A/44/PV.10 General Assembly

The Assemhly will now hear a statement by the Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea. Mr. Son San", Prime Mini~ter. of Democratic Kampuch~a, was escorted to the r.ostrum.

I have,great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea, Mr. Son Sann, and I invite him to address the General Assembly. Mr. SON SANN (Democratic Kampuchea) (interpretation from French): Allow me, Sir, to take this welcome opportunity to convey to you our warmest congratulations on your acce~sion to the presidency of the General Assembly and my sincere wishes for the complete success of your nohle task. Today I have the siqnal honour of reading out the following message addressed to the Assembly, at its forty-fourth se~sion, hy His Royal Highness Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, leader of the Camhodian National Resistance and President of Democr.atic Kampuchea: "Mr. Presinent, "It iR d great honour and pr ivi] ege for me to address you and your august Assembly in my capacity as leader of the Cambodian National Resistance against the Vietnamese colonialist ()ccupation and as President of Democratic Rampuchea. "Allow me, first of all, to say how gratified and honoured I am to extend to you, on behalf of Democratic Kampuchea and its people, which have always maintained cordial and fraternal relations with Nigeria and its people, our profound satisfAction and most heartfelt congratulations on your hrilliant election hy acclamation to the lofty responsihiJitieR of the current sessi.on of the General Assemhly. This is a well-de~erved trihute by our world Organization to a distinguished son of both Nigeria and Africa, as evidenced hy your tireless activities against apart~, your high human Qualities, diplomatic experience and great wisdom. "1 should also like to pay a heartfelt tribute to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina, for his great competence and wisdom, which made it possible for him to conduct the work of the forty-third session of the General Assemhly so successfully. "LAst hut not least, r pxpress again - with pleasure, as always - to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pere? de Cuellar, our deep esteem and our warmest congratnlations on his patient and tireless efforts, as well as on his praiseworthy initiatives aimed at upholding, in the search for solutions to complex international problems, the vigour of the principles of the United Nations Charter, in particular its objectives of universal peace, security and prosperity based on human di.gnity and social and economic justice. His wisdom, clearsiqhtedness and competence do honour. to the hopes mankind haR placed in the United Nations b€.>cause they have restored its authority in playing its irreplaceable role of maintnining international peace and security. Never. have the prestige and efficiency of the United Nations heen so great and multiJateralisrn scored such a ~ucceSR. "This year the prohlem of Camhodia has f~eouently been in the spotlight of the international political ~cene. This reflects the growing concern of the international community to sp.e a rapid resolution of the prohlem, as in the case of somp other regional prohJem~. The countries of the Association of Routh-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have, within the framework of the Jakarta (Mr. Son Sann, Democratic Kampuchea) Infor.mal Meetings, pursued their tireless, noble efforts in that direction. I have pursued my personal effort~ as well, going so far as to do violence to my dignity and self-respect by meetinq the head of the illegal regime installed in Phnom Penh by Vietnamese forces, with the aim of exploring all possihilities, small though they may he, for restoring to my homeland and people, peace, national independence and freedom in territorial integrity. Quite recently, from 30 July to 30 August last, France was kind enough to organize an international conference on Cambodia in Paris aimed at reaching a comp~ehensive, just and lasting solution to the so-called prohlem of Kampuchea. To all the ASEAN countries and their Heads of State, to France and to President Francois Mitterrand, who have done so much and continue to exert such nohle efforts in contrihuting to the rescue of Cambodia and its people, the Cambodian National Resistance, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea and I personally pay a resounding and respectful trihute and extend our deepest gratitude. "Alas, all these nohle and tireless efforts have so far failed to hring about a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the so-called problem of Kampuchea. "I have put forward a five-point peace plan for a comprehensive and eauitahle solution of the problem - which is, let me recall, a prohlem between Viet Nam, the aggressor, and Cambodia, the victim. In this plan r have proposed, amonq other things, the two f.ollowing elements: (Mr. Son Sann, Democl'atic Kampuchea), "First, the total and definitive withdrawal of all categories of Vietnamese forces and all Vietnamese settlers from Canbodia, under the effective control of a United Nations intf::t'national control mechanism and assisted by a United Nations peace-keeping force. "Secondly, a genuine na tional reconciliation among all Canbodians, regardless of their past or political tendencies, within the framework of the fornation of a provisional quadripartite gove:nment, a quadripartite administration and a quadripartite army. This is not merely a matter of power-sharing but one of achieving a balance between all the Carrbooian parties so as to ensure, after the total and genuine withdrawal of the Vietnamese forces, peace, security and stability in Carrbodia, in order to enable the Carrbodian people to exercise their sacred right to self-determination, through free and general elections under Uni ted Na tions supervis ion. "We do not ask of Viet Nam anything that belongs to it. We ask Viet Nam only to give back \\bat belongs to Carrbodia and the Carrbodian people, namely, our independence and territorial integrity within our legal boundaries interna tionally recogn ized up to 17 March 1970. To those people in the Vietnamese-installed puppet regim~ in Phnom Penh, we reach out our hand in a gesture of national reconcil iation, in the higher and lonq-term interests of Carrbodia and its peopl e. "The Phnom Penh