A/44/PV.97 General Assembly

In connection with this item, the Assembly has before i t a draft resolution entitled "Assistance to Haiti", contained i n document A/44/L.67. I now c a l l on the Permanent Representative of Belize, who w i l l introduce the draft resolution. Mr. ROGERS (Belize); Draft resolution A/44/L.67 for assistance to Haiti emanates from requests by Mrs. Ertha Pascal-Trouillot, Head of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Haiti, i n her letters of 23 June and 9 August to the Secretary-General of the united Nations, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuéllar. The draft resolution seeks to ensure free and f a i r elections i n Haiti as that country moves forward on the path of democracy. It reaffirms the right of the people of Haiti to determine their own destiny and calls on the United Nations to provide technical and administrative support i n the electoral process i n that country. In i t s request for assistance from the United Nations, the Provisional Government of Haiti clearly outlines i t s urgent needs i n the observation and verification of the electoral process.

I should like to inform members that action on draft resolution A/44/L.67 w i l l be taken on Friday/ 14 September, i n the afternoon after consideration of item 28, "Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa".

Members w i l l recall that, pursuant to decision S-16/24 adopted by the Assembly on 14 December 1989 at i t s sixteenth special session, the Assembly, at i t s 95th plenary meeting, met on 20 July to consider this item and to hear the Secretary-General introduce his report on the progress made i n the implementation of the Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa. At that meeting, the Assembly decided that i t would resume i t s consideration of item 28 from 12 to 14 September 1990 i n order to examine i n depth the report of the Secretary-General, which was circulated i n documents A/44/960 and Addenda 1 and 2. In that connection, I should like to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the report of the Special P o l i t i c a l Committee, which was circulated in document A/44/709/Add.1. I now c a l l on the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

On 20 July this year, I introduced for consideration by the Assembly my report on the progress made i n the implementation of the Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences i n Southern Africa. That report, contained i n document A/44/960 of 1 July 1990 and i t s addenda, was submitted i n response to the request addressed to me by the Assembly at i t s sixteenth special session. I mentioned at that time that I would continue to follow the situation closely and would inform the Assembly of any major developments that take place. It was the intention of my report and of the mission that I arranged to send to South Africa to be factually objective and to reflect as wide a range of views as possible. To achieve that aim, the members of the mission met with v i r t u a l l y a l l p o l i t i c a l organizations and movements. The Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity was good enough to make available to me a copy of the report of the Organizations's Monitoring Group, which provided i t s assessment of the situation. In my report, I stated that a process had started towards the dismantling of apartheid through negotiations, although i t was s t i l l at an early stage. A number of measures had been i n i t i a t e d towards creating an appropriate climate for negotiations. In this regard, the action taken by the South African Government to l i f t the ban on p o l i t i c a l parties and movements was of particular significance. While welcoming those developments, I made clear that other essential measures stipulated by the General Assembly i n i t s Declaration remained to be f u l f i l l e d in their entirety. They included the release of a l l p o l i t i c a l prisoners and detainees, the end of the state of emergency throughout the country, the repeal of a l l legislation designed to circumscribe p o l i t i c a l activity, the removal of a l l troops from the townships and the cessation of a l l p o l i t i c a l t r i a l s and p o l i t i c a l executions. Almost two months have elapsed since the introduction of my report, but I regret i t i s not possible for me today to inform the Assembly that those measures have been implemented i n their t o t a l i t y , although some further steps have been taken in that direction. №iat I stressed at that time remains valid today - that continuing resistance to change on the part of the entrenched apartheid structures of the system, as well as existing security legislation, continue to inhibit free (The Secretary-General) p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . I also emphasized that the issue of violence, not least in Natal, needs to be addressed urgently and at the highest level. If allowed to continue unrestrained, i t could c r i t i c a l l y impair the current process towards p o l i t i c a l change. I had also expressed the hope that further progress would be made towards creating an appropriate climate for negotiations i n light of the contacts that had commenced between the Government and the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC). In that context, I was glad to learn of the successful outcome of their meeting i n Pretoria on 6 August, as reflected i n their Joint Declaration. The implementation of the various agreements set out i n that document w i l l without doxibt strengthen the prospects for early substantive negotiations involving a l l parties concerned. In particular, the Joint Declaration approved the recommendations of the bipartisan Working Group, referred to i n paragraphs 42 and 43 of my report, concerning the release of prisoners and the granting of indemnity. Under i t s terms, a plan would be drawn up for the release of ANC-related prisoners as well as the granting of indemnity to groups of persons i n a phased manner. The Government undertook to consider l i f t i n g the state of emergency i n Natal as soon as possible and to repeal certain provisions of the Internal Security Act. The ANC also took a very positive step by announcing i n that document that i t was suspending a l l armed actions "in the interest of moving as speedily as possible towards a negotiated peaceful p o l i t i c a l settlement and in the context of the agreements reached". The Joint Declaration of Pretoria reflects determination and c l a r i t y of vision, particularly as i t was concluded at a time of great national turmoil. The Government and the ANC did not allow the rising tide of violence to sway them from their course. In that regard, I am sure that the Assembly shares my profound sense (The Secretary-General) of anguish and deep concern at the continually s p i r a l l i n g cycle of violence i n South Africa. Indeed, i t can tear the fragile fabric of understanding that has begun to be woven. Each day brings fresh reports of deaths and eruptions of violence. Its source has been attributed variously to factional s t r i f e , to complicity of elements of the security forces and to terrorist a c t i v i t i e s by the extreme right. It i s not my intention to apportion blame or responsibility. Maintenance of law and order i s a primary duty of the Government but i t i s incumbent upon a l l parties concerned to contribute to the creation of an atmosphere in which negotiations can take place unhindered by fear. It would be remiss of me not to express special concern about the growing allegations of the culpability of elements of the security forces i n these incidents. That i s a l l the more disturbing since the effective discharge of their responsibilities requires that they carry with them public trust and confidence. The very recent report of the Goldstone Commission of Inquiry instituted by the South African Government reflected adversely on the conduct of some police o f f i c i a l s and suggests the need for impartial investigation of incidents involving the security forces. The South African Government has committed i t s e l f to undertake consideration of the l i f t i n g of the state of emergency i n Natal as early as possible. It i s my hope that urgent consideration w i l l also be given to the Transvaal province, where emergency regulations were recently imposed. As was stated i n my report, apartheid laws and repressive security regulations have adversely affected domestic tranquility and the people's sense of security and well-being. I am encouraged to see that the South African Government has undertaken in i t s Joint Declaration with the ANC tos "continue reviewing security legislation and i t s application i n order to ensure free p o l i t i c a l activity and with the view to introducing amendments to the legislation at the next session of Parliament." (The Secretary-General) It i s also my hope that there w i l l be an early repeal of the basic legislative structures of apartheid, two of which the Government announced i t i s planning to repeal early next year. Almost a l l p o l i t i c a l movements and organizations i n South Africa remain convinced, and this i s expressed in my report, that racial discrimination w i l l continue to fracture i t s society u n t i l the p i l l a r s of apartheid are removed. These have contributed to stark social and economic divisions which remain to be bridged. Indeed, the present violence i s widely seen to be rooted i n the structures of apartheid; the homeland policy and the migrant labour system. We are at a turning-point when the p o l i t i c a l process has been enhanced by the commitment of the South African Government, under President De Klerk, to dismantle the apartheid system, and by the constructive i n i t i a t i v e s taken by the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the statesmanship of i t s Vice-President, Mr. Nelson Mandela. I believe confidence-building measures at a l l levels can reduce violence and allow unimpeded progress towards a united, non-racial society. To that objective I am sure the overwhelming majority of South Africans and the international community stand committed. I should like to refer to the Programme of Action in the Declaration adopted by the Assembly which decided, among other things, to step up all-round support for the opponents of apartheid; f u l l y to observe the mandatory arms embargo; and to ensure that the international community does not relax existing measures aimed at encouraging the South African régime to eradicate apartheid u n t i l there i s clear evidence of profound and irreversible changes. I can report that, with very few exceptions. States Members have adhered to the Programme of Action, and this i s reflected in the replies from those Governments that have cared to respond. (The Secretary-General) (The Secretary-General) The United Nations and the Secretary-General can do no more i n this regard than what i s decided upon s p e c i f i c a l l y by the Security Council and the General Assembly. It i s the collective assertion of i t s resolve by the Assembly that can best ensure the implementation of the Programme of Action. The United Nations can claim with legitimate pride that the international consensus commanded by the Declaration on apartheid provided impetus to the process of change that has begun i n South Africa. It i s a consensus that has united the Assembly. It i s a consensus that must be maintained. It i s a consensus that must unite South Africa.

