A/40/PV.88 General Assembly

I propose that the list of speakers in the debate on this item be closed at 5.00 p.m. today. May I take it that there is no objecti~n to my proposal? It was so decided.

I ask those repr.esentatives wishing to participate in the debate to put their names on the list as soon as possible. Mrs. ASTORGA (Nicaragua) (interpretation from Spanish): It is a matter of satisfaction to us, Sir, that you have been elected President of this session of the General Assembly. Your diplomatic skills, your knowledge and your firmness in the defence of the principles on which our Organization is based guarantee that our debate will be conducted successfully, and have made a positive contribution to the cause of world peace and stability. Because of the historical ties between your country and ours, we believe that it is of the greatest importance that a representative of Spain is presiding over this meeting on Central America. Today we are speaking in this forum on a topic of singular importance for my country, for the Central American region, for Latin America and the Caribbean, and for the whole international community: "The situation in Central America: threats to international peace and security and peace initiatives." This is the third year that, on the initiative of Nicaragua, the plenary session of the General Assembly is devoting its attention to the situation in Central America. It is the third year that we have expressed our specific concern regarding developments in our region and the dangers they represent for internation peace. My delegation would like to be able to say today to the representatives of the whole world that the situation in Cefitral America is closer to peace; I should like to be able to say that democracy, peaceful coexistence, brotherhood, co-operation and interaction between our countries are all a reality. My delegation would like to able at least to express optimism that, although the problems have not yet been resolved, we are close to reaching an understanding. My Government would like to be able to say today that my country has finally reached an understanding with the united States on the basis of mutual respect. My country would like to be able to state that there is no longer anything to fear in Central America, that our countries are respected; that our countries are sovereign; that we are independent; and that we are on the road to consolidating a democratic region free from foreign military presencp.. I should like to be able to say, therefore, that Central America has become a zone of peace, a demilitarized zone, a neutral zone. How my country would like to be able to look forward to the future with confidence, the confidence that there will be peace, development, democracy, pluralism and peaceful coexistence, mutual respect, fraternity and co-operation among our five countries, peoples and Governments. However, that is not the case. Thus, we want to point out that the situation in our region has not only failed to improve but in fact deteriorated dramatically over the past year. Therefore we haVe an obligation to speak clearly, to present our concerns and to talk about the present situation in the region, of the prospects for development and of the historical responsibility borne by the United States, the Central America countries, Contadora, the Support Group, Latin America and the Caribbean, and by the international community in the quest for a prompt (Mrs. Astorga, Nicaragua) solution to the problems with which our peoples are confronted and which endanger world peace. We have an obligation to point out our own share of responsibility and its underlying causes. As Members all know, Nicaragua, a small, poor, proud, sovereign and non-aligned country, has for more than four years suffered political, military and economic aggression on the part of the super-Power of our hemisphere. It 1S no secret that the present united states Administration is bent on destroying the Sandinista Popular Revolution in Nicaragua and that it is attempting to change by torce the democratic, free path chosen by my people, the path to liberty that has cost us many years of struggle under such difficult circumstances. It is no secret, therefore, that the President of the united States and various Administration officials consider that there will be no peace in Central America until the democratic, revolutionary process in Nicaragua is destroyed. Nor is it a secret that recently the United States Assistant Secretary of Defense for Central American Affairs, Fred C. Ikle, clearly and frankly stated: (spoke in English) "If democratic forces are not aided now, a future Administration may have to use force directly." (continuea in Spanish) The United States has not only created a mercenar:' army that it trains, finances, advises and directs, but expects us to recognize it as a legitimate partner in resolving what it sees as the Nicaraguan problem, in normalizing relations between our countries and in bringing peace to the entire Central Americ~ region, as if by magic. (Mrs. Astorga, Nicaragua) In the course of 1985 the united States Congress has appropriated $27 million for s~called humanitarian aid for its mercenaries. It has declared a trade embargo against our country. The present united States Administration has been given the go-ahead to provide these-mercenary forces with communications equipment and the Central Intelligence Agency has been authorized to share intelligence information with them. (Mrs. Astorqa, Nicaragua) On 19 November, scarcely three days ago, the House of Representatives, and yesterday the Senate, passed a bill authorizing the United States Government to supply planes, helicopters, trucks, boats and other types of vehicles to the counter-revolutionaries, although they say that these cannot be used for the transport of troops or military equipment. What could they be used for, then? Could it be that the mercenaries are going to devote themselves to tourism in Central America? The Assembly is also aware that the United states Administration seeks approval of funds to give direct military aid to its terrorists. What it needs is merely a pro forma authorization, because funds have continued to reach those forces despite the express prohibition of the United States Congress. This illegal and immoral war has already cost Nicaragua 3,652 liv~s, 4,039 wounded, 7,582 war o~phans, 240,000 Nicaraguans left homeless, and 5,232 kidnapped. If the losses sustained by the counter-revolutionaries are added to the figures, the number of victims of the aggressive united states policy against my country amounts to about 11,000 dead, and this has cost Nicaragua approximately $1.5 billion. The present Government of the United states, in its relations with Nicaragua, has therefore acted with absolute contempt for the international juridical order; it has systematically violated international law and order; it has systematically violated the United Nations Charter, the Charter of the Organization of American States and other international treaties. The United States has assumed the right to use force to change what it considers to be a threat to what it calls its strategic interests. Everything would seem to indicate that there is a new theory propounded by the present united states Administration regarding non-intervention and the non-use of force, namely, that these principles are no longer binding on a super-Power which arrogates to itself the right to intervene in any internal (Mrs. Astorga, Nicaragua) situation in any country which it perceives as undemocratic or contrary to its interests. Thus, when a country located in what it considers its natural sphere of influence makes its own decisions, that country is then subjected to aggression. This has been the underlying premise of United states policy towards Nicaragua and Central America. I would therefore venture to ask: where does this theory, this conception, lead? What purpose has been served by the 40 years of the Organization's existence? What will become of weak countries seeking their own identity, their independence, their sovereignty, their self-determination? Are we reverting back to the law of might makes right? Are we reverting to the Stone Age in international relations? Could this be the modern application of Einstein's theory of relati~ity? Obviously this concept and its application represent a danger not only to Nicaragua and Central America, but to all the countries and peoples of the world, to all the processes of change taking place in this world in constant evolution. My country, my people, are not only defending their own rights; we are defending the rights of all peoples freely to choose their own destiny. We are defending the international legal order and the laws of civilization. We still rp-member the speech delivered by President Ronald Reagan on 24 October this year in this forum. In that speech he spoke of peace, respect, the non-use of force, respect for Article 2 of the United Nations Charter and, at th~ same time, he repeated his commitment to provide unconditional support and aid to the terrorist groups which are attacking my country. What is the peace, then, that the United States is talking about? What democracy is President Reagan referring to? What respect for other peoples' rights is he talking about? (Mrs. Astorga, Nicaragua) The roots of the present crisis in Central America lie in the historical injustice suffered by our peoples. It stems from the lack of internal political scope that would permit the peaceful structural changes required in situations of injustice. It is due to ever-increasing foreign interference in the internal affairs of States, to the aggressi~n against my country and people, tb the massive United States military presence in the region, unprecedented in modern times, to its refusal to accept the political reality that Nicaragua has represented since July 1979, to the traglc