regime is merely the creation and creature of Viet Nam imposed by force of arms in ,'January 1979 upon the Catfbodian people. The State of Democratic Kampuchea, of which I am President, could not stand aside in favour of the illegal Phnom Penh regime, nor could it rally to th is reg ime whose Constitution, Whatever the amenanents, remains unacceptable because it is illegal. Nevertheless, out of conce:n to reach a rapid solution and (Mr. Son Sann, Democratic Kampuchea) I I I I I ____________J Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library shorten the suffer ing of the Canbodian people. we have decided to make a very substantial r.oncession by acceptinq the dismantling of the leqal State of Denocra tic Kampuchea s imultaneously \~i th tha t of the illeqal Phnom Penh reqime. "The main objective of my proposal is not, let me repeat, a power-sharing amonq the four CaITbodian parties. It aims at crEatinq, after the qenuine 'l1ithdrawal of all Vietnamese forces, a balance between all the parties which, at last reconciled '·i thin a na tional un ion government of Cannodia, will he entrusted with the task of maintaining a climate of peace, security and stability within whic.'1 the Cannodian people. the sole and true master of Canbodia, wiU be able freely to exercise their sacred r iqht to self-determination, choose their leaders and the political, social ann economic reqime to their lik inq. "The generosity of my proposals is matchless in history, in particular when one is familiar with the fate that was reserved for Norway's Quisling and France's Laval and their ilk shortly after the Second Wor Id War. "Nevertheless, Viet Nam hascateqorically rejected all my proposals. In so doinq, it has qiven glaring proof of a complete absence of political will, sincerity and good faith in the search for a ccenprehensive, jll.:;t and lastinq solution to the so-callen problem of Kampuchea. In response to the appeal made by Mr. Roland Dumas, Minister of stat.e and Minister for Foreign Affairs of France, and Co-Pres ident "f the Conference, for flexibility on the part of all the participants, Mr. Nguyen Co Thach, Vietnamese Deputy Prime Min ister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, replied that '\7iet Nam shall be as flexible as steel'. (Mr. Son Sann, Democratic Kampuchea) "By refu.<;inq to pl"lce the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Canbodia under the eHective control of the United Nations, and by opposinq the formltion of a provisional quadripa(tite qovernment of Carrhodia, which miqht enable t.l-)e Canbodian people freely and democratically to ch.oose their leaders, Viet Nam has simply shown that it does not have the slightest intention of putting an end to its colon iali~t occ'lpation of Canbodia and its policy of annexa tion of Cambodia into the 'rndo-Ch ina Federa tion' under Hanoi's dominati(:m. Indeed, United Nations control and the provisional qUAdripartite government of Carrbodia would give eI1idence to the whole world of the existence i.n Carrbodia of .1t least 30,000 Vietnamese soldier s disgu ised as Khmer soldecs of the Phnom Penh puppet regime, of at least 100,000 armed Vietnamese concealed among the more than one million Vietnamese settlers, of sevel."al tens of thou!'Iands of so-called Vietnamese advis ecs, disgu ised as 'Carrhodians' in the puppet adninistrative apparatus, from the top down to the village levels. For Viet Ndm to accept Uni ted Na !:ions control and quadr iparti tism is to accept puttinq an end to Vietnamese colonialism in Cambodia and qiving up its 'Indo-China Federation'. "Viet Nam refuses any effective United Nations role in Carrbodia under the pretext that our world Organization is 'biased' because it continues to (Elcognize amonq its Members Democratic Kampuchea, the victim of Vietnamese aqgr esS ion, and that the General 1\ssenbly continues yearly to adopt a resolution condeming this aggrt~ssion and callinq for the total and unconditional withdrawal of all Vietnamese forces of aqgression. From the nock, Viet Nam wants to pose as .." judge, to call into question the 122 States Menbecs of the United Nation!'; that voted last year for the resolution of the situation in Kampuchea and to compel t.."lem to violate, like Viet Nam. the United Nations Charter. (Mr. Son Sann, Democratic Ka:npu ch ea) "Viet Nam rejects the formation of a provisional quadripartite government of Cambodia, an organ of genuine Cambodian national reconciliation, hecause this government would necessarily comprise the Den'ocratic Kampuchea party, 'the Khmer Rouge'. In order to justify it~ crim~s Against ~arnhodia and the Cambodian people, Viet Nam continues to hrandish the 'PoI Pet-Khmer Rouge danger~ and the 'prevention of their return to power' ~s being one of the fundamental aspects of the so-called prohlem of ~ampuch~a. "I do not hav~ the sliqhtest intention of defending the cause of the Khmer Rouqe, nor do 1 have any reason to do so. But ohjectivity prompts me to say that if one should judge and condemn the Khmer Rouge for violation of human rights, on~ shol~ld also he fair enough to judge and condemn the Hanoi leader~ and their Phnom Penh puppets for their crime~ against humanity commltt~d in Cam~dia, as evidenced by Amnesty International in its annual reports, hacked hy many details, photographs, sketches and drawings. "1 agree that the prohlem of strict respect for human rights in Cambodia is extremely important and that it is essential that effective and r·.