problem of Kampuchea".
First, he ignores the fact that has for seven years now rightly been of great
concern to the United Nations General Assembly, namely, the question of the
military occupation, colcnization and vietnamization of Cambodia - called Kampuchea
in Khmer - by the Hanoi Government. He also ignores the imposition on an
unwilling Cambodia of an unpopular Vietnamese oppressive communist regime. He
further deliberately overlooks the question of the right to self-determination of
the Cambodian people, which the United Nations has claimed for them every year in
its just resolutions since 1979. In brief, the Foreign Minister of the USSR speaks
as if there were no problem of Kampuchea. This attitude is in complete
contradiction with the wish clearly expressed by the overwhelming majority of this
Assembly.
Secondly, in urging the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations
(ASEAN) to negotiate directly a normalization of its relations with the so-called
Inde-China States, the sole objective of the USSR and its Vietnamese ally is to put
pressure on this Association of free, independent and justice-loving States to give
up their noble mission of rescuing the Khmer people and to recognize the Vietnamese
fait accompli in Cambodia. I am convinced that ASEAN, which has always been aware
of this trap, will not be taken in. It knows quite well that the so-called
Indo-China States with which the USSR has asked it to normalize its relations are
none other than the former "Indo-China Federation" of the late President
Ho Chi Minh, comprising an autocratic and tyrannical master - Viet Nam - and two
slave countries - Cambodia cnd Laos - having only the right to obey Hanoi's orders
which are based on "ukases" from Moscow and its global strategy.
Thirdly, even supposing that one day ASEAN, thinking it could protect the
security of its members, agreed to negotiate with the "Indo-China States", it would
not in any way alleviate the burden of a threat to the peace and stability of the
nations of the Far East, South-East Asia and the Pacific. That threat is posed by
the presence in this immense region of the military hegemony of the Soviet Union
which occupies strategic bases of great importance in Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia,
and of its accomplices, the Vietnamese expansionists.
I am not afraid to say that for the moment it is the fierce resistance of the
Khmer patriots in Kampuchea which is checking the advance of Vietnamese
expansionism, behind which stands Soviet hegemony. It is in the light of this
reality that we can better grasp the meaning of the advice given by
Mr. Eduar.d Shevardnadze when he said:
"What is important is that no one should stand in the way of their wish to
reach agreement with each other." (A/40/PV.6, p. 73)
My people are heroically fighting for the restoration of their national
independence and dignity against a more powerful adversary with a population
10 times as great and a modern army, which it describes as the third largest in the
world, equipped and financed by the Soviet union~
In this apparently uneven struggle, the powerful and active aid and support
ceaselessly granted by the united Nations and all peace and justice-loving
countries which make up the overwhelming majority of this Organization represents a
decisive, invaluable and historic contribution. Our people and their Coalition
Government will never forget it. We are confident that, despite obstacles and
difficulties, our just cause will triumph, thanks to the resolve of our people to
persevere in their efforts, and that of our Coalition Government to strengthen and
develop its sacred union for national survival, in the face of our adversary who
seeks by all means to sow division. This can also be achieved thanks to the will
of the international community, represented by this Assembly, not to yield to Viet
Nam's manoeuvres to impose a fait accompli in Kampuchea.
Permit me to take this opportunity of paying heartfelt tribute to our
Organization and its competent committees for the decisive and irreplaceable part
they have played in the defence of the legitimate rights of Democratic Kampuchea
and its people to independence and survival as a country and a nation.
I am particularly gratified to reaffirm our deepest gratitude to the six
members of ASEAN for their noble and exemplary action on behalf of an independent,
peaceful, neutral and non-aligned Kamv~chea and for their consistent policy
designed to restore peace and security in South-East Asia, troubled today by the
Vietnamese war of aggression against our country, which threatens to engUlf the
whole region.