economic situation of our peoples, to the use of force in an attempt to change the will of the people, to the lack of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and self-determination of peoples; in a word, it is all due to the violation of international law. The conflict is therefore not the result of an East-West confrontation. The countries of the Contadora Group have been attempting to find a political formula for a solution to the Central American crisis. Those countries have invested tremendous efforts in this noble and important task and furthermore have recently been joined by the Contadora Support Group, made up of Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Peru. This unprecedented Latin Ame~ican peace initiative has enjoyed the enthusiastic support of the international community, including the rhetorical support of the current United States Administration. Today, Contadora and the Support Group represent the will of Latin America and the Caribbean. They represent anti-interventionism, respect for international law and for bilateral and regional dialogue in the settlement of disputes. That is Contadora, that is Latin America and the Caribbean, with their message of peace, a message that our region is not willing to stand idly by in the face of foreign intervention and the use of force. That is the strength of Contadora; t:1at is our strength. (Mrs. Astorga, Nicaragua) The Contadora initiative is governed by clear principles; equally clear is its understanding of the causes of the crisis in Central America. Its underlying basis is therefore the political solution of the conflict through dialogue and negotiation, the non-use or threat of force, non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, the proscription of all types of foreign militar.y presence in any shape or form in the region. It is internal democracy, it is the non-use of the territory of one people for attacking others; it is the guarantee of security for everyone of the countries of the region; it is the plurality of systemR; it is peaceful coexistence. None the less, and despite the fact that the United States constantly voices its enthusiasm and support for Contadora, it is basically its policy of force in the region which has prevented a just and honourable agreement which would bring peace to our tormented region. If the political will of the present united States Government regarding Nicaragua and the Central American region does not change, the possibilities of an understanding are few indeed. If the united States does not agree to the resumption of the bilateral dialogue with my country in order to normalize our relations, if it continues to reject a serious and constructive dialogue with Nicaragua and to try to impose pre-conditions for a resumption of that dialogue, if it keeps trying to prevail upon us to accept its mercenaries as negotiating partners and to dissolve our recently and freely elected National Assembly, if it insists that its mercenaries put pressure on and ultimately overthrow our Government, if it continues its policy of boycotting Contadora, there will be no peace in Central America. As long as the united States continues to insist upon ignoring the International Court of Justice, as long as it insists that international law is a mechanism to be used Rselectively" and according to its own interests, the Central American PeOples will continue to suffer the consequences. I reiterate our position that the solution of the conflicts in Central America must necessarily include an understanding between my Government and the Government of the United States which would, first, put an end to the brutal war of aggression that it has forced upon Nicaragua. Of course, such an understanding must logically entail a formal commitment by that Government to end and in future desist from its policy of war against our nation. I reaffirm Nicaragua's position that in order to defuse tension and conflict in Central America it is necessary to end all forms of foreign military presence in the area - to dismantle foreign military bases, withdraw all foreign troops and military advisers and ban all foreign military manoeuvers. It is imperative that Central America become a zone of peace, free of all interference and all foreign military presence. I should like to reaffirm the determination of my people and my Government to continue to seek peace, but until that has been accomplished we must assert our right as a people and a nation to seek and acquire the military means necessary to ensure the effective defence of our sovereignty, territorial integrity and sacred right to life and self-determination. Nicaragua has not been the destablizing factor in Central America. Nicaragua has not been violating international law. Nicaragua has not been blocking Contadora. Nicaragua has not been attacking its neighbours. Nicaragua has not been waging war on the United States. Nicaragua has not been decreeing economic embargoes or taking coercive measures against the United States or any other country. Nicaragua has not mined the ports of the United States or any other country. Nicaragua has not published and applied terrorist manuals on the murder of political leaders or the innocent civilians of any country. It was Nicaragua that turned to the International Court of Justice to denounce United States aggression. It was Nicaragua that turned to the security Council. It was Nicaragua that showed a flexible attitude at the regional level regarding negotiation and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Nicaragua has constructively supported Contadora and sought to strengthen it. Nicaragua has sought bilateral and regional dialogue in order to solve problems. Nicaragua has proposed joint air, land and sea patrols with neighbouring countries and indicated its total willingness to create, together with its neighbours, neutralized security zones under international supervision in border areas in order to prevent the situation from deteriorating further. Nicaragua has tirelessly sought the resumption of the bilateral talks with the United States aimed at B1e normalization of its relations with that country on the basis of mutual respect. As always, Nicaragua continues to be ready for peace. It continues to exert its will for peace. We still declare our willingness to seek and find formulas and bilateral machinery within the framework of Contadora for the fulfilment of the highest aspiration of our Central American peoples - peace. I should like to repeat the appeal of President Daniel Ortega Saavedra of Nicaragua to President Reagan from this rostrum on 21 Octobar last: "Nicaragua therefore appeals from this lofty rostrum to the Government of the United States truly to abide by the norms of peaceful coexistence anong States enshrined in the Charter, to cease its policies of aggression against Nicaragua and to declare on this anniversary if it is willing to respect the sovereignty and the right to self-determination of a small country, if it is prepared to abide by the provisional decision of the International Court of Justice dated 10 May 1984 and acknowledge the jurisdiction of that United Nations body and if it is ready to stop the war against Nicaragua and to declare peace." !~/40/PV.42, p. 9) We call upon that great Power to demonstrate that when it speaks of peace it is speaking of peace, not war; that it is speaking of understanding, not confrontation; that it is speaking of absolute respect for international law. Nicaragua stands here willing to find paths to understanding, willing to contin~e fighting for peace. There, in Nicaragua, we shall continue to fight in defence of our fundamental right to life, for what we consider just, for democracy. We shall continue to defend our model of liberation. We shall maintain our policy of non-alignment. We shall continue to defend the cause of world peace and our support for the Palestinian, Namibian and South African peoples and all peoples of the world fighting for self-determination. In Nicaragua we sh~ll continue to build schools, health clinics and co-operatives. We shall continue to hand over the land to our peasants. We shall continue to defend with our blood and sweat the right to peace, justice, freedom and recourse to international law. We (Mrs. Astorga, Nicaragua) shall continue to fight for our people and for respect for b~e principles of this Organizations. We are certain that we are not alone ir this struggle, that our principles are the same as those of all members of this Assembly. We have the historical certainty that reason, moderation and law will prevail over force and irrationality. We are certain that peace in Central America will one day be a reality. Mr. MQYA PALENCIA (Mexico) (interpretation from Spanish}: Mr. President, I should like at the outset to express my delegation's satisfaction at seeing you presiding over our work with the ability that has always characterized your very fruitful diplomatic career. On behalf of the peopl~ and Government of Mexico, I wish to express our deepest solidarity with the people and Government of Colombia after the eruption of the volcano Nevado del Ruiz and its tragic consequences. The Mexican people, who are still feeling the wounds inflicted by last month's earthquake, identify strongly with the suffering of the Colombian people. My Government has already conveyed to the disaster area all possible assistance. We are certain that the people and Government of Colombia will live through their hour of tragedy with the strength and aignity they have always shown. This is the third consecutive year in which the General Assembly is examining the situation in Central America, which shows the deep concern of the international community that the conflicts separating kindred peoples should be resolved through diplomatic negotiations. A year has gone by since the adoption by consensus ~f General Assembly resolution 39/4. In that