~alistic measures he taken to ensure such respect. But the most urgent measure is the definitive and genuine withdrawal of Vietnamese colonialism in all ita forms from Camhodia. "A~ for the Khmer Rouge, they have- provided for1\lal written guarantees of their no~-return to exclusive power after the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Cam~dia. ~hey have formally reauest~d the sendinq to Camhodia of a United Nations control mechanism and a substantial United Nations peace-keeping for.ce. They have proposed the total disarming of their ar.med forcps., together with that of the armed forces of the other Cambodian parties, or at least the rp.duction in strength of each of the Camhodian armed forces to cr~. Son Sann, Democratic Kampuchea) 10,000 men, and the restriction of those forces in harracks under the supervision of a United Nations control mechaniRm. They have solemnly renounced communism and accepted for Cambodia a liheral democratic regime and political pluralism similar. to that of the Fifth French Republic. They also pledge fully and always to respect the return of free and general elections supervised by the United Nations. Finally, their leaders, such as Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, Ta Mok, and others, have solemnly declared that they sh~ll give up any political, government, administrative or military activities in the new Camhodia resulting from a comprehensive settlement of the so-called problem of Kampuchea. (Hr. Son Sann, Democratic Kampuchea) "For national reconciliation to be qenuine, it cannot be exclusive. If one of the Canbodia~ parties were to be excluded, it would be vain to attempt to ensure this peace, security and stability so essential to the self-determination of the Canbodian people. "The Ca1!bodian National Resistance and the Coali tion Government of Democratic Ka~uchea have made the maximum concessions possible to Viet Nam, save that of handing Cambodia over to Viet Nam on a silver platter, which is what Viet Nam is seek inq. "The so-called total and unilateral withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Cambodia, proclaimed for and allegedly completed on 26 Septenber last, aims actually at, first, having the world conmunity rubber-stamp the so-called cessation of Viet Nam's occupation of Cambodia; secondly, havinq foreiqn mil itary a id to the forces of the Canbodian National Resistance curta iled; thirdly, obtaining the de facto maintenance of the Phnom Penh puppet reqime under the cover of which Viet Nam will continue to occupy Canbodia with several tens of thousands of Vietnamese troops disquised as puppet soldiers, with more than a hundred thousand militiamen concealed among t~e more than 1 million Vietnamese settlers and several tens of thousands of Vietnamese 'advisers' at all le.rels of the puppet adninistration. "In order to ease the ever qreater and more resolute pressures exerted each year by the overwhelming majority of United Nations Menber States, the Socialist Republic of Viet Mam is dr iven to resort to the subterfuqe of unilateral withdrawal of some of its troops in uniform without any effective control by the United Nations, while other disgused ".roops continue to come into Canbodia without the knowledge of the world conmunity, with the obvious (Mr. Son Sann, Democratic Kampuchea) objective of trying to turn its agqression and occupation into a so-called civil war, backed by a major Vietnamese 'fifth colunn' disguised within the puppet army, and concealed among th e Vietnamese settlers. "Without an international control and supervision mechanism of the United Nations, the so-called total withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Canbodia is merely a fraud and a manoeuvre intended to lull wor ld public opinion and to obtain West.ern aid, which Viet Nam has been denied because of its occupation of Canbodia. "If our Asserrbly were to allow itself to be persuaded by this deceitful Vietnamese propaganda, the united Nations Charter would be trampled underfoot, and the fate of small countr ies such as Carrbodia, which is based on the defence of their O\"Jn rights, could no lonqer be defended. Faith in the United Nations would be shaken if one of its MenDers were to be allowed to continue, as for almost 11 year,:; now, to trample underfoot with impunity the principles of the Charter, and shamelessly mock the international will of the United Nations to fulfil its role of maintaining international peace and security. "The sole objective of the Can'bodian National Resistance and the Coalition Government of Denncratic Kampuchea is to fulfil the deep and legi timate aspirations of the entire Canbodian peo~le, that is, the restora ticn of peace in Cambodia, in independence and freedom. In the face of the arrogant obstinacy of Viet Nam, which wants to pursue at all costs its COlonialist occupation of Cambodia, the Cambodian National Resistance and the Coalition G;,:,-ernment of Democratic Kampuchea have no other choice but to carry on their struggle for the realization of these aspirations, so long as Viet Nam does not agree to withdraw genuinely, under the control of the United (Mr. Son Sann, oemocrat!£ Kampuc:h ea) Nations mechanism, assisted by a United Nations peace-keeping force, all cateqories of its forces from Canbodia~ so lonq as it refuses to restore to Cambodia its full and complete independence as well as its territor 1al inteqrity, and to the Canbodian people their sacred and inalienable riqht to self-determination. The Phnom Penh l'~ime is unacceptable. Whatever Viet Nam may do, that regime is illeqal, because it is a mere creation, a pure creature of Viet Narn, and it only serves Viet Nam's ideological, strategic, economic and expansionist interests. We are confident that, being aware of Viet Nam's mac:hiavel1ian subterfuge, all peace- and justice-lCNinq countries \1ttlose representatives are present here in this Assent>ly, will not fail to continue to grant their nobJ,e and steadfast support to our just cause: the survival of the Call'bodian nation and its national identity. To all of them, I should like, on behalf of the Cambodian National Resistance, the Coali tion Government of Democratic Kampuchea and on my own behalf, to express once aga in our most profound, sincere and infinite qratitude. "Since the laat session of the General Assenbly, the world political situation has been marked by some encouraqing deYelopments which have fortunately resulted in a proqressive reduction of international tension. "The year 1989 is unden iably an auspicious year for Africa, thanks to a favourable development in the search for solutions to reqional and local conflicts. The 22 Decenber 1988 aqreements have at last paved the way for the implenentation of the United NatiOi1s plan for theindependenc~ of Namibia, embodied in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). It In a month's time, the Namibian people will at last, after more than a century of illegal foreign colonization and occupation, be able to exercise (~. Son Sann, Democratic Kepudlea) their right to self-determination and independence to~ether with territorial integrity. Nothing now should prevent them from fUlly enjoyinq this riqht. This is the triumph of their long