I thank the Secretary-General for taking the time to inform the Assembly of the major developments in the situation since the issuance of his report in July. Before c a l l i n g on the f i r s t speaker this morning, I should like to propose that the l i s t of speakers in the debate be closed today at б p.m. There being no objection, i t w i l l be so decided. It was so decided. The PRESIDENTS I therefore request those representatives wishing to participate in the debate please to inscribe their names on the l i s t of speakers as soon as possible. I now have the honour to c a l l on the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Mr. Ibrahim Gambari of Nigeria. Mr. GAMBARI (Nigeria), Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid; Mr, President, i t i s indeed a special pleasure for me to congratulate you once again on your presidency of the General Assembly at i t s special session on apartheid and i t s destructive consequences in southern Africa. The current meetings of the General Assembly w i l l mark the fourth occasion on which you preside over our a f f a i r s . I should therefore like to take the opportunity to congratulate you once more on the manner i n which you have directed the affairs of our Assembly during your tenure. It i s the hope of my delegation and that of the Special Committee that once again your diplomatic s k i l l s w i l l be brought into play to conclude this session as united as we were when the issues were focused upon last December. I speak this morning on behalf of my delegation and the Special Committee against Apartheid, and i t i s i n both capacities that I wish to congratulate the Secretary-General on his report which i s now before us. Indeed, the report i s quite comprehensive and reflects the situation inside South Africa. The members of

I should like to begin by paying a tribute to my brother, Major-General Joseph Garba, Minister of State of Nigeria, for the most s k i l l e d manner in which he has piloted the affairs of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Moreover, I should like to congratulate him on his presidency of the sixteenth special session of the General Assembly. I am sure that in his good hands, given his proven diplomatic s k i l l , the sixteenth special session has been a success. In addition, I should like to put on record our gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, for the way in which he has led our Organization through these times of momentous change, and commend him for the very extensive report he has prepared for us on the current p o l i t i c a l process in the Republic of South Africa. The report covers a wide range of topics and raises many important issues i n the pursuit of the goal of peace in the region of southern Africa. He expanded on that report in his statement earlier this morning, and (Mr, Gambari, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) the comments he made w i l l indeed prove very useful for the discussion we are going to have. This resumed session i s being held specifically to determine whether the Pretoria Government i s at last willing to heed the edicts of the international community and move to bring about a democratic order and stop the carnage i n the country. The Declaration adopted at Harare i n August last year by the Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) set out a series of measures which should be undertaken to achieve a negotiated solution to the problem of apartheid. The document was endorsed by the Heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries on 7 September 1989 and formed the basis of the Declaration adopted by the Assembly i t s e l f on 14 December 1989. The Assembly went on to request the Secretary-General to transmit copies of the Declaration to the South African Government and to prepare a report on the progress made i n i t s implementation. The Secretary-General did indeed - on 1 July this year - submit his report, and i t i s that report we are now discussing. (Mr. ghamuyarira, Zimbabwe) Let there be no mistake: In adopting the Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences i n Southern Africa, the General Assembly did not leave to individual speculation the c r i t e r i a for judging progress i n the creation of conditions for dialogue i n South Africa. The Declaration l i s t s five very specific actions that are necessary to create a climate for negotiations i n South Africa, and demands that Pretoria must "respond positively" (resolution S-16/1. para. 5) and urgently i n carrying them out. As we a l l know, these conditions that Pretoria is to meet are the following: f i r s t , release a l l p o l i t i c a l prisoners and detainees unconditionally; secondly, l i f t a l l bans and restrictions on a l l proscribed and restricted organizations and persons; thirdly, remove a l l troops from the townships; fourthly, end the state of emergency and repeal a l l legislation, such as the Internal Security Act, designed to circumscribe p o l i t i c a l activity; and, f i f t h l y , cease a l l p o l i t i c a l t r i a l s and p o l i t i c a l executions.

I t i s appropriate that we should be meeting again to consider the issue of apartheid i n South Africa and i t s destructive consequences i n the rest of the region. We do so now i n the context of the decisions we took last December when we unanimously adopted the Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences i n Southern Africa and mandated the Secretary-General of the United Nations to prepare a report on the progress to be made over the following six months towards the realization of the objectives of the Declaration. May I at this juncture say how happy we are to see you, Mr. President, a distinguished son of Africa, presiding over this very important resumed session of the General Assembly. We have no doubt that the decisions and recommendations to emerge from this meeting w i l l have far-reaching consequences on the future of South Africa and southern Africa as a whole. Allow me also to take this opportunity to express my thanks and appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations for preparing and submitting to us the report on the developments i n South Africa since the beginning of this year i n document A/44/960. I pay a special tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid, under the dynamic leadership of Ambassador Ibrahim Gambari, for i t s relentless and continuing efforts i n the struggle for the elimination of apartheid. I want to assure them that they can count on my delegation's continuing support i n this noble task. Since last December the situation i n southern Africa has, for the f i r s t time in many decades, begun to evolve i n a positive direction that gives hope and expectation to the long-suffering people of the region. I am referring, i n the f i r s t instance, to the successful completion of the United Nations process leading to the independence of Namibia on 21 March 1990. As President u n t i l yesterday of the United Nations Council for Namibia and as Chairman of the group of front-line States, Zambia has warmly welcomed Namibia's independence, emphasizing as i t does the fact that interracial harmony and peace are only possible in a truly democratic environment. It i s an example that South Africa should emulate. In the second place I am referring to the momentum that has emerged i n South Africa towards the holding of negotiations leading to the abolition of apartheid and the transformation of South Africa into a united, democratic and non-racial State. That new momentxim towards change has not come about on i t s own. It has been brought about by the pressures, both internal and external and including sanctions, that have been brought to bear on South Africa. But i n bringing about the so-called, talks about talks, the roles of both President De Klerk and Deputy President of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) Nelson Mandela have been very crucial. Without their persistence and patience i n dealing with complex situations i t would have been d i f f i c u l t to move ahead. Indeed, they both remain crucial to the peaceful completion of the process. The changes that we have witnessed so far i n South Africa, including the unbanning of the ANC, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) and other anti-apartheid organizations, the l i f t i n g of the state of emergency and the release of some p o l i t i c a l prisoners do not, as yet, represent the total fulfilment of the conditions we set for creating a climate favourable for negotiations. As the Secretary-General's report indicates - and indeed, as the Kampala decisions of last weekend emphasize - more must be done before South Africa can f i n a l l y be on the way to negotiations. I am referring for example to the resolution of a l l the problems relating to the release of a l l p o l i t i c a l prisoners and detainees, to indemnity against prosecution for a l l those South Africans who were forced by apartheid to flee the (Mr. Mvananshiku. Zambia) country and take up arms against the régime and to the repeal of a l l those laws and regulations that were designed to r e s t r i c t p o l i t i c a l activity i n the country. In addition there i s the question of dealing with the principal laws that created and that have perpetuated apartheid over a l l these years, including i n particular the Group Areas Act, the Population Registration Act and the Land Acts. Moreover, South Africa must deal with the problem of violence i n the townships. For some time that violence had been confined to Natal. I t has recently spread to other parts of the country, causing considerable loss of l i f e and destruction of property. The reported involvement of the security forces on the side of Inkatha i s a clear indication that some sections of the white population do not yet want to see the peaceful end of apartheid. Finally, negotiations on a new constitution for South Africa have yet to start. Even i f they do, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to t e l l i n advance what their outcome w i l l be, given the Government's unwillingness to concede straightforward democracy and given the extreme positions of some of the parties. It i s only when a l l those problems have been satisfactorily addressed that i t w i l l be safe to say that fundamental and irreversible change has occurred i n South Africa. This means that u n t i l that point has been reached a l l the existing pressures on South Africa, including the sanctions, w i l l have to continue. In this regard Zambia wishes to register i t s profound regret at the incidence of some Members of the United Nations deviating from their commitments to the Programme of Action reflected i n the Declaration. We therefore urge them to adhere scrupulously to the provisions of the Declaration i n the interest of accelerating the pace of peaceful change i n South Africa. In the rest of the region, and especially i n Angola and Mozambique, the problems that South Africa helped to spawn and that i t has sustained over a l l these (Mr. Mwananshiku, Zambia) 39-40 years sadly continue, despite the great efforts being made by the Governments of those countries to resolve them. The early demise of apartheid would greatly contribute to the resolution of those problems, provided a l l other foreign intervention comes to an end at the same time. (Mr. Mwananshiku. Zambia) I wish to conclude by saying that southern Africa now has a unique opportunity to resolve i t s problems and create peace i n an atmosphere free of confrontation and violence. We need the continuing engagement of the international community u n t i l apartheid has been eliminated and South Africa i s , for the f i r s t time, a united, democratic and non-racial State. In that regard, we wish to appeal to the international community to render every support and increased assistance to the national liberation movements to enable them to re-establish themselves inside the country and assist the re-integration i n society of released p o l i t i c a l prisoners and returnees. We also need the continuing support of the international community for the i n i t i a t i v e s of the Governments of Angola and Mozambique so that peace may f i n a l l y come to those two countries. Finally, the front-line and other neighbouring independent African States need every assistance so that they may be able to rebuild their economies, which have, for a long time, been affected by South Africa's acts of déstabilisation and aggression.