resolution, the General Assembly took note of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America as a basic legal instrument for laying down the foundations for regional coexistence and urged the five Central American Governments to speed up their consultations with the Contadora Group with the aim of bringing to a conclusion the negotiation process directed to the early signing of that document. In that resolution all States were urged, in particular those with ties to and interests in the region, to respect fully the purposes and principles of the Contadora Act. The Assembly thus expressed the universal and unreserved support for the peace initiatives of the Contadora Group. The search for a regional agreement among the Central American Governments has encountered various obstacles. The international community has seen that peace initiatives have been proceeding against the background of the frequent incidents, interference, threats, pressures and reprisals that have beset the region throughout the last 12 manths. Similarly, the arms race, the foreign military presence and the activities of forces whose aim is the overthrow of legitimately established Governments, have obviously hindered regional detente. Side by side with declarations of good faith and support for diplomatic measures, activities have taken place which, in addition to being contrary to the spirit of such initiatives, undermine peace in the region and delay the adoption of agreements among States. In 1985 there was serious danger of creating a political vacuum through the blocking, though not in a final form, the various channels of dialogue that had been so patiently, and with such dedication, opened in 1984. In addition to the difficulties faced by the Contadora process, for reasons that did not always justify the inte~ruption of the overall negotiation, the ~~nzanillo dialogue between the Governments of the Uni ted States and Nicaragua was broken off. At the same time, the dialogue designed to end the armed conflict in El Salvador met with new obstacles and came to a halt. Against that background of general difficulties the Contadora Group pursued its efforts to negotiate a r~gional agreement to reconcile the basic concerns of the Governments of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. The various me~tings held this year have been directed to that end. However, certain factors extraneous to the Contadora Group, but which could not fail to influence its activities, threatened to impede any substantive progress. The need for the negotiation last June took on great~r importance in the light of the (Mr. MOya Palencia, Mexico) deteriorating bilateral relations between Costa Rica and Nicaragua as a result of a number of border incidents~ In view of the dangerous progressive deterioration of the regional situation, Contadora decided to give a new impetus to its diplomatic activities. Accordingly, the Foreign Ministers of Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela met on 21 and 22 July this year and agr ~d on a series of interrelated measu~eSf recognizing that the solution to the Central American crisis required action at various levels. In addition to announcing the intention of reactivating the negotiation of the Contadora Act, the Governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua were invited to begin a dialogue with the aim of finding effective and lasting solutions to the tensions in the border area between the two countries, within the framework of the negotiating process sponsored by the Contadora Group. Similarly, it was once again recognized that dialogue and understanding between the Governments of the United States and Nicaragua constituted an important factor in the regional pacification effort. With regard to the Contadora Act, an arduous and complex task was carried out throughout the year with the aim of narrowing differences and finding new points of agreement among the Central American Governments. The intense work that has gone on made it possible on 12 and 13 september 1985 to hand over to the Governments of Central America a final draft of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America. That document includes comments made by the Central America~ Governments themselves as well as proposals which, in the judgement of the Contadora Group, represent just and equitable arrangements. This is a coherent and orderly set of commitments that make it possible to lay the foundations for peaceful coexistence over the long term in an atmosphere of political confidence and good fai~~. The achievement of a comprehensive agreement has the fundamental aim 0E responding faithfully to the requirements of stability and co-operati0n in the area, within a framework of relations based on the standards of international coexistence and recognition of the legitimate interests of all States. What is at stake in Central America is the validity of the principles of self-determination and non-intervention. The most scrupulous respect for those principles is a minimal and indispensable prerequisite for overcoming the crisis. The Contadora Act recognizes that peace lies not only in setting the disputes between States of the region, but also in an internal stability based on pluralism, the strengthening of democratic institutions, the promotion of genuine processes of national reconciliation in those cases where far-reaching divisions have taken place within society, the holding of elections and respect for and protection of human ~ights. (Mr. Moya Palencia, Mexico) This is why the Act includes internal commitments which the Central American C-overnments woula assume as sovereign States and in conformity with the principle of the self-determination of peoples. Let us repeat once again, no State, no matter how powerful, has the right to interpret what, in its judgement, should be the political evolution of other States. Moreover, the renunciation of the threat or use of force to destabilize legitimately constituted Governments is an essential condition for regional peace. The Security Council, in adopting resolution 562 (1985) asserted, inter alia, the inalienable right of the States of the reg ion to choose the ir own political and economic system without external interference, and urged all Governments to refrain from taking political, economic or military measures of any kind against any State of the region. The joint meeting of Foreign Ministers of the Contadora Group and of the Central American countries held on 12 and 13 september 1985 decided to convene a plenipotentiary meeting for a 45-day session beginning 7 October for the sole purpose of discussing items relating to arms reductions and control, military manoeuvres and machinery for the implementation and follow-up of the commitments assumed under the Act, as well as procedural questions related to its implementation. Similarly, the Ministers considered that the negotiation of other matters contained in the Act had been completed. The Contadora Act recognizes the right of all States to security based on the criteria of equilibrium and reciprocity. At no stage had it been the intention to place any of the parties at a disadvantage. Thus, in the course of negotiations particular emphasis was placed on the need to guarantee the simultaneous application of the commitments and an appropriate balance between what is granted and received by the parties. It should be pointed out that the items that were (Mr. Moya Palencia, Mexico) involved in the negotiations concerned each of the parties to various extents and, therefo~e, the viability of the entire agreement depends on the political will of the parties to grant mutual concessions which safeguard both their security and legitimate interests. As is well known, two items have been at the centre of the negotiations in recent weeks: the arms race and international military manoeuvres. As regards the former, it has been recognized since 1983 in the document on objectives that it was necessary to halt the arms race in all its forms. The control and reduction of armaments has been part of the negotiations and was, as will be recalled, included in the revised version of the Contadora Act of 7 September 1984. We should bear in mind that the approach advocated by the Contadora Group covered the various aspects of the Central American crisis and, accordingly, none of the specific commitments can be considered in isolation. Each of the agreements relating to security is important, not only because of its own specific meaning but also because of its relation to the whole, both in respect to its operative parts and the simultaneity of its entry into force. For example, the Contadora Act refers quite clearly to irregular forces, one of the central aspects of the Central American crisis and it establishes a set of perfectly well-defined commitments prohibiting any form of support to forces of this kind. The obliqations assumed by the parties mean that an end will be put to the activities of such forces that use the territory of one State to undertake destabilizi~3 activities against a neighbouring State, which would result in the elimination of one of the principal sources of regional tensinn. ~he foreign military presence as a harmful factor contributing to the regional conflict has been one of the main concerns in these neg0tiation3 since 19R~. Hence, the necessity ~or agreement.s relating to military manoeuvres, bases, facilities and foreign military advisers. We cannot ignore the fact that while the arms race has been intensified in recent years, the foreign military presence has also increased. On various occasions we have noted an unprecedented concentration of forces in the region. The almost constant military exercises and the creation of an infrastructure that could be used in large-scale military operations would, by affecting strategic balances, increase even further the mistrust that inhibits any spirit of compromise. To