We reaffirm our great and heartfelt gratitude to our front-line neighbour, the
Kingdom of Thailand, which has sheltered with generosity and compassion hundreds of
thousands of our unfortunate compatriots - men, women, children and the elderly -
seeking temporary refuge on Thai territory so as to escape the massacres and
brutality of the occupying forces. In this connection we should like to express
our total solidarity and fraternal sympathy with the Thai population living in the
border areas who are the victims of repeated and unprovoked incursions and
bombardments by Vietnamese forces stationed in Kampuchea. This policy of pressure
and intimidation conducted by Viet Nam against Thailand in order to make it change
its just position of support for and solidarity with our people constitutes a
serious threat not only to the independence and sovereignty of this country but
also to the peace and security of the whole region. This arrogant behaviour of the
Hanoi authorities clearly demonstrates that they are acting as sovereign and master
of the so-called lnGo-China States and that the Vietnamese western border has been
moved to the west of Cambodi~ to become a common border with Thailand.
On behalf of our people and our Coalition Government 1 should like to express
to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our admiration and great
3ppreciation for the generous and tireless efforts he has made to find a political
solution to the problem of Kampuchea based on the principles of the Charter.
Ea~lier this year the secretary-General came to see for himself the full
extent of the tragedy of our people and the serious risks for the region of an
escalation of this war. The deadly attacks launched by the Vietnamese forces
against the refugee camps inside our country at a time when the 5ecretary-General
was visiting the Thai border area constitute an insult to the prestige and
authority of our Or.ganization.
My warmest thanks go, of course, to the President of the International
Conference on Kampuchea, the Ad Hoc Committee and, in particular, to its President,
Ambassador Massamba Sarre of Senegal, for the many efforts madp. since 1981 to
arrive at a comprehensive, just and lasting political settlement of our problem.
we hope with all our hearts that those noble efforts will be crowned with complete
success. My sincere thanks go also to the other Committees ~nd all persons
concerned in our Organization, as well as to humanitarian organizations and
charitable individuals who have dedicated themselves whole-heartedly for years to
relieving the immeasurable sufferings and misery of our people.
TOday the international community is fully aware of the fact that the
distressing situation facing our refugees and separated families - not to mention
the return to peace - can never be permanently resolved as long as the Socialist
Republic of Viet Nam and its allies spurn the just resolutions of the Ganeral
Assembly on Kampuchea. Our people, who wish only to live in peace, independence
and friendship with all other peoples the world over, including the Vietnamese
people, find themselves compelled to pursue the armed struggle until they bring
about the total and unconditional withdrawal of the Vietnamese aggression forces
from Kampuchea. Not only must our Coalition Government strengthen its unity and
authority but, as I mentioned earlier, it must further enlarge national union in
order to include all the increasing numbers of our compatriots who refuse to live
under the yoke of the Vietnamese colonialists. That policy has been dictated by
our duty to ensure the survival of our nation and by the debt of gratitude we owe
to this Organization and to our many friends who have warmly supporteQ us in this
distressing period of our history.
In conclusion I should like once again, on behalf of the people of Kampuchea
and their Coalition Government .. to pay a tribute to you, Sir, and to renew the
expression of our faith in this Organization, which has so strikingly celebr~ted
its fortieth anniversary. I should like also to express our deep conviction that
the United Nations, which is the ultimate hope of small and weak peoples and
nations, will always be on the side of our people and of other peoples who are
fighting to recover their freedom and national dignity so that the ideals and
principles of the Charter may triumph.
It is in that spirit that I respectfully appeal once more to all delegations
in this General Assembly from States which love peace, justice and freedom to lend
their noble support to the draft rQsolution on the situation in Kampuchea,
sponsored this year by 58 Member States of our Organization. I have no doubt that
the Assembly will vote by an even greater majority than last year in favour of the
draft resolution and thereby for the law and justice upon which the United Nations
is founded.
Mr. AL-BUTAIN~ (Oman) (interpretation from Arabic): Since we met last
year at the thirty-ninth session we have witnessed no substantial progress towards
the solution of any of the important questions on the agenda of the General
Assembly. One of those questions is the situation in Kampuchea. Despite the
glimmer of hope that can be discerned in the report of the Secretary-General and in
the regional efforts made by the countries of the Association of SOuth-East Asian
Nations (ASEAN) the overall situation in Kampuchea remains unchanged.
As my Foreign Minister said recently when speaking in the general debate:
"In SOuth-East Asia, the continued presence of Vietnamese military forces
in Democratic Kampuc:hea has led to insecurity and instability 1n that area.
