A/44/PV.99 General Assembly

28.  POLICIES OF APARTHEID OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA: (a) REPORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (~/44/960 and Add.l-3) (b) REPORT OF THE SPECIAL POLITICAL COMMITTEE (A/44/709/Add.l) Mr. SHAHEED (Syrian Arab Republic) (interpretation from Arabic): The General Assembly now resumes its consideration of the report of the Secretary-General on progress made in the implementation of the Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa. This meeting coincides with the unfolding events in South Africa, especially the present racist onslaught by the racist South African regime on the indigenous popUlation and the resultant bloody havoc in that country. The aim of the regime is to escalate tensions into the sort of bloody strife that the country has experienced recently. This has been achieved through the machination of bloody clashes between sections of the indigenous population with a view to creating a situation of civil war and thus sidetracking the people from their just struggle against the invidious racist regime. That struggle has enjoyed the universal support voiced by the United Nations in its numerous resolutions which condemned apartheid and racism and upheld the right of the people of South Africa to dismantle the racist structure and to establish a united, democratic, non-racist State. The General Assembly has declared time and again that the South African policy of apartheid constitutes a gross violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. In an international convention and in several General Assembly resolutions apartheid has been condemned as a crime against humanity. It is clear that it is in the interest of the white racists in South Africa to perpetuate a situation which leads to more bloodshed among the indigenous population at a time when the latter, in their. desire to create a new democratic society based on the principle of co-equality, have declared the suspension of armed struggle against the white racists. Regardless, the white racists hope to perpetuate the racialist status quo which serves their interests. This they have done by igniting confrontations among the indigenous population as has been happening since 13 August. The result is a wave of violence which, so far, has claimed the lives of 731 blacks in addition to thousands of wounded and displaced persons and the burning and looting of hundreds of homes. All this adds up to a great deal of additional suffering to the long-suffering indigenous population whose economic and social conditions are abysmal. The latest statistics show that more than two thirds of them, that is, 28 million human beings, still live at the subsistence level and that thousands of their children die of malnutrition and various rampant diseases. Child mortality among the indigenous population has reached the rate of 125 per 1,000, compared to 15 per 1,000 among the white population. The same statistics show that unemployment has risen 35 per cent among the indigenous population, who are exploited as cheap labour by the white population. The incitement to inter-black violence by the racist regime is made abundantly clear by the reluctance of the police to intervene. This has led Nelson Mandela to declare that, "the Government has either lost control over the police or the police are doing what the Government wants them to do". The latest developments in the townships of South Africa and the massacres perpetrated by the racist regime such as that which has recently taken place in Sebokeng indicate that the viper may shed its skin, but its nature remains the same. All these happenings lay bare the real intentions of the racist regime, which will never shed its racist nature, happen what may. Because of this, the just struggle of the people of South Africa must go on and continue to enjoy the support of all freedom-loving peoples. (Mr. Shaheed. Syrian Arab Republic) In this context, it is clear that the situation in South Africa has not moved yet in the direction envisaged by the people of South Africa and supported by the United Nations. The Secretary-General's report under consideration at present, as contained in document A/44/960, clearly states that: "of the measures required by the Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa to create the necessary climate for free political activity, the measure relating to the lifting of the ban on political parties and movements has been implemented." (A/44/960, art. 12~ This is conclusive proof that the changes that are presumed to have taken place in southern Africa cannot be considered as constituting any fundamental irreversible change. We fully share in the remarks of the Group of African States in document A/44/972 concerning the Secretary-General's report now under consideration. Those remarks are objective and realistic. They have helped Member States evaluate the Secretary-General's report since they have set the record straight. One of the facts rightfully brought out by those remarks is the fact that "the report does not seem to address the particularly important question of what needs to be done in order to ensure the regime's compliance with the Declaration". In addition, the report "totally ignores the roles of the liberation movements and the international community in bringing pressure to bear on the regime". The remarks of the Group of African States also demonstrate that: "the report would appear to place undue premium on views of the South African regime, to the detriment of the views of the liberation movements, which are inv\riably referred to as 'allegations', 'claims', or 'charges'''. (para. 4.2 of the document) (Mr. Shaheed, Syrian Arab Republic.) In addition, the remarks indicate that: "the report is pointedly silent on the effects sanctions have had on the regime and that it denies the General Assembly a valuable opportunity to assess States members' compliance with the requirements of the Declaration, in particular the maintenance of sanctions against the regime." (paras. 