support the 22 points of the Contadora Agreement frequently referred to means prohibiting a foreign military presence, safeguarding the region from the bouts of the East-West confrontation and promoting genuine regional security. It also implies that the objective of eliminating that presence is of a general value applicable to all cases and is not directed exclusively against a certain State while exceptions are allowed in the case of others. The proposals of the Contadora Group are consistent with this basic concern and, for this reason, in order to maintain a reasonable balance of forces in the region, they establish a link between the prohibition of international manoeuvres involving the participation of foreign armed forces in the territory of Central American States and the entry into force of the ceiling for armaments agreed to by the parties. Despite the obstacles encountered, the efforts made since 1983 by the Contadora Group have certainly achieved positive results. As a result of its work, machinery for dialogue and negotiation was established and has been maintained thrv~ghout this period. Besides giving impetus to the preparation of the Act and facilitating at various times the solution of temporary situations whose deterioration could have generalized the conflict, the Contadora Group helped to broaden the international consensus about the risks inherent in the Central American conflict and consequently the need to reach political agreements among the parties with the support of those States that have interests and links in the ar~a. The international community has provided unequivocal proof of its support for these peace initiatives. During this year the formation of what is called the Support Group, consisting of Argentina, Brazil, P~ru and Uruguay, demonstrated that the peaceful solution of the Central American crisis, on the basis of the principl~s guiding our activities, is a Latin American cause. A few days ago, the second meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the countries members of the European Community, including Spain and Portugal, with the Central American States and those of the Contadora Group took place in Luxembourg. The holding of that meeting and its achievements demonstrate the validity of the thesis argued by our countries to the effect that the roots of the crisis may be found within Central American society. The economic and social situation of the countries of the region continues to deteriorate and there are valuable and significant ~fforts in favour of democratization, but there will not be stable development without the pacification of the area. The strength of the Contadora Group has been that, on the basis of the fundamental principles of international law, it formed an appropriate forum for the treatment of the Central American crisis. Those who expect to see the failure of negotiations in the Contadora Group expect to see a failure of the negotiated solution of the Central American crisis. We are well aware of the historical reasons that led four Latin American countries to undertake a Latin American initiative without parallel in our recent history. Today we reaffirm the validity of the purposes and principles of that initiative. We cannot minimize the importance of what has been done to date. The negotiation of the Act made it possible to obtain conSensus on a broad range of commitments. The present discussion is limited to specific issues. We are convinced of the need for negotiations to continue and we are confident that an understanding on pending issues can be reached. For the foregoing reasons I am pleased to inform this Assembly that Mexico, together with Colombia, Panama and Venezuela, have decided to introduce a draft resolution to the Assembly. Besides reiterating how important it is that there should be respect in the region for the fundamental principles of international law, the draft resolution urges the Governments of Central America, with the support of the Contadora Group, to pursue negotiations on pending issues in order to reach an agreement that will Central ~~rica, as well as OD ensure its entry into force. The draft resolution urges States with interests in and links to the region to give their most determined support to peace initiatives and to refrain from any political, economic or military activity likely to thwart the objectives of the Contadora Act. It is our conviction that the pacification of Central America, besides the multilateral and comprehensive agreement contained in this Act, requires the solution of bilateral disputes, principally between States that share borders. Regional negotiations should not defer the solution of problems that very specifically affect neighbouring countries. For this reason, the draft appeals to the countries of the region in such a situation to initiate talks with the aim of finding effective and lasting solutions with the support of the Contadora Group. Similarly, the draft expresses our conviction that the solution of bilateral disputes between States of the region and other States with interests in ann links to the area can contribute fundamentally to consolidating peace initiatives. For this reason, the Governments of the United States and Nicaragua are invited to r~sume the dialogue they held in 1984 so that an understanding between the two countries can brinq about a fundamental stimulus to reqiona1 negotiation. That is compatible with the appeal made by the Security Council it~elf when it anopted resolution 562 (1985). Similarly, the draft requests the Secretary-General, in conformity with Security Council resolutions 530 (1983) and 562 (1985), to keep that body informed about the solution of the situation in Central America and to report to the General Assembly at its forty-first session on implementation of our resolution. Finally the draft proposes the inclusion of this item on the provisional agenda of the next session. We are convinced that, once again, this ~ssembly will give its fullest support The gravity of the situation in Central America requires urgent action. It is necessary to put an end to violence and destruction which are thwarting the development possibilities of Central America. It is urgent to attend to the needs of broad sectors of the population who today have become displaced persons, both within their countries and outside them. The resort to force would be not only reprehensible in itself but would also damage, perhaps irreversibly, the situation in the region. Mexico will continue to make every effort to ensure that that does not happen. On this occasion we reaffirm our resolute political will to continue to contribute to the peaceful solution of the Central American crisis. Mr. MOUSHOUTAS (Cyprus): The General Assembly is again seized of thp. item entitled "The situation in Central America: threats to international peace and security and peace initiatives", a problem which was created by serious internal socio-economic injustices, and the ensuing struggles for political, social and economic participation in the democratic processes of the countries involvp.n. Two years ago, this body adopted a consensus resolution, 38/10, on the situation in Central America, in which it reaffirmed the right of all Central American, countries to decide freely their own future, whether in the political, economic or social domain and condemned any acts of aggression against thp. sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the States of the region. The Assembly expressed its firmest support for the Contadora Group and its efforts and urged it to persevere in its efforts, calling at the same time on the States of the region to refrain from any action which might aggravate the situation. Last year, again by consensus, the General Assembly adopted resolutio~ 39/4, which, while expressing its firmest support to the Contadora Group and urqing it to continue its efforts, called on each of the five Central American Governments to speed up its consultations with the Contadora Group with the aim of bringing the negotiating process to a conGlusion by the early signing of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America. Since the adoption of resolution 39/4, the members of the Contadora Group have been exerting great efforts to establish the basis of political stahility and peace so j~sired by all the people of the region. The work of the Contadora Group has been carried out against the background of an increase in bilateral incidents between countries of the region, as the report of the Secretary-General (A/40/737) states, and while the situation has been steadily deteriorating- We express our regret that the peaceful political climate so necessary to dialogue and peace-making has unfortunately been lacking. The threat and use of force, the violence, the subversion, the violations of human rights, the destabili~ation and the foreign interventions are evidence of the persistence of and increase in tensions and confrontation in Central America. As a consequence the Security Council had to meet in May of this year, at the request of Nicaragua, to discuss the grave situation created in the region and the imposition of an economic embargo on Nicaragua by the united States Administration. The debate resulted in the adoption of Security Council resolution 562 (1985), in which, inter alia, the inalienable right of Nicar~gua and the rest of the States of the subregion freely to decide on their own political, economic and social systems without any outside interference, intervention or threat was reaffirmed. Further, it called on all States to refrain from carrying out against any State in the region political or military action of any kind that m~ght impede the attainment of the objectives of the Contadora Group. The call to the Governments of the United States of America ane i'caragua to resume talks is in our view of special significance. It is therefore regrettable