The situation there presages a wide confrontation in the region that will have
an adverse effect on international security and stability." (A/40/PV.8, p. 76)
The situation in Kampuchea, from both the humanitarian and political aspects,
is still alarming. From the humanitarian point of view, the secretary-General's
report states:
"The year 1985 has been one of great difficulty and insecurity for the
Kampuchean civilians who have sought refuge along the Thai-Kampuchean
border." (A/40/759, para. 19)
The hardship and misery are not confined to those lampucheans who have sought
refuge on the Thai borders. On the contrary, the suffering of their brothers
inside the country is just as acute and severe. Their living conditions are bad,
and so are their agricultural and economic conditions.
In his report the Secretary-General provides an elaborate explanation in this
regard. Moreover, health and sanitary conditions still give rise to grave concern
in many parts of the country.
When we move to the political aspect Qf the question, the facts do not leave
room for optimism. We share the Secretary-Generalis conviction that this problem
cannot be solved by military means and that differences can only be bridged by a
sustained dialogue on the basic elements for a comprehensive settlement. My
delegation finds in the elements outlined by the Secretary-General in his report a
sound basis for a lasting peace in that war-torn land. These elements include,
first, withdrawal of all foreign forces from KampucheaJ secondly, exercise by the
Kampuchean people of the right to determine their own destinYJ thirdly, respect for
the independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Kampuchea;
fourthly, ensuring the security and sovereignty of all States in the region,
fifthly, international guarantees for and supervision of the implementation of the
agreements reached.
The idea of a limited international conference is an excellent one that should
be accorded its due importance and thorough preparations made for it. As the
Secretary-General said,
"It should, however, be preceded by exploratory discussions aimed at achieving
a common understanding" (A/40/759, para. 14) "on the main elements of a
comprehensive political settlement" (ibid., para. 13).
The sultanate of oman, a member of the international community, is concerned
over the situation in Kampuchea and therefore sponsors and supports relevant United
Nations resolutions on the sUbject. The main reason for Oman's concern about this
question is its firm belief in the need to respect the sovereignty of States, the
principle of non-interference in their internal affairs, the right of
peoples to live in peace and' to choose their own social, economic and political
systems without compulsion or coercion or the imposition of force.
The people of Kampuchea had enjoyed stability and well-being under the
leadership of Sarndech Sihanouk, whose prominent role in international affairs
cannot be denied by anyone. That people is fully worthy of its inalienable rights
like all other peace- and liberty-loving peoples in the world.
Mr. ALBAN-HOLGUIN (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish): No occasion
is more appropriate for stressing the need for a satisfactory and peaceful
settlement of the Kampuchean conflict than the present one when we are celebrating
the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations.
During the general debate and the week of commemorative meetings, the
countries of the international community reaffirmed their faith in the purposes and
principles of the United Nations Charter and in the obligations they assumed under
the Charter, in particular those relating to the need to refrain from the threat or
use of force, to opt for the peaceful settlement of disputes, and to respect the
decisions of the United Nations taken in accordance with the principles of
international law.
Colornbi~ would like first of all to reiterate to the parties to the conflict
its firm belief in the importance of and need for dialogue in order to achieve a
political negotiated solution of the situation in Karnpuchea. So long as there is a
sincere and authentic desire for dialogue, the positive evolution of the conflict
will gather strength and cohesiveness. However, the determination and impetus to
negotiate must come from Member States. ~~en this will is put into action, the
results achieved are considerable.
My country believes that a political solution of the problem of Kampuchea will
also result in peace and stability for all South-East Asia, open up prospects for
(Mr. Al-B.tainy, Oman)
freedom and progress for the Kampuchean people and promote the well-being and
stability desired by all nations of the region.
Colombia is deeply concerned about the humanitarian aspect. According to
information provided by the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, the
number of displaced Kampucheans is growing daily. They are located in camps in
Thailand in the hope of resettlement in third countries or guarantees that they can
return safely to their homeland.
The survival of hundreds of thousands of persons living in such camps depends
on the humanitarian assistance of the international community.