It i s in the natural order of things that precisely in the current special circumstances the presidency of the General Assembly should be held by a distinguished son of Africa as i t discusses apartheid and i t s destructive consequences in southern Africa. This greatly pleases the Algerian delegation, which sees i t as another well-deserved tribute to your dedication. Sir, to the struggle against apartheid and to the exemplary commitment of your country, Nigeria, to just causes in Africa and the world in general. I would also like to take this opportunity to express to the Secretary-General, Mr Javier Perez de Cuellar, the profound gratitude of my delegation for his tireless work in the accomplishment of his responsibilities and for the report he has submitted to us. For over four decades, southern Africa has been one of those regions of the world suffering most from injustice, repression and total denial of fundamental human rights. Nothing could i n fact be more significant than the debates that this question has prompted and the unprecedented number of decisions and resolutions in which over the years with rare consistency, the international community has forcefully condemned, and expressed i t s determination to put an end to, the odious system of apartheid. The changes that have occurred i n international relations and the winds of freedom and democracy that have been blowing over the world could therefore not accommodate the survival of a régime based on a so-called hierarchy of races which constitutes a system of institutionalized racial domination. Thus, inspired by legitimate concern, given the persistence of the practices of apartheid at a time when Africa saw i t s complete liberation at hand, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) determined to define a framework and the means for a p o l i t i c a l settlement of the problem of South Africa. The approach thus defined by the OAU was to win i n a s p i r i t of solidarity the f u l l support of the non-aligned movement and then that of the General Assembly, which from 12 to 14 December 1989 held i t s f i r s t special session devoted to apartheid i n South Africa. The adoption by consensus of the United Nations Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences i n Southern Africa constituted a striking expression of the unanimous rejection of apartheid by the international community and resulted in the establishment of ways and means to eradicate that anachronsitic system by implementing universal principles and stipulating the prerequisites for the achievement of a united, non-racial and democratic South Africa. The General Assembly also decided to remain seized of the question and to monitor carefully the evolution of the situation in South Africa. (Mr, Djpudi, Algeria) The Assembly i s therefore now meeting i n that context at a crucial and appropriate time - crucial because new developments have occurred i n the framework of a relatively promising process of dialogue, and, certainly, timely, because i t i s possible for us to conduct a lucid assessment of the progress achieved i n implementing the Assembly's Declaration and considering ways and means of responding to i t most adequately. It can easily be seen that since the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences i n Southern Africa, the situation in South Africa has evolved in ways that arouse hope that at last we may see the establishment of a society of equality and justice. The mobilization of the international community i n i t s struggle against apartheid has thus yielded i t s f i r s t f r u i t and confirmed the correctness of the method advocated for the eradication of that odious system. So i t was that the international community welcomed with joy the release of the great South African patriot Nelson Mandela and his fellow freedom fighters whose courage, s e l f - s a c r i f i c i n g s p i r i t and unshakable convictions triiimphed at last over the hardships of imprisonment and repression. The heroic resistence of the South African people was also recompensed by the legalization of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and other anti-apartheid organizations. The partial l i f t i n g of the state of emergency and the beginning of a process of dialogue between the South African authorities and the representatives of the ANC are also encouraging and promising signs. The international community must, however, not overestimate these f i r s t steps taken by the South African régime. The euphoria aroused in certain circles by the recent developments i n South Africa must in fact y i e l d to pragmatism, a s p i r i t of reality based on facts. It i s our duty at this crucial juncture carefully to (Mr. Djoudi. Algeria) 44-45 evaluate the effects of those measures and to view them i n the s t r i c t framework of the requirements set by the international community for the establishment of situation of normalcy. Indeed, as important as they may be, the measures are far from meeting the conditions set by the General Assembly i n i t s Declaration of 14 December 1989. The moves toward change by the Pretoria authorities cannot conceal the reality i n South Africa, where the overwhelming majority of the population remains subject to repressive and discriminatory laws and continues to l i v e i n fear and intimidation, s t i l l marginalized i n i t s own country. Thus the release of Nelson Mandela and his fellow freedom-fighters, as important as i t may be, w i l l only become truly significant when they recover their p o l i t i c a l and c i v i l rights. Likewise, the legalization of p o l i t i c a l parties w i l l only be truly meaningful when i t i s followed by the l i f t i n g of the prohibitions that s t i l l obstruct their a c t i v i t i e s . (Mr. Djoudi. Algeria) The partial l i f t i n g of the state of emergency has not thus far brought an end to repression, given the extreme repressive powers held by the régime under i t s ordinary laws. The report recently published by the Human Rights Commission of South Africa provides striking evidence of the persistence of State violence i n South Africa. Lastly, the mounting violence i n the province of Natal i s a source of deep concern. There i s no doubt on anyone's part that the police forces of the South African régime bear a large share of the responsibility. Such behaviour belies the statements made by the present leaders of South Africa concerning the establishment of a climate conducive to the peaceful development of the process just begun. In other words, i n our view the few concrete measures taken by the South African régime, however significant they may be, are far from constituting an adequate response to the legitimate aspirations of the people of South Africa, and remain fragmentary vis-à-vis the real problems and the concrete measures required for a solution. It i s by their acceptance of the conditions and the principles adopted by the General Assembly that the real decisions and intentions of the South African authorities must be evaluated and judged. This means that they must resolutely follow the sole course charted by the international community. That requires f i r s t of a l l the dismantling of the institutions and structures of apartheid and the abrogation of the texts which constitute the legal p i l l a r s of this system and which are i t s symbols - texts such as the Internal Security Act, the Public Security Act, the Population Registration Act, the Group Areas Act and the Bantu Education Act. The international community has also demanded the l i f t i n g of the prohibitions and restrictions on a l l p o l i t i c a l organizations, as well as the release of a l l (Mr, DJQudi, Algerigi) p o l i t i c a l prisoners and detainees, and an end to a l l p o l i t i c a l t r i a l s and executions. It demands, f i n a l l y , the total l i f t i n g of the state of emergency and the withdrawal of a l l troops from the townships. The Pretoria authorities must realize that they cannot implement the declaration of principles of the United Nations at their convenience; nor can they expect the international community to allow the integrity of i t s i n i t i a t i v e s to be in any way violated. South Africa stands today at a crossroads. The report submitted to us by the Secretary-General clearly reflects the situation i n South Africa and indicates what remains to be done for the achievement of a democratic society i n that country. By affirming, rightly, that the process under way in that country has only just begun and that further bold and creative measures w i l l be necessary to complete i t , the Secretary-General has correctly defined the scope and the impact of the measures adopted thus far by the South African régime and has expressed the international consensus. These measures, although encouraging, respond only p a r t i a l l y to the conditions set by the General Assembly i n i t s Declaration of 14 December 1989 and must be followed by more concrete and bolder measures. The international community, which has solemnly committed i t s e l f to the total eradication of apartheid, cannot therefore be satisfied with these measures, nor can i t feel convinced that profound and irreversible changes are really under way i n South Africa. Such a development in any event, at this c r i t i c a l stage of the evolution of the situation in South Africa, could not warrant a weakening of international sanctions. Thus, the international community, which has mapped the route which must be taken for the establishment of an era of peace and justice i n South Africa, must mobilize i t s action and maintain i t s pressure u n t i l the legitimate rights of the South African people are f u l l y restored and the conditions exist for the (Mr. Djoudi, Algeria) achievement of a democratic and non-racial society based on the free exercise by a l l of universal suffrage, i n a united and unfragmented South Africa. That i s the hope of a l l of us; that i s our shared objective.