heE'oic combat waged tI'ld~r the leadership of the South West Afr iea People's Organ ization, of the firm and manifold support of the Or9~izaUonof African Unity (OAU) and of all African Ct'luntries md peoples, of the dedicated efforts of the United Nations and its Council for Namibia, and of the prodigious mobilization of the entire international cOIIIDunity in their favour. Toqether with all the other Menber States of the Unl ted Nations, we impatiently look forward to sincerely welcominq a new nation, Namibia, into our world Orqanization. ''In Western Sahara, the efforts of our Secretary-GEneral and the current President of the OAU have made it possible to establish:;, technical conmiaaion to fac iU ta te and speed up the process of implementa t ion of the pelce plan accepted by all the concerned parties on 30 ~uqust 1988 in Geneva. "In Chad, the framework aqreement signed by the Chadian and Lib}tan Governments offera a leqal bas is and a medlanism for the settlement of their territorial dispute. That agreement testifiea to the will of Chad to establish peaceful relations with all its neighbours in a spit'it of respect for its sovereignty, territorial inteqrity and funt'-~tilental rights, in accordance with the principles of the United NaUons Clla~t.~:: and the resolutions of the OAU. We wish new successes to the brotherly Chadian Government and people in their flteadfast efforts to defend p~aee anC! independence, and in the development of their homeland. "However, the tree should not hide the foreat. Indeed, those encour:aqinq developments do contr ibute to the imprOllement of the world poli tical clirute, (Mr. SOn Sann, Democratic Kampudlea) but the~' remain Hmi ted. They should not maKe us forget that the wor ld politic~l sit~ation remains a matter of concern. "In southern ~frica, the situation remai~~ tense because the policy of aparthei~ of the racist minority reqime of Pretoria constitutes a permanent source of threat to peace and stahility in the African subcontinent. Toqether with all peace-, justice- anJ freedom-Iovinq peoples and countries, we stronq1v condenn the cr:iminal repression of the blaCK majority iX>pulation in ~outh Africa by the apartheid reqime of Pretoria, and the policy of bantustanization. We demand the immediate liftinq of the state of emerqency and the release of Kr. Nelson Mandela and all pal itical pr isoners. We here renew our full SUPPOLt for the just and legi timate struggle of the valiant South ~fr lcan people and their leaders, the Afe ican National Conqress of South Africa and Pan Africanist Conqress of Azania. (Mr. Son Sann, Oemocr~ Kampuchea) "We rp-iterate our firm sulidarity and our steaofast support for all of the frontline States in their struqgle aqainRt Pretoria's policy of aqqression and destabilization. We reaffirm our conviction that peace and stability will o)me to southern Africa only with the eradic.:itian of apartheid ann the forna tian of a non-racist and denncra tic qovernment in Sou th Africa. The halding next necemher of cl special session of the General Assenbly devoted to the question of apartheid and its destructive consequences in southern A.frica, \.,.nl surely brinq about iidditional aid and support with a view to attainin"" that noble objective for: which the South African people and the entire international oommunity are mobilized. "In the Middle East. the situation continues to worsen. The heroic resistance of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories te!'ltifies to the fact that acquisition of the territory of others by force is inaanissible, and that the question of Palestine lies at the very root of the Israeli-:\rab O)nflict. The oeclaratic)n of the independent f;tate of Palestine. the support of the Casablanca Extraor.dinary Summit of the Arab Leaque for the decis ions of the Palestine ~ational Counci 1 in Algiers, anc1 the dialoque between the United States and the Palestine Liberation Orqanization are all elements conoucive to the convening of an Internati,')nal Peace Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United N.'Jtions, with the participiltion of the five permanmt merrbers of the Security Council and all parties to the conflict, in particular the Pales tinp. t.ihet"...\ tion Organ i7.a tion. Peace will be restored in the Mitidle East only with the withdrawal of .111 fnreign forces from the occupied Palestin ian and l\rab terr Haries, the restor.l tion of the inalienablp. national rights of the Palestinian people, including their riqhts to create an independent State of i'alestine, and the riqht of all states in the region to (Mr. Son Sann. Democratic Rampuchea) live in security within recognized boundaries guaranteed a'l the basis of peaceful coexistence. "In Lebanoo, the fire of discor,'d and disintegration is being stirred up by the intervention of foreign armed forces. It is essential that the rele-..rant resolutions of the Security Council be implenentf'ld, and that all foreign troops wi thdraw so as to enable the Lebanese people to regain peace and national unity, and the Lebanese State to recover its territorial inteqrity anti full sovereiqnty by deployinq its legitimate forces throughout the country. "More than a year after the cessation of hostil ities, the confl iet between Iran and Ira::J is not yet resolved. It is our earnest hope that the efforts of the two parties to pursue direct neqotiations under the auspices of the Uni ted Na Hons Secretary-General, in the framework of security Council resolution 598 (1987), will result rapidly in a co1!'Prehensive, just and durable solutioo to the conflict. That would bring about a major contribution to the extinction of a hotbed of tension in the Middle East. "In Central America, a just and lasting peace has so far failed to be restored. Nevertheless, there is no other way to achieve this goal than the measures taken by the Cootadora Group, the Support Group, and the Esquipulas 11 Agreements. It is in this spirit that we reiterate our support for the diplomatic efforts and regional neqotiations cooducted 00 the basis of the principles that have inspired these measures and agreements, in particular the rc'ela Declara tion of the f i" e Cen tral American sea tes on 7 Auqus t 1988. "In Asia, our continent, efforts to reunify Korea have not yet yielded I1l1ch progress despite the sacred and unanimous wish of the entire Korean people. It is important that the meetinqs and talks at all levels, in all (Mr. SOn Sann, Democratic Kampuchea) fields between the two Korean parties, be expculded in conformity with the wise, realistic and patriotic proposals of President Kim III Sung. It is unde."