The 1978 invasion and the occupation of Kampuchea by Viet Nam since 1979, its
systematic colonization and its attacks against civilian refugee camps have claimed
many innocent victims and impeded the restoration of peace and stability in that
country. Colombia shares the view of the overwhelming majority, which firmly
believes that it is unacceptable for the problem of Kampuchea to be solved by
military means. My Government would like to draw attention to two relevant facts.
On 21 September 1983, the Ministers of Forei~r, .lffairs of the five members of
the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) issued an appeal for the
independence of Kampuchea. That appeal which, as was rightly stated, is noteworthy
for its moderate content and wording, invited Viet Nam to join the international
community with a view to intensifying efforts aimed at finding a just solution to
the problem of Kampuchea. More recently, with a similar sense of balance, ASEAN
proposed to Viet Nam, with the support of the coalition government of Kampuchea,
the holding of rapprochement talks.
Colombia earnestly urges Viet Nam to respond positively to these appeals and
to the statements made by the overwhelming majority of State Members of the United
nations which are reflected clearly in the relevant resolutions adopted by the
(Mr. Alban-Holguin, Colombia)
General Assembly calling for the continuation of negotiations in the search for a
political solution that would restore the independence and sovereignty of the
Kampuchean nation.
Such a solution is also consistent with the interests of both regional and
international peace and security.
My country s~ron9ly rejects, as it always had, military intervention or
interference by one country in the affairs of others and is consequently of the
view that foreign forces should be withdrawn from Kampuchea so that its people can
freely determine their destiny and seek, in full independence, the path leading to
peace and progress.
My Government would like to thank the Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee,
Ambassador Massamba Sarre of Senegal, for his constant efforts to prollDte a process
of negotiatfon that would lead to the aplementaiton of Declaration of the
International Conference on Kampuchea and the relevant resolutions of the General
Assembly.
We would also like to express our appreciation to the secretary-General and
his special representatives for their assistance and dedication in the sea~ch for a
political settlement and a negotiated solution to the problem of Kampuchea, which
is SU~l a source of concern to the international community.
Colombia fully supports draft resolution A/40/L.4 and Corr.l, of which, as in
previous years, it is a sponsor. The adoption of the draft resolution by an
overwhelming majority would confirm the United Nations commitment to finding
peaceful solutions to conflicts.
Hr. SARRE (Senegal) (interpretation from French): For the seventh year
in a row the General Assemly is called upon the take up b'le situation in
Kampuchea. A large number of speakers have already referred to this problem during
the general debate and at the commemorative meetings held to celebrate the fortieth
anniversary of our Organization. Their statements leave no doubt about the fact
that the prolongation of this conflict constitutes a threat to peace, security and
stability in South-East Asia and is a subject of constant conce:n for the whole
international community.
From the beginning of this conflict our Assembly has taken a clear position on
this question and on the ways for solving it. It proposed the convening of the
International Conference on Kampuchea. That Conference, which was held in this
very hall in July 1981, laid down the basic principles for a comprehensive
political settlement. According to the Declaration adopted by the Conference, such
a settlement was to ensu~e the total withdrawal of foreign troops, respect for the
right of the Cambodian people freely to decide their future, as well as the
restoration of Ka11lpUchea. The settlement was also to respond to the legitimate
concerns of the countries of the region regarding their security and to include a
commitment on the part of all States to non-interference and non-intervention in
the internal affairs of Kampuchea.
Senegal associated itself with that Declaration and agreed to preside over the
Ad Roe Committee established by the International Conference on Kampuchea because
it is convinced that the comprehensive settlement proposed by the Conference is
basically in keeping with the principles of the United Nations Charter and those of
the Non-Aligned Movement. It is also because Senegal, like most of the States of
the international community, believes that the present conflict in Kampuchea
derives from a violation of those principles. My Government does not derive from
any enmity or hostility towards any particular country nor from any desire to
condemn unjustly any other country. It is simply based on the fact that the
international community cannot accept, under any pretext whatsoever, the use of
force to overthrow the legally established regime or Government of a neighbouring
country. Authorizing such actions would risk jeopardizing the security of many
States, and .most particularly of small countries that do not have large military
means. It would also be tantamount to recognizing that might makes right and
WOUld, in the end, lead to a questioning of the norms governing international
relations.