Allow me at the outset, Mr. President, to express my delegation's satisfaction that this resumed forty-fourth session also i s taking place under your stewardship. Indeed, your presidency augurs well for the success of our work. Nothing could be more f i t t i n g than to see a most distinguished son of Africa presiding over this part of the forty-fourth session, dedicated to the problem of apartheid. It i s my honour to speak today on behalf of the twelve States members of the European Community. The General Assembly i s well aware of the position of the Twelve on apartheid. We strongly condemn i t and we are f u l l y committed to i t s eradication, by peaceful means and without delay. This abhorrent system of racial segregation and discrimination, institutionalized 42 years ago, runs counter to the most fundamental values in which our countries and our peoples believe. We do not need to recall here our policy with regard to apartheid since i n the course of the forthcoming f o r t y - f i f t h session we shall have the opportunity to set i t forth in f u l l e r detail. Rather, I should like to concentrate during the present debate on our assessment of the rapid and important developments that are taking place in South Africa. The Assembly has been convened at a time when hopes are running high that the dismantling of apartheid and i t s replacement by a democratic, united, non-racial society may at last be in prospect. The Twelve participated actively in bringing about the international consensus on the Declaration on apartheid and i t s destructive consequences, adopted last (Mr. Djoudi. Algeria) 49-50 December by the sixteenth special session of the General Assembly, under your presidency. S i r . The Declaration sent a strong signal from the entire international community of the need to abolish apartheid. There have been significant developments since then i n South Africa. The report of the Secretary-General of 1 July 1990 on the implementation of the Declaration offers, in this respect, ample evidence of progress. We wish to take this opportunity to thank the Secretary-General for his work. This report's commendable achievement of providing a comprehensive, accurate and balanced picture of the p o l i t i c a l process under way i n South Africa at a time of rapid movement deserves, we feel, the Assembly's praise. Since last December some very important steps forward have been taken. I refer i n particular to the commitment by the Government to abolish the apartheid system; to the release of p o l i t i c a l prisoners and especially of Nelson Mandela, a courageous leader who remained throughout his long captivity a source of inspiration to millions of South Africans - and not only South Africans - opposing apartheid? to the unbanning of p o l i t i c a l parties and movements; to the substantial l i f t i n g of the state of emergency. Most importantly, a process of dialogue was effectively set i n motion with the talks held in Cape Town i n May between the Government and the African National Congress, and with their common commitment to a peaceful process of negotiations. The Twelve, i n expressing their strong support for this p o l i t i c a l process, pay a tribute to the role played by President De Klerk and by Mr. Nelson Mandela and to the foresight and courage displayed i n their efforts to bring about a new era in South Africa. (Mr. Traxler. Italy) The report of the Secretary-General states that the country has reached the threshold of such a new era and that "the p o l i t i c a l process on which i t has embarked holds encouraging prospects of leading to the dismantlement of apartheid". (A/44/960, para. 16) The Twelve share this assessment. A mission of the European "Troika" that visited South Africa from 11 to 14 April and had extensive contacts with a l l the p o l i t i c a l parties in the country had already noted then a significant improvement in the p o l i t i c a l climate. Subsequent developments have confirmed this positive trend. We are well aware that a long and d i f f i c u l t road s t i l l l i e s ahead. While some of the discriminatory legislation - like the Separate Amenities Act - has already been scrapped, the bulk of the so-called p i l l a r s of apartheid - the Group Areas Act, the Land Act, the Population Registration Act - have not yet been removed. At the same time, as the report of the Secretary-General points out, the process of change i s encountering d i f f i c u l t i e s and challenges at various levels: the acute social and economic problems affecting the black population, the p o l i t i c a l l y related violence and, in more general terms, the fact that fundamental change i n any society often creates uncertainty, anxiety and fear. These adverse factors are to be reckoned with. But, as the Secretary-General stresses i n his report, "the challenge of nation-building ... has already begun to s t i r the people of South Africa i n ways that hold the promise of profound and beneficial change". (Ibid., annex I, para. 255) The Twelve have noted with keen satisfaction that further progress has been achieved since the report of the Secretary-General was written. We welcome the outcome of the important meeting between the South African Government and the African National Congress (ANC) on б August. In particular, we attach special importance to the suspension of the armed struggle, proclaimed by the ANC; that (Mr. Traxler. Italy) was, i n our opinion, a necessary prelude to the start of negotiations on a new Constitution, as well as to the decisions on the release of p o l i t i c a l prisoners and to the amnesty of the exiles. As a result, the parties have stated that the way i s now open to proceed towards negotiations on a new Constitution. We believe that this i s a fundamental step forward i n the process. The Twelve and the international community as a whole have long worked to create the opportunity for a l l South Africans to be able to determine the future of their country. Now that key problems for the negotiations to establish a new, democratic, non-racial Constitution have been solved, this major objective appears to be i n sight. In the light of those developments, i t i s a l l the more disturbing to see that violence i n the country has tragically increased to unprecedented levels. We have stressed many times i n the past that a society divided along racial lines i s bound to breed hatred and violence. But, necessary as i t may be to recognize that the roots of the present problems l i e i n part i n the very system of apartheid, this does not exonerate anyone from the responsibility to work actively to break the cycle of violence. This i s indeed an urgent and fundamental task for the Government and for a l l the p o l i t i c a l forces committed to peaceful change i n South Africa. We note that i n the joint statement of б August the Government and the African National Congress have indeed expressed their serious concern i n this respect and have committed themselves to undertaking steps and measures to promote and expedite the normalization and stabilization of the situation. The Twelve expect the South African authorities to do their utmost to stop the violence i n an impartial manner, and urge the parties concerned to set about solving their differences by means of dialogue. (Mr. T r a K l e r . Italy) Reconciliation i n South Africa cannot be achieved overnight. But i t must be achieved and i t has to come through a joint endeavour, which alone can bring about lasting results. The momentum that has been created i n these months must not be lost. Now that the bases have f i n a l l y been l a i d for the start of negotiations on a new Constitution, such negotiations should get under way without delay. The Twelve c a l l on a l l parties i n South Africa to join i n the process and make a f u l l contribution to the establishment of a new society i n their country. The Twelve remain committed to exert a l l their influence to contribute to the emergence, at a time when the c a l l of freedom i s heard throughout so many parts of the world, of a united, non-racial and democratic South Africa, i n which a l l people enjoy common and equal citizenship and respect for universally recognized hiunan rights i s guaranteed.