\ iable tha t steadfast efforts are necessary for bu ilding up and developing reciprocal oonfidenc~ and understanding that are indispensable to a sustained process towards a peaceful and independent reuni £lea tion of the Korean father land. "In Aiqhanistan, because the withdrawal of Soviet troops has not put an end to the war, the Afghan people continue to be depr ived of their right to self-determination. In order to restore peace to this country, one should not forget that war was triggered by the Soviet invasion and that the Kabul regime has lost all lE9itimacy because it opened up the country to that invasion, and that its present leadecs have been installed by the invadecs. The arguments according to \4lich Pakistan is ostensibly responsible for the pursuit of the war can mislead no one because one hardly perceives what pleasure Pakistan could taiCe in prolcnging the burden of more than 3 million Afghan refugees to whom it has to give shelter on its territory for nearly 10 years now. Pakistan and its people should be congratulated and admired for their tireless hum;;nitarian action in favour of these Af(jlan refugees. The settlement of the problem of Afghanistan lies in the steps to be taken in order to enable the Afghan people once again to become the mastE!' s of their own des tiny and to choose their own leaders without any foreign intervention or pressure. The intecna tional commu.,ity has the sacred right and duty to support the just and legitimate struggle of the Afghan people to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. "The encouraging developments that we have seen in some parts of the world do lead us, indeed, to a modera te optimism, hut we must also be (Mr. Son Sann, Democratic Kamp.tchea) vigilant. Indeed, during the last two years we have seen that those \\bo are prompted by colonialist and expansionist designs have changed their tactics but not their strategy. The case of my country, Catl'bodia, is obvious. Viet Nam has not at all abandoned its annexationist designs. It is the struggle waged by the Cant>odiar. National Resistance toqeth~ with the entire Canbodian people, world pressure, and isolation faced in the international arena, and the catastrophic social, political and economic difficulties at home that have compelled Viet Nam to change its tactics. Viet Nam is desperately trying to ach ieve its expans ioo 1st goa15 through di plona tic manoeuvres and subterfuqes as it has fa iled to atta in them through military efforts. The Canbodian National Reslstanc;a, the Coalition Government of Democratic Karrpuchea, the Canbodian people and I myself, will in no way allow Viet Nam to realize its expansionist dream to the deteriment of our beloved Mother land. "History has taught us that freedom and peace ar e never granted, but r.:tther aOluired through hard-fought, multiform, just and resolute struggle. Our gains obtained durinq these past years are the results of such a col1lilon struggle for peace, justice and freedom-loving countries and people. we are confident that our endeavours in this direction will secure other victories that will help strengthen world peace and security, which constitute the sacred goal of the United Nations Charter and the most noble task with which we all are entrusted." May I be permitted to express my warm thanks to you and your kind attention to th is message of Norodom Sihanouk. (Mr. Son Sann, Democratic Kampuchea) l\DDRmS BY MR. EDWARD FENECH ADAMI, PRIME MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister: and Minister for Foreiqn Affairs of the Republic of Malta. Mr. Edward Fenech Adami, Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta, was escorted to the rostrum.

I have great pleasure in ''lelooming the Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Malta, Mr. Edward Fenech Adsmi, ~jd inviting him to address the General Asserrbly. Hr. ADAMI (Malta): Happily, the Secr etary-GeneraPs report on the war It of the Organ iza tion provided more th an one occas ion for a smile of contentment to relieve the more usual qrin with clenched teeth induced by realistic surveys of world affairs. Two of these pleasinq if small occasions were his conqratulatinq us on a deflationary trend in our rhetoric and on a qrowth of civility in our exchanqes. The proffer inq of our conqra tula tions to ~,.ou, Mr. President, on your election to th e pr es idency, and of th ank s to your pr edecessor, as well as to t".'l e Secretary-General himself, is part of due courtesy, not of vain rhetoric. Indeed it is possible, as in this case, to make ritual qestures with the greatest sincerity. The Secretary~eneralls r:eport allowed us to note, with very qreat satisfaction, that the performance of the united Nations has improved in substance as well as in form. I do not intend to rehearse either the ranqe of successes achieved or the persistent doldrums afflicting us. I would merely echo the sentiments already expressed by others. In this regard I will echo a statement made here by my predecessor, Mr. Georqe Borq-olivier, the first Prime Minister of independent Malta - an independence which was achieved only 25 years aqo, despite our existence as a nation for thousands of years. The most cr itical role in the transformation of the international cacophony of orchestra generally functions sa tisfactor ily if it is made up only of troll'booes and timpani. Some part is usually played by a flute or a piccolo. If the voice of a micro-Sta te such as ours does have any special claim to be heard in this assembly, it is certainly not because we illude ourselves that smallness of size ex antiquity of natiooal origin dowers us with some sort of super ior Olympian wisdom. It is r ath er that our min i-sta t.ur e does tend to mak e our self-interest more nearly coincide with the qlobal interest. A diminutive physique does not go as a rule with an enormous appetite for self-aqqrandizement but rather with a point of view that is singularly alert to the prospects and problems of the survival of all in a danger-filled environment. It is very precisely in that perspective that