Since the adoption of the last General Assembly resolution on this subject,
the situation in Kampuchea has, unfortunately, not undergone any fundamental
changes. The past year, however, was marked, both from a military and diplomatic
standpoint, by a series of developments that should be briefly mentioned here in
order that the Assembly may have a better grasp of the current state of affairs.
(Mr. Sarre, senegal)
In military terms, during the last dry season Vietnamese forces engaged in a
large-scale offensive against the Cambodian resistance camps located along the
border between Kampuchea and Thailand. That offerasive, which all observers
considered to be the largest in the last six years, forced some 230,000 Cambodian
civilians in the border region to seek refuge in Thailand, thereby imposing
sometimes unwarranted trials and tribulationso It has also led to many violations
of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Thailand. Such events, as ia well
known, have contributed to a deterioration of the situation and to an increase in
tension in the region, and there can be no doubt that they cannot but impede the
quest for a negotiated settlement of the problem of Kampuchea.
I should like here to pay a tribute to the Government of Thailand for its
generosity and for the humanitarian spirit it has shown in welcoming the Cambodian
civilians displaced by the hostilities. I would also like to emphasize the
excellent work carried out by the United Nations and other international
humanitarian organizations in assisting those refugees and enabling them to cope
with their basic needs.
On the diplomatic level, the countries members of the Association of
South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have continued to play an active role in promoting
a comprehensive political settlement of the problem of Kampuchea. Indonesia, as
the appointed spokesman for ASEAN, has continued the contacts with Viet Nam it
initiated last year in order to work out a mutually acceptable basis for dialogue.
In addition, acting upon a Malaysian initiative, t~e ASEAN countries, during thQ~~
yearly ministerial meeting in July 1985 at Kuala Lumpur, put forward a proposal
aimed at breaking the deadlock by the holding of proximity talks. That proposal
was endorsed by the Coalition Government headed by Prince Sihanouk. Recently, His
Highness the Prince also came out in favour of an informal meeting of all the
parties concerned. The efforts he has made to promote genuine national
reconciliation in a free and independent Cambodia deserve our sympathy and support.
It is to be hoped that the other parties concerned will respond positively to
these various initiatives. We have taken due note of the elements contained in the
communique adopted at Phnom Penh on 16 August 1985, in particular the promise of a
total withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea by 1990. H~ever, it does not
seem reasonable to p.1t off until the end of the present decade the settlement of a
conflict that has already lasted too long and caused too much SUffering. We also
take note of the desire expressed by Viet Nam and Laos in their recent joint
statement in document A/40/81S to find a just political solution to the question of
Kampuchea. Such statement of intent are, of course, welcome. However, they should
be judged in the light of events, and in that regard the next dry season will
constitute an important test.
We must express our gratitude to the Secretary-General of our Organization for
his important initiative at the beginning of the year in personally going to
South=gast Asia. The talks he held there with the leaders of Viet Nam, Laos and
the ASEAN countries made it possible to obtain clarifications regarding the
concerns of thone countries. The action of the Secretary-General and the food for
thought he gives in his report to the General Assembly (A/40/759) demonstrate his
desire to p~rticipate actively in the search for a solution and to encourage the
bringing together of the various viewpoints through the initiation of a
constructive dialogue on the fundamental aspects of the problem. We hope that the
Secretary-General and his Special Representative will continue to work and provide
their good offices in the interest of a comprehensiva political settlement of this
question.
As in previous years, in 1985 the Ad Hoc Committee of the International
Conference on Kampuchea, over which my country has the honour to preside, undertook
consultations with a number of the Governments involved', in application of the
mandate conferred by the Conference. Those consultations were intended to
emphasize the constant concern of 'the international community with regard to the
question of Kampuchea and to ensure the widest possible support for efforts to
achieve a settlement of this problem. The Ad Hoc Committee reaffirmed at that time
that one of its main objectives was to contribute to the beginning of negotiations
on the implementation of the Declaration adopted by the International Conference on
Kampuchea. I should like to express the appreciation of the members of the Ad Hoc
Committee for the understanding we were shown and the encouragement we received in
the various countries the Committee visited.