This statement i s being made on behalf of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. As the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly, which you, Mr. President, have guided with exceptional dynamism and s k i l l , i s being brought to an end, we are addressing the problem of apartheid once again, a problem that has been one of the most important issues on the United Nations p o l i t i c a l agenda during this session as well. The major result achieved i n this f i e l d i n this period, which no doubt can be ranked among the most significant achievements of the world Organization for quite some time, was the adoption at the December special session of the General Assembly of the consensus Declaration on Apartheid and Its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa, the implementation of which i s now under consideration. We are grateful to the Secretary-General for the exhaustive information supplied i n the report on current developments i n South Africa; i t provides a very good basis for our debate. (Mr. T r a i l e r . Italy) 54-55 The Declaration on apartheid adopted at the special session of the General Assembly i s of particular importance for the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, whose current Chairman i s Yugoslavia. The doctiment i s based on the Harare Declaration of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), confirmed at the Ninth Summit Conference of non-aligned countries, in Belgrade. It reflects the firm and unanimous determination of the international community to put an end to the obnoxious system of apartheid. The Declaration contains an elaborate set of steps that are to be taken i n order to resolve the long-lasting c r i s i s i n South Africa and transform South African society into a democratic community, free of racial discrimination and oppression. Its urgent and comprehensive implementation i s therefore one of those p r i o r i t y tasks for the realization of which our Non-Aligned Movement w i l l strive ceaselessly and untiringly. (Mr. Pejic, Yugo:?lavia) In the last several months - indeed, ever since the special session of the General Assembly on apartheid - events i n South Africa have evolved at an extremely dynamic pace. The African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) and other anti-apartheid organizations have been legalized. Nelson Mandela, the l i v i n g legend of the struggle of the majority population of South Africa for freedom, and some other freedom-fighters have been released from prison and Mr. Mandela honoured us with his v i s i t here i n the world Organization last June. In May and August, an ANC delegation headed by him met President de Klerk. Those developments, being followed by the watchful eye of world public opinion, are t e l l i n g proof that important processes are taking place in South Africa. Concurrently, however, and to our great regret, bad news i s coming our way from South Africa as well. Terror i s rearing i t s ugly head a l l over again. Hundreds of innocent people have lost their lives and many have been wounded in the violence erupting a l l over the country. The causes of that situation are self-evident. Apartheid, b u i l t into each and every particle of South Africa's body p o l i t i c over many decades, refuses to recede peacefully. Those tragic events are yet another proof, i f any i s needed at a l l , that peace can arrive in South Africa only after apartheid i s done away with f u l l y and without delay, and that accumulated problems that r i p the entire fabric of South African society can be solved only after f u l l equality and equal democratic rights are ensured for a l l i t s people, irrespective of the colour of their skin. Anti-apartheid organizations, and liberation movements above a l l , have demonstrated time and again their readiness to make a maximum contribution to the creation of a climate that would lead to the i n i t i a t i o n of the process of the elimination of apartheid. The key to the solution, however, i s in the hands of the minority Government i n South Africa, which i s also responsible for defusing the (Mr. Pejic, Yugoslavia) ongoing tension that threatens to explode. Pretoria i s called upon to take determined and unambiguous steps that w i l l irreversibly put the process of transformation i n South Africa on the track of democratization and the elimination of apartheid. The guidelines for that process have been set out i n the document of the special session of the General Assembly on apartheid. The broad consensus with which the Declaration was adopted makes i t incumbent on the international community to persevere i n i t s determination to have i t implemented. If our experience i s anything to go by, the commitment of the international community and sustained pressure on the minority Government of South Africa, alongside the rightful struggle of the oppressed majority population of South Africa and i t s liberation movements, give us every cause to believe that the f i n a l elimination of apartheid, which the current process i s designed to help achieve, i s not far off. The United Nations should therefore continue in i t s resolute efforts along the lines that have already borne f r u i t . South Africa i s at an historic crossroads. A concourse of internal and favourable international circumstances can f i n a l l y enable i t to thrust the door wide open to the solution of a c r i s i s that has plagued not only that country but the entire region for many decades. The United Nations, which in recent years has reasserted i t s e l f as a unique forum for the solution of the most complex international problems, bears a special responsibility to see to i t that this opportunity i s f u l l y used. Perhaps we need not look for a better example of what our Organization can do than the one next door: i t s role in Namibia's accession to independence has also helped bring about the extinction of one of the most dangerous crises in that part of the world. (Mr. Pejic. Yugoslavia) There i s no doubt that, by adopting the Declaration of the special session on apartheid, the United Nations has f u l f i l l e d one of i t s obligations i n that f i e l d . However, i t i s only by committing i t s e l f to i t s implementation that the world Organization w i l l carry out i t s responsibility in f u l l . Only after the people of South Africa has f i n a l l y achieved i t s inalienable right to l i v e i n freedom and democracy, free of racial segregation and oppression, and i n a united country, shall we a l l be able to say that an important job has been done to the benefit of a l l . Non-aligned countries, Yugoslavia included, w i l l invest their best effort to see that goal achieved. Mrs. DIALLO (Senegal) (interpretation from French)s In our opinion, this debate, in which my delegation i s particularly pleased to take part, i s important for three reasons. F i r s t i t i s important because in the light of developments i n South Africa since the sixteenth special session of the General Assembly, i t w i l l enable us to measure the extent of the progress made in the implementation of the Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences i n Southern Africa, to focus on the d i f f i c u l t i e s and obstacles that have been encountered, and to consider a l l steps and actions necessary to dismantle without delay that odious system and to i n s t a l l in i t s place a democratic, non-racial and egalitarian society. It i s also important because we are meeting at a time when the accession of Namibia to independence, the release of Nelson Mandela, and the fact that a l l the parties - i n particular the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), and a l l anti-apartheid forces - are clearly in favour of a constructive dialogue. We accordingly believe that the prerequisites for the attainment of our objectives have been met more f u l l y than ever before. (Mr. Pejic, Yugpglayia) 59-60 Lastly, i t i s important because, coinciding as i t does with the end of your term. Sir, as President of the forty-fourth regular session of the General Assembly, our debate gives us a new opportunity to reiterate our esteem for your remarkable performance, carried out with competence, efficiency and s e l f - s a c r i f i c e . My delegation therefore wishes to pay you a well-deserved tribute, because you have honoured the whole of Africa, as well as your great country, to which mine, Senegal, i