that in spite of the Security Council's urgent call dialogue has not been resumed. We strongly believe that the solution of the problem of Central America can be achieved not by force of arms but only through peaceful processes leading to a comprehensive political settlement based on the Charter and United Nations resolutions and decisions. Dialogue is also necessary within the countries involved and should aim at the strengthening of the democratic processes as well as at addressing the economic and social evils which are the root causes of the problems of Central America. The peaceful settlement of the disputes between the Central American States has been undertaken by the Contadora Group of States, an authentic regional mediation group, which is performing its mission in the finest traditions of Latin America. We are gratified that the Group's proposals for a framework of coexistence and co-operation among the countries of Central America, the Contadora Act, has justifiably found wide support in the region and elsewhere. We are grateful to the Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela and to the Support Group - Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay - for their constructive and ~jJrsistent efforts to find a negotiated settlement to the problems of Central America. Because of their initiative not only have we so far avoided a major explosion in a sensitive region of the world fraught with dangers and acts of interference, but the United Nations has scored a crucial point in the universal acceptance of the Contadora process. We know that a solution to the problems of Central America is not easy to attain. !p.tensive diplomatic efforts are needed to bring about a definitive end to the viol~nce and to the foreign interference and intervention. But we know also that the goals of all States in the region are the same. The most urgent task therefore at this moment is the c~eation of conditions of peace in which the legitimate aspirations of the Central American states can be fulfilled, including their desire for economic development and social well-being. The common destiny and aspirations of the people of Central America and the obligation of all states not to jeopardize internatiol''':l peace and security are of paramount importance and must be placed above shortsighted considerations. The Contadora Group is best suited to contr ibute towards those paramount goals, and we therefore whole-heartedly support all the peace efforts it has undertaken. We welcomed the Madrid meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the four Contadora countries and, at the same time, the holding this month in Luxembourg of a second meeting between the Foreign Ministers of the states members of the European Community and the Foreign Ministers of the members of the Contadora Gro1lp and of the Central American States directly involved in the problem. Consultation and negotiation aimed at the peaceful settlement of disputes are the sine qua non of the realization of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter an,d constitute the basis of the hopes of mankind if a world free from the scourge of war is to be established. Parallel respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity of the States of the region, as well as strict adherence to the cardinal principle that these S~~tes have the inalienable right freely to choose their own political, economic and social systems without any interference, should be absolutely and faithfully demonstrated by all countries within and outside the region.* Mr. THOMPSON-FLORES ~9razil): For the third consecutive year the United Nations General Assembly has on its agenda a specific item on the situation in Central America. During this period the matter has been extensively considered not only by the General Assembly but also by several other bodies of our Organization, in particular the Security Council. Matters related to the region have also been discussed in the specialized agencies of the united Nations system and, it should be noted, within the Organization of American States. Twenty-four months have passed since this body first considered the subject before us, an item that continues to attract great attention from the entire international community. In examining the records a less heedful observer could be led to think that the role of our Organization had been largely circumscribed to that of an arena for public discussion rather than an effective instrument for the promotion of peace in the region. However, an explanation for this state of affairs is to be found in the active efforts of the countries of the area themselves to find a peaceful, *Mr. Shah Nawaz (Pakistan), Vice-President, took the Chair. comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the regional problems which we all face but which are of direct, serious and immediate consequence primarily to them. A lasting solution is certainly difficult to attain, but we have every reason to hope that it can become a reality in the near future. That is the worthy goal of the Contadora Group. I will comment briefly on the still partial but already significant achievements of the Contadora Group. In all frankness, it should be said that for an initiative whose life expectancy - according to views expressed informally and at times not so informally - did not exceed a couple of months, the Ccntadora Group has shown remarkable longevity. The secret of this endurance may lie in the fact that it was able to explore extensively numerous aspects of different concrete alternatives for a negotiated settleraent in Central America. The various work sessions went far beyond rhetorical exchanges. The ideas put forward and discussed became part of a very ambitious and original approach which found its expression in the successive drafts of the revised Contadora Act. Although important points remain unresolved, we do not find it redundant to stress that the Contadora Group effort continues to be characterized by the same initial disposition to tackle the problems in extenso, to review numerous possible alternatives, gradually to narrow the gaps between conflicting positions. The confidence that my delegation has land shares with many others in the importance of the Contadora Group's effort can be exemplified by the creation this year of the Contadora Support Group. Brazil, a member of the Support Group, with Argentina, Peru and Uruguay, believes that this additional initiative among Latin American countries to permit them to follow closely the developments in Central America is a demonstration of confidence that speaks for itself. In the context of the commemoratiol1 of the fortieth anniversary of the Unit~n Nations, a significant step that could be taken by this sesGion of the General Assembly would be the r~novation, in a spirit of unity, solidarity and compromise, of its support for the efforts under. way regarding the future of Central America. Support for the Contadora Group's effort constitutes a renewed commitment by the General Assembly to the right to sovereignty and political independence of all countries of Central America, and to full respect of the principles of international law - in particular the principle that States should refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or the political independence of any State and the principle concerning the duty not to intervene in matters within the domestic jurisdiction of a State. Those principles are embodied in the United Nations Charter and the charter of the Organization of American States (OAS). Permit me to say once again that any attempt to understand the current crisis in Central America and to find solutions for it must take into account complex present and historical aspects in the social, political, economic, lililitary and diplomatic fields. In the view of my delegation, however, the situation in the region is not and should not become an issue of East-West confrontation. My delegation is confident that diplomacy will not be subordinated to intransigence and the use of force, and that reason and the pursuit of peaceful solutions will prevail over emotional or Manichaean alternatives. We are ready to work towards that end. Mr. PAZ AGUIRRE (Uruguay) (interpretation from Spanish): Uruguay, as a Latin American country, is deeply concerned with the situation prevailing in Central America that has made of that region a focus of tension and a scene of constant violence endangering international peace and security. Uruguay identifies closely with the sufferings and anguish of the brother peoles of Central America and considers it an inescapable moral responsibility to contribute, in so far as it is able and with strict ~es~~ct for the sovereignty of those States and the right to self-determination of their p~oples, to b~inging about a comprehensive, peaceful, just and honourable solution for: the grave problems that beset the region, for the sake of all the parties involved. The Uruguayan Government has therefore joined the Governments of Argentina, Brazil and Peru to constitute the Contadora Support Group, with the firm resolve to support the peace-making activities of the Contadora Group, made up of the Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela, whose efforts to produce negotiated formulas to make possible the establishment of stable and consolidated peace in the region we hold in the highest esteem. Uruguay considers that the work being done by Contadora and the help which the Support Group can give it constitute the most authentic expression of Latin l\merica' 5 politk"'tl will and capacity for concerted action to deai with regional problems from their own partic!llar standpoint. Uruguay is thus convinced that this is the authentic means for producing a solution to the Central American crisis and that only firm regional unity with regard to the diplomatic negotiating efforts and specific actions initiated by the