I should also like to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the annual
report of the Ad Hoc Committee, which has been distributed in document A/CONF.109/9
of 16 September 1985. In that report the Committee appeals to
Wthose Member states which did not participate in the International Conference
on Kampuchea to co-operate in any suitable way in the efforts to attain the
goals of the Declaration on Kampuchea and the General Assembly resolutions on
this question. It apPeals once again to all parties concerned to act in such
a way that conditions are c~eated which could lead to a process of
constructive dialogue. It is the Committee's hope that, in order to bring
about such conditions, all parties would refrain from taking any action that
would complicate further the situation in Kampuchea and thus jeopardize the
chances for a fair and peaceful solution of the problem. w {A!CONP.109/9,
para. 30)
Senegal sincerely hopes that that apPeal will at last be heeded. MY country
is convinCed that it would be in the well-understood interests of all the parties
to the conflict to reach a negotiated settlement leading to the establishment of an
independent, neutral and non-aligned Cambodia. Such a settlement would make it
possible to create the conditions necessary for peace and stability in So~th-East
Asia and would fulfil the profound aspirations of all the peoples of the region.
Those are the fundamental Objectives of draft resolution A/40/L.4 and Corr.l,
on which the General Assembly must now take a decision. It was in that spirit that
my delegation agreed to be among the 58 sponsors of the draft resolution, and it
whole-heartedly recommends its adoption by the Assembly.
Mr. KHALIL (Egypt) (interpretation from Arabic): Egypt is following with
special attention the developing situation in Kampuchea. It expresses anew its
profound anxiety concerning that volatile situation, which affectE peace and
security not only in the South-East Asia region but in the world as a whole.
It is high time for the international community to fulfil its
responsibilities, with a view to arriving at a comprehensive, just and lastin~
political solution to the question.
In keeping with its respect for the principles of international law, the
provisions of the United Nations Charter and the principles of the Non-Aligned
Moveaent and its absolute conviction of the need to strive to guarantee human
rights and fundamental freedoms, foremost among which is the right of peoples to
self-determination, Egypt supports the legitimate rights of the Kampuchean people
and calls for increased efforts to arrive at the desired solution on the basis of
the following elements: first, all Vietnamese forces should be totally and
unconditionally withdrawn from all Kampuchean territory in accordance with a
specific timetable» secondly, Kampuchea's independence and sovereignty over its
entire territory should be restoredJ thirdly, the people of Kampuchea should be
enabled to exercise its inalienable right to self-determination through free and
fair elections under United Nations supervision, without foreign intervention»
fourthly, it should be made possible for the Kampuchean refugees to return to their
homes, fifthly, all countries should refrain from intervening in the internol
affairs of Kampuchea and respect its neutrality and non-aligned status» and
sixthly, the right of all the countries of the region to live in lasting peace
should be guaranteed..
United Nations resolutions adopted by an overwhelming majority since 1979 -
the date of the Vietnamese aggression against Kampuchean territory - have contained
those six elements.. Regrettably, however, the decisions of our international
Organization have not been implemented. The struggling people of Kampuchea
continues to suffer the scourge of foreign invasion and foreign occupation.
We followed with keen interest the statement made by
President Norodom Sihanouk in the general debate at the present session of the
General Assembly, in which he gave details of the tragedy that has beset the
Kampuchean people and supported his remarks with excerpts from the neutral
international press, Amnesty International and the International Commission of
Jurists. He emphasized his people's f~rvent desire for a fair and honourable
political solution of the Kampuchean problem. He supported the proposal of the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) for proximity talks with Viet Nam,
with the possible participation of representatives of Phnom Penh Khmers in Hanoi's
delegation. The President also expressed his regret at Viet Nam's rejection of all
his Coalition Government's previous proposals, which were made in 1983 and 1984,
and of ASEAN's proposals, all of which are aimed at bringing about peace and
reconciliation.
President Norodom Sihanouk reminded the international community of the thrust
of those proposals. In his statement today, he added a new and very constructive
step, with three points that certainly clarify the situation.