s linked by longstanding relations of exemplary friendship, fraternity and co-operation. I should also like to address a tribute to the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who, with a talent that has been unanimously acknowledged and praised, has contributed to giving a new image to the United Nations and making i t credible and respected. The thorough and timely report he has just submitted points clearly to his numerous and considerable merits, his far-sightedness and his dedication to the noble ideals of peace and justice for the sake of mankind. To return to the subject under consideration, I should like to say my delegation f u l l y endorses the report submitted by the monitoring group of the Ad Hoc Committee of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) for southern Africa on the state of the implementation of the Harare Declaration and the Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa. In that respect I wish to emphasize that, thanks to our joint efforts and those of the anti-apartheid movements, particularly the ANC and PAC, whose courage and determination are most admirable, substantial reforms have been undertaken i n South Africa. (Mrs. Diallo. Senegal) However, those changes, despite their promising nature, need to be further strengthened and enhanced because they cannot be considered as f u l f i l l i n g the fundamental principles of true democracy i n South Africa, as clearly defined by the Harare Declaration and the Declaration adopted here at the sixteenth special session of the General Assembly. The establishment of that genuine democracy, we wish to emphasize, necessarily involves the f u l l dismantling of the apartheid system and the setting up of a democratically elected Government based on universal suffrage and the free participation on an equal footing of a l l South Africans. The release of Nelson Mandela and other p o l i t i c a l prisoners, the p a r t i a l l i f t i n g of the state of emergency, the recognition of certain p o l i t i c a l parties, including the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), and the promises to abolish the apartheid system, together with the negotiations now under way on the future of the country, are a l l promising signs, the importance of which should not be overlooked. But sxibstantial obstacles s t i l l remain to be overcome, among them the persistent refusal of the Pretoria Government to repeal the laws governing apartheid, the complicity of the South African police forces aimed at spreading discord and violence among the black populations i n the townships, and the continuance of the state of emergency i n Natal province. The formal denial of "power sharing" and "group rights" by the South African authorities provides the white minority with a veto power that impedes the successful attainment of the legitimate aspirations of the South African people. Without any doubt, these grave facts are eloquent proof of the lack of conviction on the part of the Pretoria leaders of the need to give absolute p r i o r i t y to the immediate eradication of the heinous and shameful apartheid system. (Mrs. Diallo. Senegal) To become convinced of this one has but to refer to the Secretary-General's report to find that the black population i n South Africa continues to endure serious economic and social injustices, spawned by apartheid. Blatant imbalances, particularly i n the spheres of land distribution, housing, education, employment and health, certainly do not give rise among the black population to a feeling of trust with regard to what i s being presented as a democratic process through the national institutions. In the opinion of my delegation, the Pretoria régime should not be congratulated for the time being, but rather encouraged to translate i t s promises and declarations into concrete meaningful acts. In order to induce i t to do so, i t i s essential that increased pressure be brought to bear on that Government so as to bring i t to introduce profound and irreversible changes i n South Africa. These changes w i l l be perceptible only after the repeal of the fundamental legal instruments of apartheid, i n particular: the Population Registration Act of 1950 - the basis of the racial classification system; the Land Act, which reserves only 13.6 per cent of the territory for blacks, who make up 75 per cent of the total population; the laws on bantustans and bantu education; and the law setting up the tricameral parliament, by virtue of which 27 million blacks i n South Africa are denied the right to vote. It i s thus too early to talk about the dismantling of apartheid at a time when, as we are s i t t i n g here, several hundred p o l i t i c a l prisoners and detainees are s t i l l serving time i n South African prisons, when South African armed forces s t i l l occupy the townships and when the laws which r e s t r i c t p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , such as the Internal Security Act, are s t i l l i n force, and freedom fighters i n exile are s t i l l waiting for authorization to return home. (Mrs. Diallo. Senegal) The suspension of p o l i t i c a l t r i a l s and executions loses much of i t s positive character because the South African Government can at any time put an end to the moratorium i t announced and resume those executions. Even though the state of emergency may have been l i f t e d , the outrageous laws which allow the South African Government to resort to such measures again are s t i l l i n force, at a time when the South African police force continues i t s repression against the black population while s t i r r i n g up violence among the members of the black community. In other words, notwithstanding the commitment entered into by the South African Government after i t s recent talks with the ANC to release a l l p o l i t i c a l prisoners, to allow the return of exiles and to reconsider the internal security law; despite the courageous decision of the ANC, through i t s i l l u s t r i o u s Deputy President, Nelson Mandela, to renounce the armed struggle i n order to foster s t a b i l i t y and relaxation of tensions i n the country, none the less, we have to note, unfortunately, that Pretoria has not yet lived up to i t s responsibility to create an atmosphere conducive to negotiations, i n accordance with the Declarations of Harare and the General Assembly, and i t i s the implementation of those Declarations alone that w i l l make possible the establishment i n South Africa of a society based on justice, democracy and equality. That i s why my delegation urgently appeals to the international community to maintain, and indeed to intensify, the sanctions and other forms of international pressure against the Pretoria régime i n order to compel i t to uphold the principles contained i n those Declarations. Since the main focus i n the dismantling of apartheid i n South Africa rests on internal pressures and international sanctions, these should not be relaxed until the South African Government has completed making radical and irreversible changes which w i l l bring about the elimination of apartheid. We have not yet reached that (Mrs. Diallo. Senegal) 64-65 stage, because the inhumane system of apartheid s t i l l continues inasmuch as the majority of the black population continues to be deprived, through the imposition of racial segregation, of the exercise of i t s most basic rights. We must not l e t ourselves be lured by the siren songs which are designed to cause us to l e t down our guard and to show indulgence towards the actions now being taken in South Africa. On the contrary, we must persist i n our efforts and preserve the historic consensus which we have achieved through the unanimous adoption of the Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences i n Southern Africa. We must increase our pressure and smash the sinister yoke of apartheid in order to restore to the millions of men, women and children in South Africa who are outcasts i n their own land their f u l l rights and dignity. On our a b i l i t y increasingly to mobilize for the triumph of a just cause w i l l depend the strengthening of the renewed c r e d i b i l i t y of our fight against apartheid, this crime against humanity, in order to bring about a world of peace and justice, the most precious legacy we can leave our children, whose fate w i l l be at the centre of our concern when the Heads of State meet here i n a few weeks for the World Summit.