Contadora Group can ensure the attainment of the aims of independence, self-determination, juridical equality, peaceful coexistence, justice, solidarity and integration to which the peoples of Latin America have always aspired, and which are the ineluctable goals of its historic destiny. Uruguay is therefore convinced that the basic responsibility for bringing about and strengthening peace and political stability in Central America belongs exclusively to the peoples and Governments of that region and lies solely within their sovereign competence. That should be the underlying basic premise for any solution to Central American problems, although it should be borne in mind that the crisis persists, which always entails the riSk of its exacerbation, it may lead to a general conflict that could then affect not only the States of the Isthmus but also the whole region and the whole hemisphere. Furthermore, the very persistence of the crisis already serves to e>tacerbate the situation, and is eroding the possibility of a peaceful and complete settlement just as a lingering disease saps the strength of an organism. It is therefore urgent and indeed indispenable to promote agreements among the countries which directly or indirectly have assumed responsibilities in the critical situations that have been created, and in the persistence and worsening of those situations, in order, first, to avoid a situation where the regional conflict would be turned into an East-West confrontation, thus transforming the region into a pawn on the international chess-board; and secondly, to eliminate for good the existing and potential factors for misunderstanding and confrontation and ~onsolidate in Latin America the bases for an authentic community ?f nations united by common roots, whose destiny would be not only to live in peace but also be able to bring about real economic integration as an effective instrument for its economic and social development. I referred to agreements among the parties concerned achieved through dialogue and negotiation. Those are the means sought and advocated by the Contadora Group, and that Uruguay firmly supports. That dialogue and negotiation necessarily exclude force, which can never be the best means of settling disputes. That dialogue and negotiation must direct the search for solutions within the framework of the co-operation of all States, both within and outside the region, that are concerned with the region. That dialogue and negotiation must make it possible to arrive at a balanced, just and viable agreement that would serve as a legal basis for the harmonious coexistence of all Central ~~erican States, based on mutual respect, the absence of foreign interferenc~, political confidence and good faith. Such a solution can be achieved only through absolute respect for the principles of international law, particularly the principle of non-intervention and self-determination, which implies exercise of the right of each people freely to choose, without external pressure, the political, economic and social system that it considers best meets its interests, through institutions representing the true will of the people. In that respect, Uruguay believes that the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America is a suitable juridical instrument, whose conclusion and signing would make it possible to lay down the fundamental political commitments that would lead to that basic solution. That solution is being obstructed both by foreign intervention, overt and covert, and the scourge of terrorism, which must be removed from the region. That requires tackling its causes, which are rooted in social injustice, economic inequalities and a lack of access by the broad masses of the people to the minimal benefits of civilization, culture and participation in political processes. We must remember that it is impossible to conceive of any genuine, lasting solution without broad, unconditional and effective respect for human rights. A genuine lasting solution also requires the consolidation and strengthening of participative and pluralist representative systems - that is, genuinely democratic systems - in all the countries of the region. The Central American crisis has two aspects - political and economic. As the Foreign Ministers of the Contadora Group and the Lima Support Group have agreed, the gravity of the crisis is such as to demand simultaneous progress in peace-making and in easing political tension on the one hand and in economic recovery on the other. Within the context of those considerations, faithful to its tradition of respecting the principles of the Charter and its commitments as a member of the Organization of American States r Uruguay repeats that it deplores and regrets the economic sanctions imposed by the United states Government against Nicaraguar which undermine the peace-making efforts of the Contadora Group. SimilarlYr we repeat in this universal forum our vigorous and urgent appe~l for the resumption of the bilateral dialogue of Manzanillo. Dialogue is always - between menr between peoples and between Governments - the civilized way to settle differences. There is nothing to be lost by itr and everything to be gained r to mutual benefit andr in this caser the benefit of the whole international community. FinallYr faithful to its peace-loving tradition r Uruguay is firmly committenr along with other sister countries r to supporting the efforts of the Contadora Group. and we again call for the speedy implementation of its proposalsr confidene that in so doing we shall be building peace. Mr. SHERVANI (India): Addressing the Indian Parliament in February 1955 on the logic of non-alignment - then still in its conceptual stages - Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru stated: "Every country has a right to choose its own path and go along it. We have chosen our path and we propose to go along it, and to vary it as and when we choose, not at somebody's dictate or pressure; and we are not afraid of any other country imposing its will upon us by military methods or any other methods. The only way for us is to build up our own strength, which we intend doing. Meanwhile, we want to be friendly with other countries." Those simple words conveyed - and still convey - the distilled essence of our non-alignment. Prime Minister Nehru was addressing the representatives of the Indian people 30 years ago. At the same time, his words bore profound relevance and appeal to a much larger constituency - indeed, to the entire world that lay outside the embrace of the opposing military blocs. They were universal and (Mr. Paz Aguirrer Uruguay) abiding truths, transcending time and space, that have since come to be integral elements of the principles of non-alignment and the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. The problems that we are again discussing today in this Assembly have their genesis largely in a negation of the right of independence and free choice of which Nehru spoke - that, too, in a part of the world that has fiercely valued nationalism, freedom and independence. Names such as Simon Bolivar, San Martin, Benito Juarez, Sandino and Jose Marti, speak eloquently of what one might call the spirit of Latin America, of heroism and bravery, of self-respect, of a refusal to submit to humiliation at the hands of alien masters. It is the natural antipathy between that spirit and the chronic attempts by outside Powers to meddle in the affairs of the region, combined with its endemic socio-economic maladies, that are largely responsible for the instability and strife that afflict Central America today. In the past three years the situation in Central America has come to be a matter of international attention and serious worldwide concern, now ranking among the ~~jor hotbeds of tension in the world. We have begun to speak of Central America in the same breath, and with as much of a sense of apprehension and concern, as we do of Palestine, Namibia or apartheid. That was evidenced during the general debate earlier at this session and in the statements made in the context of the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. The fact that the Assembly has for the past three years considered this new item on our agenda is itself a reflection of the international community's preoccupation with the prevailing tensions in Central Americn. The situation in Central America has figured prominently among the important issues engaging the attention of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. The Heads (Mr. Shervani, India) noted with concern the contimz~ng tension in Central America. More recently, at its Ministerial Conference in Luanda, the Movement gave expression to its "deep concern that the present situation in Central America constitutes one of the main focal points of tension at the international level." The MinistelCs: "also pointed out that, despite the constant appeals of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the rest of the international community and the efforts made by the Contadora Group in searching for a negotiated political solution, that situation had further deteriorated as a result of imper.ialist policies of interference and intervention which, along with the conditions of povery and oppression from which the region historically suffers, represent a real threat to international peace and security." (Mr. Shervani, India) When we consider the situation in Central America, our thoughts turn inevitably to the Contadora Group, which has for nearly three years now been engaged in an admirable effort to bring peace to that troubled region, marshalling the genius and calling upon the political will of Latin America itself to solve the problems afflicting the area. Beginning with the first meeting on the island of Contadora in January 1983, this unique exercise has earned universal recognition and support. The achievements of Contadora have not beell