It is truly regrettable that this earnest desire for peace is met with
rejection and silence while the Kampuchean problem continues to deteriorate.
During our celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations
President Sihanouk said in his statement to the Assembly: "The United Nations
remains the ultimate hope of oppressed peoples· (A/40/PV.18, p. 6). It has
Succeeded on numerous occasions in changing the course of history because of its
patience, perseverance and wisdom. We associate ourselves with what President
Sihanouk stated, and we sincerely and warmly express the hope that this
Organization will achieve the goal it seeks in relation to Kampuchea.
Egypt strongly reaffirms its support for the Kampuchean cause and for the
unstinting efforts being made by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea,
under the wise leadership of President Sihanouk, to realize the desire of the
Kampuchean people for freedom, independence and sovereignty.
The Egyptian delegation has, of course, examined the Secretary-General's
report contained in document A/40/759, and we wish to avail ourselves of this
opportunity to express our support for his good offices aimed at bringing about a
comprehensive political settlement n£ the Kampuchean problem. The
5ecretary-General and his Personal Representative, Mr. Ahmed, have spared no
efforts in contacting all the parties concerned in a bid to achieve the desired
goals, in addition to fUlfilling their responsibilities in co-ordinating
humanitarian assistance for the people of Kampuchea.
The Secretary-General's visit to the region in January 1985 allowed him to
make a direct assessment of the situation. We associate ourselves with those who
called on him to pursue his endeavours, especially since he states in his report
that the discussions he had suggested that a reasonable degree of convergence had
emerged on the main elements of a comprehensive political settlement.
Egypt has examined the report of the Ad Hoc Committee of the International
Conference on Kampuchea, contained in document .l\./~NF.109/9. In this regard, we
wish to express our appreciation for the tireless efforts made by that committee,
under its Chairman, Ambassador Sarre. We join all peace-loving countries in
calling upon the Ad Hoc: Committee to continue its work.
We take this opportunity to reaffirm Egypt's determination to continue its
support of the constructive role played by the ASEAN countries in the search for a
peaceful solution of the Kampuchean problem. We wish to place on record our full
support for the draft resolution submitted to the Assembly at this session,
appearing in documents A/40/L.4 and Corr.l, as its provisions lay the foundation
for a peaceful, comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the Kampuchean
problem.
Mr. RANA (Nepal); Seven years ago, in a region not very far from m¥ own
country, a small independent State, a Member of the United Nations, was SUbjected
to massive external aggression. In fact even today it continues to suffer the
gross indignity of foreign military occupation. It is quite natural, thergfore,
for the international community, committed to the principles of the Charter and
peaceful relations among nations, to view the developments in Kampuchea with grave
concern. Clearly, developments such as these, in the latter half of the twentieth
century, are difficult to conceive, much less condone. This reminds us of the dark
era of colonialism which, one presumed, was coming to a well-deserved end, but on
which the curtain had in fact risen once again in Indo-China.
All the more distressing is that the party responsible for the intervention
and atrocities in Kampuc:hea is none other than a nation that had once earned the
respect of the international community for its own long and determined struggle
against colonial domination. Oblivious to its own experiences and sacrifices in
the cause of self-determination, this very country has not only seen fit to
undermine the sovereignty and territorial integrity of an independent neighbour but
has also enbarked upon policies forcing thousands of indigenous people to flee
their homes. This has created acute humanitarian problems besides posing an
ominous threat to the peace and stability of other neighbouring States.
As we review the current situation in Kampuc:hea today, my delegation would,
therefore, like first of all to reiterate Nepal's condemnation of foreign military
intervention in Kampuc:hea. Convinced that peaceful coexistence, respect for the
sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States and scrupulous
adherence to the principle of non-interference constitute the basic elements of the
international order as conceived in the United Nations Charter, Nepal believes that
they cannot be ignored or violated under any pretext.
A way out of the tragic Kampuchean impasse must, therefore, begin from where
it all started. In other words, no blueprint for a successful settlement of the
Kampuchean problem can be worth anything if it does not begin with the
unconditional withdrawal of all military forces from that country. Only when that
is achieved will it be possible to think of what should be done thereafter to
restore to the Kampuchean people their right to determine, peacefully, what kind of
society or government they desire.