In accordance with the decision taken by the General Assembly at i t s 3rd plenary meeting, held on 22 September 1989, I now have the pleasure to c a l l on the representative of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. Mr. EBRAHIM (Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC)): Mr. President, f i r s t and foremost allow me to express our profound happiness at seeing you preside over this resumed forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We are indeed confident that under your wise and dedicated leadership the session w i l l carry out the important task before i t , namely, to hasten the demise of apartheid. (Mrs. Diallo. Senegal) Also at the outset allow me, on behalf of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), custodian of the genuine and legitimate aspirations of the oppressed and dispossessed majority, to thank the Assembly for according us this opportunity to address this very important meeting of the General Assembly and to review the implementation of the Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences i n Southern Africa adopted at the sixteenth special session of the General Assembly. The Pan Africanist Congress of Azania contributed towards the formulation of that Declaration and i t s adoption by consensus. The PAC continues to regard the fundamental principles and guidelines contained in the Declaration as essential to the eradication of the obnoxious and inhuman apartheid system and the establishment of a genuine non-racial, democratic and united Azania. The Declaration requested the Secretary-General to monitor the situation and prepare a progress report on the implementation of the provisions of the Declaration. The progress report i s now before the Assembly. The Pan Africanist Congress of Azania met the team the Secretary-General sent to apartheid South Africa to assess the facts of the situation. The Pan Africanist Congress of Azania also contributed to the compilation of the report of the monitoring group of the Organization of African Unity's Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa. We hereby express our satisfaction with the contents and basic observations of the two detailed reports. At these important meetings the General Assembly therefore has the task of factually and objectively assessing whether or not the fundamental principles and guidelines l a i d down in the United Nations consensus Declaration have been implemented. The Declaration, f i r s t and foremost, regards i t as essential that a necessary climate be created to realize a negotiated settlement in apartheid South Africa. Consequently i t lays down pre-conditions which the apartheid régime should at the very least meet to create the necessary conducive climate. (Mr. Ebrahim, PAC) The stated preconditions are that South Africa should: f i r s t , release a l l p o l i t i c a l prisoners and detainees unconditionally and refrain from imposing any restrictions on them; secondly, l i f t a l l bans and restrictions on a l l proscribed and restricted organizations and persons; thirdly, remove a l l troops from the townships; fourthly, end the state of emergency and repeal a l l legislation designed to circumscribe p o l i t i c a l activity; and f i f t h l y , cease a l l p o l i t i c a l t r i a l s and p o l i t i c a l executions. Those preconditions were l a i d down to create a conducive climate that could pave the way to a negotiated settlement i n apartheid South Africa. Moreover, i t i s clearly stipulated that the onus i s on the régime to meet the necessary preconditions in order to create that conducive climate. The Pan Africanist Congress of Azania wishes to share with the General Assembly an important observation, namely that the stated preconditions in no way deal with the p i l l a r s of apartheid. On the contrary, they merely reflect the reaction of the régime to the legitimate resistance of the people. In other words, the stated preconditions merely demand that the régime withdraw i t s reaction. The report of the Secretary-General unambiguously points out that these limited but riecessary preconditions have not been substantially met by the apartheid régime. The only precondition the régime has met i s the demand to l i f t bans and restrictions on a l l proscribed and restricted organizations. P o l i t i c a l prisoners and detainees continue to languish in apartheid prisons; the state of emergency has been only p a r t i a l l y l i f t e d ; racist troops remain in African townships and are now conniving in escalating the violence; and the régime i s now arresting more of i t s opponents. Hence, i t i s accurate to state that the apartheid régime during the past nine months has failed to implement f u l l y the necessary preconditions and has therefore failed to create the necessary climate conducive to bring about a negotiated settlement i n apartheid South Africa. (Mr. Ebrahim. PAC) Rather than implement the necessary preconditions unconditionally, the minority apartheid régime has been desperately attempting to turn the preconditions into negotiation issues. For instance, the régime i s demanding that national liberation movements agree to categorize p o l i t i c a l prisoners and detainees. That racist demand i s aimed at sowing division within the national liberation movement and i s i n total violation of the c a l l in the Declaration, which insists on and calls for the unconditional release of a l l p o l i t i c a l prisoners and detainees. The Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, in compliance with the c a l l i n the consensus Declaration, has condemned and rejected a l l attempts by the apartheid régime to turn the clearly stipulated preconditions into negotiation issues. Moreover, the PAC appeals to the Assembly to continue to i n s i s t that the régime meet the preconditions unconditionally. It i s said i n some quarters that the apartheid régime i s displaying some signs of i t s intention to resolve the problem through negotiations. There have been the typical pious statements of intention by the régime, but no concrete tangible actions to back them up. For instance, the racist régime i s continuing with the case of the Upington 14, who were charged under the controversial and dubious Law of Common Purpose. The defendants in that case are aged and face a death sentence just for being present at a p o l i t i c a l l y motivated incident. The treatment of the Upington 14 and the Sharpeville Six t e s t i f i e s that the racist régime i s incapable of matching i t s oft-quoted statements of intention with concrete and obvious action. The Upington 14 and the Sharpeville Six are p o l i t i c a l prisoners and must be immediately and unconditionally released, along with those on death row and those who remain incarcerated in apartheid South African prisons. (Mr. Ebrahim, РЛС) 69-70 (Mr. Ebrahim. PAO The Harare Declaration of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations consensus Declaration l a i d down important guidelines. They are that the racist régime must meet the stipulated preconditions unconditionally, that this should be followed by an agreed mutual cessation of h o s t i l i t i e s between the apartheid régime and the national liberation movements engaged i n the armed struggle, and that what has to be negotiated i n apartheid South Africa i s the post-apartheid non-racial democratic constitution. (Mr. Ebrahim. PAC) The PAC not only supported that guideline but continues to respect i t and insists on adherence to i t . The Pan Africanist Congress rejects the racist demand that we suspend or abandon the legitimate armed struggle unilaterally. Unilateral suspension or renunciation would only result in division within the organization and prolong apartheid. When the De Klerk regime i s not prepared even to curb free access to weapons by the white right-wing minority, the oppressed majority would be committing p o l i t i c a l suicide by unilaterally abandoning an important method of struggle. It may be that few in this Assembly are aware that under apartheid laws any white person i n racist South Africa above the age of 18 i s entitled to possess 27 weapons - yes, 27 weapons. Even a well-equipped soldier sent to a battlefront does not carry 27 weapons. The De Klerk régime, despite i t s declared claims of opposition to violence has not even contemplated rescinding or amending the law legally arming the right-wing white fascists in apartheid South Africa. On the other hand, a disenfranchised African can be prosecuted i n apartheid South Africa for merely possessing a pen-knife with a blade longer than three inches. The laws, policies and institutions of apartheid have been and continue to be the major cause of violence in apartheid South Africa. Any opposition, especially peaceful opposition, against the apartheid régime i s considered by the trigger-happy police and troops of the régime as a target-range. That was the case at Sharpeville and Langa on 21 March I960, when the PAC called for and led a non-violent anti-pass campaign. The perpetrators of the Sharpeville massacre are well known. Thirty years later at Sebokeng peaceful demonstrators are once more being gunned down by racist troops i n the same manner as they were gunned down at Sharpeville and Langa on 21 March I960. (Mr. Ebrahim. PAC) At present, violence i s escalating i n apartheid South Africa. The policies and actions of the régime are primarily responsible for the wave of senseless carnage that i s taking place i n our country. There i s abundant evidence that the régime i s involved i n and behind the wave of violence. At the same time the régime i s attempting to portray the increased violence as inter-organizational conflict or as so-called black-on-black violence. The PAC strongly condemns the sinister manoeuvres of the racist régime to fan the violence and attempt to distract the oppressed minority from uniting and concentrating against the common enemy: the apartheid State. The PAC has not been sidetracked into this senseless carnage. The PAC i s clear about who i s the principal enemy and what i s the p r i o r i t y . The p r i o r i t y i s to eradicate apartheid and to realize national liberation and self-determination for the oppressed and dispossessed majority. But although we are not involved i n the senseless carnage, the PAC i s very concerned about the ever-escalating wave of violence. We hold the régime largely responsible for the current violence. We of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, through our own experience on the ground, also acknowledge the urgent need to strengthen democratic culture among the oppressed people. We condemn any attempt by any organization to impose hegemony through the use of force or intimidation. We of the Pan Africanist Congress recognize that there are different p o l i t i c a l tendencies in Azania and that every tendency must be allowed freely to propagate i t s policies and programmes, provided i t does not advocate racism or ethnicity. We