inconsiderable - among them the Document of Objectives finalized in September 1983, embodying the principles and parameters which must underlie any political settlement; and the revised Contadora Act of 7 September 1984, which was ostensibly prevented at the eleventh hour from seeing the light of day. In spite of impediments strewn in the path, Contadora has striven patiently and assiduously, undaunted by adversity, to put together piece by piece the structure of a settlement. The representat~~e of Mexico has only this morning informed us of the outcome of recent Contadora efforts, inclUding the meeting of Ministers which took place at Panama over the last three days, coming in the wake of prolonged negotiations among plenipotentiaries of the five Central American States and the Contadora countries. While one must express some disappointment at the lack of any final agreement, we have learned to be patient, and we still harbour the hope that the painstaking efforts invested so far will fructify before long. Contadora and the recently constituted Lima Support Group embody the hopes and aspirations not just of Central American peoples but of all peace-loving humanity: all of us have a vested interest in their success. As the Secretary-General has emphasized in his report of 9 October 1985, it is imperative for the countries with interests in the region to support with deeds the Contadora Group's efforts and refrain from any action that might adversely affect them. One would have thought that the fact that for two successive years this Assembly has pronounced itself by consensus in favour of a political settlement through the efforts of Contadora would be a happy augury. The adoption by the Security Council of resolutions 530 (1983) and 562 (1985) pointed in the same direction. Yet, regrettably, the situation on the ground in the region remains tense and disturbed and peace remains fragile. As the Secretary-General has, again, noted in his report, despite efforts of the Contadora Group, the situation in Central America has been steadily deteriorating this year. Eig, times in the last three years Nicaragua has felt COmPelled to have recourse to the Security Council. Every day, we are informed of fresh incidents of violence a~~ transgressions of borders. The war of correspondence at the united Nations accentuates the impression of overriding tension and animosity. Peace remains elusive as ev~r. We have remained particularly concerned at the continuing threats to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Nicaragua, a friendly and fellow non-aligned country whose efforts to build a new future for its people have been imPeded at every step. I should like at this point to quote once again from the Luanda Declaration: qThe Ministers condemned the escalation of aggression, military attacks and other actions against Nicaragua's sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity, stability and self-determination. In this regard they specially condemned the violation of its airspace and territorial waters, the launching of international manoeuvres and other intimidating acts; threats of seizure and occupation and selective bombing of Nicaraguan territory; the use of neighbouring countries as bases for aggression and the training of mercenary groups; acts of sabotage; air and naval attacks; the mining of the (Mr. Shervani, India) country's main ports; and the imposition of coercive economic measures, including the trade embargo.- The extract I have just read out provides a fairly good idea of the kind of threats and acts of force to which Nicaragua has been sUbjected, of which the Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs of Nicaragua has apprised us in fu~ther detail a short while ago. We have noted the two rulings made by the International Court of Justice - the Provisional Order of 10 May 1984 and the Judgement of 26 November lSS4 - upholding the admissibility of Nicaragua's plaint. We deplore the use of coercive measures against Nicaragua as well as the overt and covert attempts to interfere in its internal affairs. At the same time, we acknowledge the flexible and farsighted approach demonstrated by Nicaragua in the negotiations aimed at a political settlement, and we regret the fact that, in spite of insistent international appeals, the bilateral dialogue between Nicaragua and the United states remains interrupted. Such a dialogue could be a valuable supplement to the multilateral efforts under way. My country is, in a geographical sense, remote from Central America; many thousands of miles separate us. However, geography is no barrier to the sense of affinity that we perceive to the peoples of that troubled region, to their wishes and aspirations, to their right to live in peace and freely to determine their ow~ destiny. Peace in Central America cannot be based upon the exclusion of this or that state from the mainstream; nobody has the right to arrogate to himself the prerogative of determining what is best for others. Any peace based on the logic of diktat must at best be fragile. Rather, lasting peace must rest on the foundation of the principles of non-interference and non-intervention, of non-use or threat of use of force, of peaceful coexistence, of the purposes and principl~s of the United Nations Charter. The champions of pluralism must remember that the logic of that concept, on the international plane, dictates acceptance of a multiplicity of political and socio-economic systems. Generations of Central Americans have not known what real peace is. The problems of poverty and deprivation and external interference have produced only strife, instability and violence. Today, with the attention of the world focused on the region, there is a real chance of peace, provided it is given a chance. We hope that all the countries of the region, indeed ail those·who claim a vital interest in its affairs, will work towards that end. (Mr. Shervani, India) Mr. ALZAMQRA (Peru) (interpretation from Spanish): The problem of Central America which is once again under discussion by the General Assembly has disturbing features and involves a number of factors giving rise to a situation described by the Secretary-General in his report as volatile and fluid. The same document notes the growing support of the international community for the efforts of the Contadora Group, the importance of the formation of the Support Group, the Security Council's discussion of the trade embargo imposed on Nicaragua in May, and also notes a steady deterioration in the situation reflected by: "border incidents, threats, instances of foreign intervention and the continuing pre~~nce of military forces from outside the region. (A/40/737, para.a) These circumstances increase our concern and, consequently, the joint responsibility of Latin America in the Central American conflict. That responsibility is exercised in various ways and takes various but consistent forms, although today the entire region is grappling with adverse circumstances that may affect it$ own political viability in the future. Today Latin America, largely as a result of the unjust conditions imposed by its external debt, is experiencing an extremely serious economic and social crisis, a crisis of major proportions with political ramifications resulting from the instability caused by the progressive accumulation of unsatisfied demand with the result that State institutions are being overwhelmed in their efforts to satisfy the needs of the people. Today, democracy is being established in Latin America by sheer stubborness in an international vacuumn and in the face of a complete failure of international co-operation. Despite this serious situation, Latin America, which has rid itself of its ancient political handicaps, is creating a stable social basis for that democracy and, as is well known, is developing an independent foreign policy. The efforts of the Contadora G~oup are an example of the new autonomy and of a radical new departure in approaching the problems of Central America, because the Contadora countries represent the only viable diplomatic alternative that can cope with the grave tensions of the region and achieve a genuine democratic order throughout the isthmus. It is an initiative based essentially on normative prsctical considerations. The Charter, inter alia, embodies the principles of self-determination and non-intervention in the affairs of other States, respect for obligations assumed under international treaties, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. For its part, the Organization of American States under article 10 of its Charter provides for the prohibition of coercive measures of any kind directed against the sovereignty of a State. Together with such normative considerations, there is an obvious practical aspect which should be pointed out: the Contadora diplomatic process is in itself an alternative movement and is recognized by the international community as an option that obviates regional war. Two new factors have emerged in the present stage of the conflict and in the Contadora approach. In the first place, exhaustive and patient negotiations have produced a consensus document in the form of the Contadora Act of 19095 which, despite the problems that have arisen in the past year, continues to provide the basis for a lasting political commitment. ~hat document reflects a substantive breakthrough which may encounter obstacles and may require some readjustment or refinement, but it is .)ne from which we should not and must not retreat. The second new element is the creation, on the iniative of the President of my country, of the Lima Support Group, consisting of Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Peru, which has set itself the task of preventing external disruption of the ~ontadora effort and which seeks to create the external conditions likely to restore the vitality of the basic Grgu~g des~ite a confusing