Views may well differ on how a comprehensive political settlement of the
problem can be achieved in specific terms. There may also be different ways of
achieVing that goal. However, we are encouraged by the suggestion in paragraph 13
of the Secretary-General's report, contained in document A/40/759, referring to an
outline of a possible solution. My delegation shares the Secretary-General's view
that these elements provide a broad framework which could be progressively
elaborated and defined to create mutual understanding and confidence among all
parties concerned. At this juncture it may be fitting, therefore, to refer to the
idea of convening a limited international conference to be attended by the five
permanent members of the security Council, all parties directly concerned and other
mutually_acceptable countries.
It is also obvious that the formation of the Coalition Government headed by
His Royal Highness Prince Norodom Sihanouk has brightened prospects for a
negotiated political settlement. Indeed, we believe that it provides an
opportunity that should not be missed. While reiterating our full support for ~ie
Coalition Government formed under Prince Norodom Sihanouk, we take this opportunity
to underline once again that we welcome all peace initiatives which could result in
the withdrawal of foreign military forces from Kampuchea and provide the Kampuchean
people with an opportunity for a free expression of their right to
self-determination.
It is in that belief that Nepal, along with 58 other countries, has sponsored
the draft resolution in document A/40/L.4 and Corr.l, which it hopes will, as in
the past, receive the overwhelming support of Member States.
My delegation takes this opportunity to express its appreciation for the
efforts of the United Nations and its speciali~ed agencies, other international
organizations and, in particular, the Government of Thailand for having generously
rendered relief and humanitarian assistance to the Kampuchean people, who have been
so affected by the continuing turmoil and agony in their country. We should also
like to commend the Ad Hoc Committee on the International Conference on Kampuchea
for its tireless efforts in creating a better international awareness of the need
for a peaceful and negotiated settlement of the problem.
Mr. ALBORNOZ (Ecuador) (interpretation from Spanish): Ecuador, faithful
to the fundamental principles of international law concerning the rejection of the
use of force, of coercion and of coercive measures in relations between States,
defends and applies the principle that wars do not create rights and that the
conquest of territory by force is illegal and null and void. At the same time, my
country supports the principle of self-determination of peoples as well as the
principle of non-intervention. It has consistently advocated in international
forums, and particularly at the United Nations, the need for - to use words spoken
by the Foreign Minister of Ecuador during the general debate at the current session:
"the withdrawal of foreign forces from all territories which, directly or
indirectly, are under occupation by foreign military forces".
(A/40/PV.1l, p. 7)
The withdrawal of foreign forces from territories that do not belong to them
is an essential prerequisite to ensuring that the peoples that are the original
inhabitants of the territories in question can have a genuine possibility of
self-determination, that they can exercise the right to vote, and that, in
conformity with their own sovereignty, they can freely determine their own destiny
and display civic conduct that fully respects human rights.
That is true of Democratic Kampuchea, a state Member of the United Nations,
under the leadership of the Coalition Government headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk •
•
That country has been the victim for a long time now of merciless foreign
intervention by force. Its emer~ence into an era of peace and freedom is essential
if genuine peace is to reign in South-East Asia and if the threat to international
peace and security posed in that region of the world is to be diminished. The
reduction of tension by the restoration of independence, sovereignty and
territorial integrity to a fully recognized Kampuchea would be an achievement not
only for that country but for the international community as a whole.
Consequently, a conference of the concerned parties on this question would
certainly yield beneficial results for the achievement of that praiseworthy goal.
For those reasons, the delegation of Ecuador has consistently supported the
resolutions concerning the people of Kampuchea. Those resolutions are described in
the very full and well-conceived report by the Secretary-General in document
A/40/759. That report also describes the severe consequences that this regrettable
situation has had for the displaced persons and refugees, and outlines a peaceful
solution based on g~nuine negotiations.
Ecuador recognizes the right of the people of Kampuchea to determine their own
destiny, as well as the duty of Member States not to interfere or intervene in
Kan~uchea's internal affairs. That is the only way in which a just and lasting
solution can be found to its problem.
The meeting rose at 12.35 p.m.