I speak here today. Let me explain what has prompted me to begin with this reminder. Of the specific issues with \Ilhich my country has mostly keenly involved itself ~ from the care of the elder ly to the need to curta il the traffic in armaments - from the very first years of our presence here, there is probably n<:ne with which the name of Malta has come to be more intimately associated than that of the col1lllon management of extraterritorial spaces. I am using th is term deliberately. I am doing so because unfortunately the coocept which we introwced and which has been incorpora ted as a founda tiorrstone in the law of the sea Convention and used in many other United Nations-sponsored trea ties, charters, declara tions and other juridical and policy instruments - the coltlnOn her i taqe of mank ind - continues to be misunder stood. It is not however misunderstood by the Secretary-General, and its essence is very act:ura tely captured in t."te phrase he uses in his report where he refers to "coJ1'lllOn management ••• reflecting a community of interest among MenDer States". (Mr. Adami, Malta) Precisely this identification of "a community of interest" among all nations, developing and developed - for the benefit of all. rich as well as pOor. whatever the nature of their ideology as well as their qec.\qraphy ~ was the l'lOtive force that moved us. The areas of coincidence between the interestls of all cateqories of States we;:e our target. Ours was not a move in a rush or onset by the hungry to gobble down sundry goods spread out on somebody else's table. On the contrary our startinq point was the existence of qoods which had t,wo characteristics: in the first place. they were not on anybody's table; they lc.\y still unexplored and unexploi ted beyond the limi ts of na tional jur isdiction~ they were the resources of extraterritoria.l spaces; and, secondly, their nature and location implied that they could not be ca tionally manaqed on the basis of legal relgimes conceived in terms of the conventional notions of "property" and of "sovereiqnty" with the absolutist connotations they have acquired in the roodern aqe. Our idea was that the common heritaqe of mankind should not be considered as the property of, Ot' as subject to, the sovereiqnty of anybody - not of the United Nations any more than of any individual oountry, not of the human collectivity any more than of any smaller human entity, not at any rate in any sense in which the ownet or the sovereign can do with it as it pleases him. Quite different and novel rules of management had to be devised. The Law of the Sea constitutes of course a major, however imperfect, step in that direction. It contains recoqnitioo that the vastness of extraterritorial spc\ce is not so unlimited that human activity cannot cause irreparable damaqe to it. Even more Set iOllS danqecs lurk in other extra terd tor ial spaces where the measures so far taken have been more fragmentary. Coos61uently I am urginq the Assenbly to take a fresh look at the whole ma tter not in the conceptual framework of the deba tes about property and sovereiqnty which w(!re comprehensible in the world of the past but in (Mr. Adami, Malta) the new situatioo proc:llced by the development of man's scientific and technoloqical activities. What is at stake is not at all competition between East and West, or eI1E1l primarily between North and South, but the victory of order over chaos, of sl,rvival over planetary destruction. My Government is convinced that there can be no true development without an environment which will permit mankind to live a life of diqnity and well-being. Furthermore, new technoloqies, population growth and the human ur~e to develop have brouqht about new, serious thrmts to the delicate ecological balance of our glebe. Indeed W(J believe that certa in of these threats risk causinq ir reparable damage, thereby endanger ing the very existence of life on EarthQ (Hr. Adami, Malta) Urgent action is needed to save our planet. The new env irQ\mental problems call for innOl1ative solutions to be devised. That is \\by we aotively supported the initiative taken by France, the Netherlands and NGrway, which led to the Haque Declaration on the atmosphere and climate change, s iqned last March. Malta is ralsing its enviroomental conce-ns in every forum. It will. be recalled that Malta's initiative to protect the qlobal climate led to resolution 43/53, which was unanimously adopted, entitled "Protection of global climate for present and future generations of mankind", which characterized Climate chanqe as the common concern of ma.nkind. The resolution sets out what is essentially a plan of action to counter the qrowinq problem of advecse clima te change. We are sa tisfied with the proqress which is beinq made in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Chanqe, established by the World Meteorological Organization and the United Nations Envirooment PrograJmle. We are convinced that if any proposed remedies are to be effected they have to take into account the economies of developinq Sta tes. Those States which have already developed and polluted cannot now expect other States to stUltify their own growth. This has to be the basis of any international convention on climate, if it is to enjoy widespread and qeneral acceptance. Malta has also actiVely participated in the Commonwealth Group of Experts on Climate Change, and it looks forwar.d to the outcome of the discussion of the subject at the October meeting of the Commonwealth Heads of Government, to be held in Malaysia. A new proposal which we are puttinq forward for active consideration at this forty-fourth session, and which I am pleased to announce has been accepted by the Assesmly's General Committee, as aqenda item 82 (j), is the protection of the environment of extraterritorial spaces. In this respect we are suqgesting that (Hr. Ma-mi, Ma Ita) as a first step a group of eminent persons be invited to prepare a study, possibly in time for consideration at the 1992 United Nations conference on environment and development. The group~s first effort could be an attempt to identify and specify the extra terri tor ial spaces and to examine which human activi ties are caus inq unreasonable damage to the environmental integrity of such spaces. Clearly, its task will be formidable, for, while it is importan~ not to regulate too late, it is not desirable to seek to regulate non-existent activities. Likewise, it may avoid unnecessary complexity by not seeking to tackle the common heritaqe as a whole, but restricting the immediate area of attention to extraterritorial spaces. Besides the high seas and the international sea-bed area, the sup~rjacent airspace, certain parts of the atmosphere and outer space, as well as such other more controversial areas as nay be determined, will have to be evaluated from the point of view of their environmental state. RecoJ1lRendations could then be made regarding the rights and duties of States and of the interna tional community and the revised or new legal instruments needed, at least for catastrophe avoidance. The group's report could serve at least as a preliminary basis on whidl our thinkinq could be realistically built in view of the new glooal requirements of present and future generations. So far I have been seeking to take account of the fact that it is not only "the problems of ocean space" that "are closely interrelated and need to be considered as a 'Nhole", as the preamble to the Convention m the Law of the Sea says. It is all the parts of our small planet, which are closely bound toqether in a single web. (t!!.. Mam!, Ma1ta) Nevertheless, the Convention and its sober consolidation open up the possibility of turninq ocean space into a real labol.'atory in the service of true development, with respect for the envirroment, which could be eXEmplary for oth« areas and, indeed, a foundation for the whole. For that reason, I wish to develop further the two main suqqestions which I made in this regard when I last had the pr ivileqe of addressinq the General Asseflt.Jly, and to clarify the essential thrust of both. Their coltlllon pivot is the need to associate, in the gove:nance of the institutions suited for ocean affairs and their analoques in other multiple-use domains, representatives of the whole cast of very "jar ied actors who opera te in the sea, instead of merely the representatives of States. ConsEquently, my first suqgestion was the establishment of a qlOOal forum on ocean affairs, where the representatives of states could meet and interact with those of all the specialized agencies of the United Nations system and of other intergovernmental and non-gov«nmental, scientific, commercial, envirQlmental and other organizations with an active and participative stake in the manaqement of ocean affairs in an integrated manner. My second suqgestion, also intended to facilitate the bringing into play of the potentialities of network buildinq, was the systematic strenqtheninq of regional institutions as an intermediate lelel, meshing the national and the qlOOa1. Several notable efforts have been IlBde, and are still being rrade, in that direction by the United Nations and its agencies. But there is still a central void - that of means by lIbich all the key actors in a sphere of activities can be brough t together • .,. Unfortunately, the all-too-often unharmonized operations of the different parts of natiQlal G011l!!l'nments themselves in the marine sphere are at present (Mr. Adami, Ma1ta) reflected at the interna tional level, and, for instance, the establishment of large exclusive eoonomic zones in terms of the law of the sea Convention requires integrated management systems, which it is difficult to set up by the unaided efforts of many an individual Sta tee The extension of national jurisdiction necessitates more, not less, international co-operation. Indeed, there are many articles in the Convention itself wh iell prescr ibe co-operation wi th coastal Sta tes by the coll'q)etent inte;-na tional authori ties - meCll ing, in most cases, Uni ted Na Hons agencies. My suggestion in this regard is, therefore, that reqional oonrnissions for ocean affairs be set up. They should have a very mixed menbership. There should not be meetings of representatives only of ministries of foreiqn affairs, or only of envirQlment or transport ministries, or only of intB'national organizations, or other entities of one kind only. All of the following should be there: the national focal points or other co-ordinating centres of national marU'ie activities, if they exist, as they should~ the reqional officers of the specialized United Nations agencies~ and other bodies, both interqoveri'1mE!ltal and govB'ftmental. Moreover, the cOl'illlissions should directly involve at all stages of ::heir work the major ocean users from all countries affected by regional decisions. Exper ience has shown that the contr ibutions of the actual users of resources usually prove extremely valuable to prevent poli tical obstacles from block in9 the progress of regional planning~ or to circumvent them. The characteristic input of actual USB'S is to anticipate such problems before they become frustrating and to devise procedures for their avoidance. Their participation is vital to the cOllU1lissions' fulfilment of their roV~. (Mr. Adami, Malta) That role is essentially me of rationalization. Consequently, the cost should not be heavy, No new larqe bureaucracies are needed, because all of the elements of the sysh,m are already in existence. There is only a r.eed for th~m to be ca talyzed. I have dwelt en th is point at some length not merely for its own sale e hilt also as an illustra tion of the new style of intEr'na tional govecnance that seems to be called for at the present juncture in world affairs. Similar organizational models can be envisaged in other spheres of activity, such as labour relations. The International Labour Or.ganisation (n.O) is, of course, a very striking instance ef an early structure involving Sta te and non-sta te organ iza tions as an essential aspect of the functioning of its system. A fundamental point of thrust:. for the regional conmissions for ocean affairs should be the del!elopment of technological capability. It is clearly in th~ fields of scientific research and technological capability that investment by funding agencies, national and interna t,icnal, is most inad~uate &!ld yet, over the years, most likely to yield the most endur ing ,contr ibution to human betterment. Two years ago I mentioned here that in fulfilment of. articles 276 and 277 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea Malta ha(3 proposed the !3ettinQ up of a