though not adverse turn of events. With the ~stablishment of this Support Group, 200 million more tat!n Americans have joined in supporting and sustaining the Contadora effort. Thus at the present stage in the Central American debate, we have, first, a complex documentwh!ch is the inevitable basis for any future gen~r~l settlement and, secondly, we have the participation of four countries which, with the five nations of Central America and the four of Contadora, constitutes - quantitatively &nd qualitatively - the most serious and sustained attempt at diplomatic consultation and agreement in the Latin American region in recent decades. Committed as the countries of the Support Group are to the cause of peace and understanding in Central America, we note with interest the various responses of countries involved in the process to the proposals of the countries sponsors of this Act, because clearly it is possible by that comparison to distinguish between legitimate concerns for national security and concerns that, perhaps as a result of outside influence, actually seek to obstruct and frustrate this process of negotiation and reconciliation. Latin America has a basic responsibility to succeed in that process, because when that happens, we shall require the super-Powers to observe and respect the agreements and solutions achieved by the Latin Americans themselves, and to refrain from interfering in the process of regional and national reconciliation of countries on the path towards unity and integration. Therefore, it is a historical obligation incumbent on those who, like Peru, base their foreign policy on support for generally recognized objectives under the Charter, and who have long sought to eradicate practices reflecting a disturbing tendency in the direction of international anarchy, to point out thosn new (Mr. Alzamora, Peru) developments that they consider to be palL'ticularly negative and dangerous and which imply a return to a policy of institationalized aubvarsion cf lE9itim&te regimes. There is no plausible justiflcatiQn for unilateral coercive action, overt or covert, and far less for moral self-indulgence. We do not recognize the moral right of any state to impose norms of international conduct. 'We accept only the morality inherent in the principles of the Charter and the effor.ts which, under the Charter - and not against it - may bridge cbe alarming gap that we see today between civilized forms of conduct and erratic international behaviour e Therefore, what is disturbing in this context is that the more or less untrammeled use of force against regimes that do not adapt their political behaviour to the dictates of a "recipe for the hemisphere" imposed from above, might sabotage the only Latin American diplomatic initiative capable of overcoming the contradictions rooted in the Latin American region, the origins of which are not limited to the ~ifficulties created by the co-existence of regimes of opposing ideologies but, rather, have a long history of material institutional and democratic privation. We are even more concerned about the possibility that if that approach is adopted, an attempt may be made at the exclusive super-Power level to exercise the right, bilaterally or unilaterally, to resolve the regional conflicts of the third world. That would be tantamount to a repudiation of the multilateral system of international relations, a rejer~tion of everything that this Organization stands for, and the elimination of the principle of self-determination for all time. (Mr. Alzamora, Peru) The Central American crisis thus takes on a universal dimension and scope because in it, as in other regional crises, fundamental principles ana values are at stake for all developing peoples. Those values include peace, freedom, human rights and justice, although they may be understood in different ways. At stake also are the principles ~~ non-intervention and self-determination, and also the t capacity and right of a region to resolve its own problems without interference. This is extremely serious, because in the present world situation the third-world regions are seeking to escape the tensions and constraints of a bi-polar fate and to build with ever greater dedication their own systems of sec.rity, CO-OPeration and the settlement of conflicts. The conflict in Central America is thus being exacerbated by a profound error in the perception of the general character of the Latin American problem and of what the political priorities of tne continent should be. There is a compulsive inSistence on considering the conflicts thalt today afflict Central America exclusively within the context of the East-'West confrontation, to the prejudice of a more realistic view of the hemispheric si.tuation, which might make it possible to overcome the obstacles to the development of the Central American peoples and open the way to the sharing of responsiblities and tasks with the international community. To destroy the efforts of Contadora would be to destroy also Latin America's faith in concerted action to bring about conciliation and understanding, consequently destroying also the foundations of harmonious, peaceful and constructive coexistence in the hemisphere. That is why the peoples of Latin America have unanimously declared and today reiterated their firm rejection of all positions which foster a military solution of the Central American conflict. Only realistic negotiation and the effective (Mr. Alzamora, Peru) guarantee the peace and security of all the countries of the region while at the same t~e preserving the right of those peopl~g to self-determination and effective, true democracy that links freedom and justice and in which political and economic pluralism can promote national unity and regional fraternity for all Central Americans. Mr. AL-ANSI (Oman) (interpretation from Arabic): As we are considering today the situation in Central America, I should like at the outset, on behalf of my delegation, to convey our deep sympathy to the people and Government of friendly Colombia on the occasion of the tragic events which have befallen that country following the eruption of the volcano, Nevado del Ruiz, on 13 November 1985, taking a heavy toll of human life, displacing the population and forcing many people to live in very difficult circumstances. I am confident of the Colombian people's ability to close their ranks to overcome the tragedy that has befallen them. We also believe in the abili~y of the peoples of Central America to work together sincerely to build confidence and create positive conditions for dialogue and understanding, so as to contribute tangibly and effectively to the settlement of any problem that could jeopardize fraternal relations among them. We also believe in their ability to serve the purposes of regional solidarity, surmount the obstacles in the way of progress and development and rid themselves of the threat of violations, conflicts, wars and foreign intervention under any pretext. We have carefully read the report of the Secretary-General (A/40/737), dated 9 October 1985, submitted pursuant to Security Council resolutions 530 (1983) and 562 (1985) and General Assembly resolution 39/4, which was adopted by consensus in 1984. This comprehensive, exhaustive report and its annexes make abundantly clear the strenuous efforts made by the Secretary-General and the competent united Nations organs in support of the objective of the Contadora Group and of Central (Mr. Alzamora g Peru) America of finding a just and peaceful solution and achieving stability and , security for tbe countries and peoples of that region. My country, which in its foreign policy has ~onstantly supported the efforts to promote international co-operation and solidarity and encourage regional co-operation on the basis of peaceful principles, takes a special interest in seeing the objectives of the Contadora Group fUlly achieved and any obstacles to those efforts overcome. Logical dialogue on a peaceful basis is the best means of ensuring the fulfilment of the aspirations of the peoples of Central America, Latin America and the Caribbean, and of creating the circumstances necessary to support regional co-operation among those States. The efforts made by the member States of the Contadora Group, Panama, Venezuela, Colombia and Mexico, are indeed an example that should be emulated. The revised Act put forward by those States in September 1985, with the explanatory note annexed thereto, constitute a good and acceptable basis that could be worked upon and developed, if deemed necessary, in order to meet the wishes of all the parties directly concerned. In this regard, it is important to refer to the great potential of the Support Group, made up of Brazil, Peru, Uruguay and Argentina. That Group, because of its deep urAerstanding of the concerns and hopes of the peoples of the Central American States, could contribute to bridging the gap between the viewpoints. The member States of the European Economic Community, Spain and Portugal, and the member States of the Organization of American States can also play a useful role in this regard. Our own experience within the framework of the Gulf Co-operation Council, which is composed of oman, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Bahrain, has made it clear that efforts to ensure regional co-operation are of extreme importance, particularly when the countries concerned act in good faith and (Mr. AI-Ansi, Oman) have identical or similar cultural and human circumstances. The Gulf Co-operation Council, WhOBe summit conference ~qaea on 6 Uovember 1985, has become a vivid example of the spirit of solidarity not only at the level of the Gulf and the Arab Peninsula but also at the national'Arab and Islamic levels. We support the objectives and efforts o~ the Contadora Group and wish it every success. We shall continue to support those e£forts. The meeting rose at 1 p.m. (Mr. Al-Ansi, Oman)