believe such a commitment w i l l drastically reduce the unnecessary conflict and senseless loss of l i f e in our country. The Pan Africanist Congress has been waging a legitimate and responsible armed struggle for nearly three decades. Many of our compatriots were hanged for their armed resistance. Despite racist brutality there i s no evidence of any incident where the Azanian People's Liberation Army, the military wing of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, carried out any irresponsible armed attack against c i v i l i a n s . On the contrary, the h i t squads of the racist régime recently l i t e r a l l y wiped out the entire family of Mr. Chand on the border with Botswana and demolished his house with explosives. Mr. Chand, his wife and three sons, two of them mutes, were gunned down i n their beds before the house was blown up. Consequently, the Pan Africanist Congress rejects the racist demand that we disarm unilaterally. But we are prepared seriously to consider reaching a mutually agreed cessation of h o s t i l i t i e s as called for i n the Harare Declaration and i n the General Assembly's consensus resolution. The General Assembly consensus resolution i s very specific i n i t s insistence that the aim of any negotiations must not be either to reform or to amend apartheid. Apartheid must be totally and completely eradicated. Therefore, apartheid, especially i t s p i l l a r s , cannot be negotiated. According to the consensus resolution, what has to be negotiated i s the new non-racial democratic constitution for a post-apartheid South Africa. In that regard, the Pan Africanist Congress firmly maintains that only democratically elected representatives can claim to have a mandate to draw up a new constitution for our country. As a result, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania has called for the establishment of a democratically elected constituent assembly. Every Azanian over the age of 18, irrespective of race, colour or creed, should register on a common voters r o l l and vote for a democratic non-racial constituent assembly. That elected assembly would be truly representative and would have the mandate to draw up the new constitution. The Pan Africanist Congress of Azania maintains that this i s the most democratic formula by which to resolve the problem i n our country. (Mr. Ebrahim. PAC) 74-75 The obvious refusal of the De Klerk régime to pronounce i t s e l f on the fundamentals - namely the unconditional implementation of the stipulated preconditions so as to create the conducive climate - i t s refusal to accept that there should be an agreed mutual cessation of h o s t i l i t i e s and i t s refusal to accept the democratic principle of majority rule - a l l basic principles enunciated i n the United Nations declaration - demand that the internal and international isolation and sanctions against the apartheid régime must stand and continue. (Mr. Ebrahim. PAC^ (Mr, Ebrahim, РВС) Moreover, the United Nations consensus resolution clearly states that Member States are committed to maintaining international pressure u n t i l : "The system of apartheid i n South Africa has been eradicated and South Africa has been transformed into a united, democratic and non-racial country ...". (resolution S-16/1, p. 2) It i s obvious to a l l that we are far from seeing that system being put to an end now. Therefore, any relaxation of any form of struggle or pressure at this moment would only help prolong the agony of apartheid i n our country. Internal resistance, international isolation, and voluntary and selective sanctions have compelled the apartheid régime to adopt a reformist posture - I repeat, a reformist posture - because De Klerk, in a statement that he made recently, and that was quoted in the London Times of 18 April 1990, states: "Those who enjoy f u l l p o l i t i c a l rights at present are not prepared to bow out apologetically from the stage of history. On the contrary, a key role awaits them i n any new dispensation. We shall not throw overboard the freedom and values that have been b u i l t over the three and a half decades ..." - the three and a half decades of apartheid. But - despite the reformist posture - apartheid cannot be reformed. It must, and w i l l be, completely eradicated. It i s the task of the international community, together with the oppressed majority in our country, speedily to bring about the eradication of the apartheid system. The Pan Africanist Congress of Azania firmly believes that a combination of principled and united internal resistance and international p o l i t i c a l isolation and sanctions remains the best guarantee of the speedy implementation of the principles and guidelines contained i n the Harare and United Nations consensus Declarations. We of the Pan Africanist Congress urge a l l States Members of the United Nations, signatories to the consensus Declaration, to maintain the international (Mr. Ebrahim, PAC) united front and principled opposition to the apartheid system - bearing i n mind that the principle objective i s the total eradication of the universally condemned apartheid policies and not i t s reform or apartheid.

In accordance with the decision taken by the General Assembly at i t s 3rd plenary meeting, held on 22 September 1989, I now c a l l upon the representative of the African National Congress of South Africa. Mr. MONGALO (African National Congress of South Africa (ANC)); It i s a singular honour and privilege for me to greet this meeting on behalf of the National Executive Committee and the entire membership of the African National Congress. Mr. President, i t i s highly gratifying to see you presiding over the deliberations of this resumed forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. It i s particularly significant that i t was under your presidency that the General Assembly adopted the historic consensus Declaration on Apartheid and i t s Destructive Consequences i n Southern Africa. Your vast and profound experience i n providing leadership i n the many years that you have served as Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid w i l l no doubt serve the session to great advantage. It i s therefore no exaggeration to state that i n your endeavours you have indeed represented your country, Nigeria, admirably, a country which has contributed immensely to the struggle against apartheid. May we also seize the opportunity to pay a tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid, under the able chairmanship of Ambassador Ibrahim Gambari. The Special Committee has served as a source of support and inspiration to the people of South Africa fighting against apartheid. In the same vein, we should like to acknowledge the invaluable assistance that we constantly receive from the Centre against Apartheid, headed by Assistant Secretary-General Sotirios Mousouris. The African National Congress reaffirms the assessment made i n both the Harare Declaration and the consensus Declaration that "... a conjuncture of circumstances exists, which, i f there i s a demonstrable readiness on the part of the Pretoria régime to engage i n negotiations genuinely and seriously ... could create the p o s s i b i l i t y to end apartheid through negotiations", (resolution S-16/1. p. 4) In our determination f u l l y to exploit the favourable conjuncture, we have been guided by the following irrefutable facts. F i r s t , apartheid i s a bane and scourge upon a l l the people of South Africa and southern Africa and must be eradicated without waste of time. Second, apartheid cannot be reformed and must be eradicated. Third, a l l South Africans, for better or for worse, must ultimately share a common fate and i t i s our responsibility to intervene to ensure that the best possible outcome i s achieved for a l l . Fourth, the authors and protagonists of apartheid cannot dictate the agenda and pace of the process of eradicating that inhuman system. F i f t h , i n the current circumstances, i t i s more important than ever to resist the dangerous temptation to indulge in mindless rhetoric and irresponsible posturing* Sixth, i t has never been more necessary than today to bring pressure to bear upon the South African régime in order that i t should pursue the most reasonable and constructive attitude i n the search for a just and lasting solution to the problems of apartheid. Seventh, a just and lasting solution to the problem of apartheid must necessarily consist i n the creation of a democratic, non-racial and united South Africa. (Mr. Mongalo, ANC) 79-80 (Mr. Monaalo. ANC) Eighth, the most effective way i n which the international community can help enlist the necessary co-operation of the Pretoria régime i s through the maintenance of existing pressures - especially sanctions; Ninth, such pressures should be l i f t e d only when profound and irreversible change has occurred i n South Africa and that a l l of us should work unstintingly for the early advent of that moment. As the Assembly i s aware, the African National Congress has always been central to the struggle against apartheid and remains so to this day. In today's circumstances, guided by the irreducible facts enumerated above, we are determined that we shall do a l l i n our power to deny any and a l l parties to the conflict any pretext for wasting opportunities for forward movement through deliberate or inadvertent procrastination. It i s in this sense and s p i r i t that our Deputy President f i r s t engaged F. W. de Klerk and some of his ministers in informal contacts even before he was released from prison. In the same vein we have engaged De Klerk and his ministers i n formal contacts/ such as the Groóte Schuur and Pretoria meetings, both of which resulted i n the joint issuing of minutes. In a l l cases our objective was to help accelerate the removal of obstacles to negotiations. Not surprisingly, that enterprise has not been without set-backs. It has, however, also scored some advances. We certainly welcomed the unbanning of the African National Congress and the unbanning of, or l i f t i n g of restrictions on, 32 other organizations and on hundreds of individuals. We hope that the release of p o l i t i c a l prisoners, which began on 1 September this year, w i l l remain on course and proceed swiftly. We would also like to see De Klerk's Government remain true to i t s word by indemnifying a l l p o l i t i c a l exiles, as promised, on 1 October. Nine months have elapsed since the historic consensus Declaration was adopted. Two months ago the Secretary-General, i n his report of 1 July 1990, observed that: "the bold and courageous policy to which President De Klerk has committed his Government opens up distinct p o s s i b i l i t i e s for the dismantling of the apartheid system." (A/44/906, para. 10) In the same report, cautioning against premature optimism, he noted that: "the p o l i t i c a l process towards the dismantlement of the apartheid system i s s t i l l at an early stage." (ibid., para. 16)