Mediterranean regional centre for the develo1pment of marine technology. We envisaged that through it enterprises, both public and private p Clnd organiza'tions, bo th na tional and in tl'lr na tional, would he involved in the fin anc ing of projects judged to be of general bene£! t. We also expected that it would be a pilot undertak ing to be followed in other regions, me reciprocally beneficial to both the developed and the developing countr ies of the region. I am happy to report that with the direct support of the Secretary-General and his excellent collaborators the proposal has been pursued, especially throuqh the (Mr. Ad~mi, Malta) United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), and that it has found the support of several Mediterranean countries. I would like to stress again that, far from seeking to rival or compete with any other existing institutions, particularly European ones, the centre \'K)uld complement and enhance their activit.\es wit.'1 advantages to all. I am therefore confident that the centre will emerge as a model of North-South - and particular ly of Euro-Afr ican- Asian - co-op&ation in the one area of the world where the three continents meet around the "Middle Sea", at the very centre of which my country is placed. I have, as I said I would at the beg inn ing, concentra ted on only a few topics so that they stand out in a sharper focus. To some extent this is more possible today because the atmospher~ in international relations is improving so rruch that we have an opportunity to take a broader look and to identify other global dangers, :in particular those that threaten the environment and the ecooomic system. That does not mean that we are insensitive to a nuIl'ber of disputes that linger on, defying solution and spreading misery to the peoples involved. Many speakers more directly involved in those questions have drawn our attention to their plight. The greatest service we cm do for those people is to act, each of us as best we can, so as to encourage real dialogue and so as not to aid and abet those who feel that force or instransigence pay better dividends. Casting a glance at our region, we feel disappointed that the hopes we had entertained about a ~olutioo to the Cyprus problem have received a setback. As an island State in the Mediterranean we cannot but be concerned about the situation in Cyprus, one which, despite the efforts of the Secretary-General and the qoodwill the Government of Cyprus has shown, does not seem to be improving as we had all hoped a year ago. We make a strong appeal to all parties directly or indirectly concerned not to miss any opportunity to br iog to an end a tragedy that has not (~Adami, ~.a1ta) brought any benefit to those who sought, rather mistakenly, to find a solutim to their problems through division. If we all, without exception, send a cle:t.r message that we do not countenance division in that island nation, the parties directly concerned will not fail to extend the hand of co-operation to the Secretary-General and to each other. The tragedy of Lebanon is a blot on our civilization and on our times. I had occasioo to speak in strong terms on this conflict earlier this month at the summit meeting of the Movement of Non-Aliqned Countries at Belgrade. Since then a ray of hope has appeared with the acceptance of the Arab League initiative. Let us not be lulled into any false complacency. The peoples and Governments of the area have been presented with an opportunity, but far more strenuous efforts are re::}uired to translate that opportunity into a genuine and lasting peace. A genuine peace in the area can be lasting only when all the peoples l1ving there can exercise their sovereignty in full freedom within accepted and secure borders - and the peoples of the area include the peoples of Israel and Palestine. We encourage the ~ecretary-General and all other s who have taken positive initiatives to penevere in their efforts to brinq the day of peace and justice in the &lC'ea much nearer. The world has been impressed by the responsible and positive attitude taken by the representatives of the Palestinian people to realize their inalienable riqhts through a political solution, as repeatedly expressed in the United Nations. Their outstretched hand should not be icpored. The peace of the Israeli and Palestinian Deoples, and peace in the entire region and perhaps even in the entire world, demands a reciprocal move from the other side. We commend and support all constructive efforts being made to assist the process, and we wish to express our appreciation for the leadership exercised by President Mubarak in this regard. (Mr. Adami, Malta} In the other almost traditional areas of conflict that are reflected in our deliberations we have seen over the past year siqnificant, thouCjh perhaps hesitant, steps forward. The promise of a solution is there in Central America, in the Sahara, in Namibia, in the Gulf, in Afghanistan and in South-East Asia. Having conte this far, why should we betray the hopes of our peoples? Dare we hope that even in South Africa awrtheid w.ill be seen by all for the evil that it is and that it will be replaced by a system that gives due diqnity to man and woman irrespective of colour or race? The aspiration to realhe the unity and solidarity of the human race is precisely what inspired the concrete proposals Mal ta put foward about the common her i taCje and oonunon ooncer ns of mank ind in th e oceans, th e a tmosph er e and other extraterritorial spaces. That apiration is to I:>e pursued not only in political forums, such as the Asserrbly, but throuCjhout the educational systems of all countries. We are pleased that the new International Maritime Law Institute in Malta, constituted and run by the International Maritime OrCjanization (!MO), is to start receivinCj students from developing countries this October. It will undoubtedly increase the sk ills of those who are comni tted to the search for international solutions that go aCjainst the interest of no State but that serve to enhance the cOJllnon good of all the menbers of the human race.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the RepUblic of Malta for the important sta tement he has just made. Mr. Edward Fenech Adami, Prime Min .ister of t..he Republic of Malta, was escorted from the rostrum. (Mr. Adami, Malta)