4.3 and 4.6 of the document) In this respect it is noteworthy to refer to the fact that the report of the Monitoring Group of the Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) (~/44/963) clearly demonstrates that: "There has not been any fundamental or irreversible change in South Africa. The so-called changes which have led some members of the international community to beli~ve that pressures should be relaxed vis-a-vis the Apartheid regime fall far short of justifying that belief. Therefore, the recent sojourn of Mr. F. W. de Klerk and the attendant suggestions made to relax sanctions and other measures against the apartheig regime are tantamount to prematurely rewarding Mr. de Klerk and jeopardizing efforts to create the necessary climate for negotiations". (A/44/963, p. 29) We support the Group of African States' conclusion that it will not be possible to create a favourable climate for negotiation unless the regime fully complies with the requirements of the Declaration. It is evident today that it , will be impossible to achieve that goal other than by intensifying, and not easing, the international sanctions imposed against the racist regime, as sanctions continue to be the effective tool with which to dismantle racial discrimination so that the people of South Africa may fully accede to their legit~mate rights. This was reaffirmed by the freedom fighter Nelson Mandela who said ~hat: (Mr. Shaheed, Syrian Arab Republ~) :'the sanctions that have been imposed should remain in place so long as the purpose for imposing them has not yet been realized." (A/44/960, p. 105) We stJ:'ongly condemn the policy of apartheiSi pursued by the l'aclflt South African regime as the most abominable form of racial discrimination, In addition, w& coademn the destatilization policy in southern Africa pursued by the racist South African regime in order to protect its policy and safeguard its very existence. Moreover, we strongly appeal to tha Secretary-General and the international community to intensify the efforts to complete the implementation of the General Assembly's Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa. Syria, proceecling from its principled consistent policy against racial discrimination, which is the worst evil inflicted on mankind, wishes to reaffirm its unlimited support for any action or procedure that may lead to ridding' the victims of racial discrimination fram this bane. Because we believe in the unity of the Arab African struggle we reaffirm our full solidarity with the people of South Africa in its struggle against the apartheid regime, As our brethren in South Africa suffer from racism, so, too, do our brethren in the Arab nation, in the occupied Arab territories, suffer from the practices of the racist Zionist regime in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories. In this respect, we wish to recall the courageous stance of Mandela in supporting the legitimate fight of the Palestinian people and denouncing the dccupation by the racist regime in Tel Aviv of the occupied Arab territories which he voiced from this very rostrum at the United Nations and other forums. (Mr. Shaheed, Syrian Arab Republic.) Undoubtedly, the co-operation between the two racist reg~es t~at enjoy the support of a super-Power because of the role they both play zepresents an obstacle to the common inte~national endeavour to diumantle apartheid, and in addition encourages the apartheid regime in South Africa to persist in the p~licy of racial discrimination. I wish to quote here from a statement of the Rappurteur of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Mr. Virendra Gupta, in his introduction to the latest report of the Special Committee on recent developments concerning relations between Israel and South Africa in which he said that: "it is the view of the Special Committee that, despite the repeated statements by the Government of Israel that its relations with South Africa have been curtailed, collaboration continues unabated, particularly in the military field. Israel ap~ears to have continued to supply military technology to South Africa, and fr~m this point of view Israel's case is rather unique." (A/44/PV,46, p. 23) (Mr. Shaheed, ~rian Arab Republic) It gives me great pleasure to extend my delegationls warmest gratitude to the Special Committee for its unremitting efforts in the struggle against the most heinous crime agai.nst humanity. We wish at the same time to express our warmest affection and respect for the Chairman of the Committee, Ambassador Ibrahim Gambari as well the pleasure it gave us to work under his skilful guidance. Participation in the efforts of the international community to liberate southern Af~~ 1 from racial oppression and to establish a unified democratic, non-racial State in South Africa is a duty of mankind. We look forward tO,the achievement of that goal. Ms. CHAN Heng Chee (Singapore): At the outset, I should like to say how pleased my delegation is to see you presiding over this resumed sessio~ of the General Assembly. ~his is especially so as both you and your country, Nigeria, have played a leading role in the efforts of the international community to I eradicate the evil system of apartheid. My delegation would also like to thank the Sec~etary-General for his report on the implementation of the Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences. In the nine months since the special session of the General Assembly adopted the Declaration, we have witnessed several new developments in South Africa. Mr. Nelson Mandela and several of his colleagues from the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) have been released from their long incarceration. ~he banning order on the ANC, the Pan-Africanist Congress and the South African Communist Party as well as the restrict~ons on 33 other organizations have been lifted. Certain aspects of the emergency regulations have been repealed, restriction orders on individuals have been lifted, and the death penalty has been suspended pending adoption of the review procedure. (Mr. Shaheed. S,yrian Aro)) Republic) While these measures are encouraqinq, we have to ask ourselves the larqer question whether South Africa is now firmly en route towards fundamental and irreversible chanqeor whether the measures taken so far only constitute yet another tactic on the part of the Pretoria reqime to yield on "petty" apartheid without dismantling- "qrand" apartheid. The litmus test would have been South Africa's compliance with the provisions of the Declaration on Apartheid, which sets out the international community's collective consensus on how the apartheid system could be dismantled throuqh a neqotiated solution. It is therefore important that we examine the developments of the last nine months carefully before acceptinq the chanqe~ in South Africa at face value. Unfortunately, it is clear from the report of the Secretary-General and the , repo~t of the Monitorinq Group of the Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa of,the Orqanization of African Unity (OAU) that the South African Government has yet to implement all the measures required by the Declaration on Apartheid. The Secretary-General has observed in his report that of the measures required by the Declaration on Apartheid to create a climate for free political activity, only the measures relatinq to the liftinq of the ban on political parties and movements have been implemented in full. Other measures have been implementsd only in part. Even while Mr. Mandela and other ANC leaders have been freed, several more political prisoners continue to lanquish in the qaols of South Africa. Even while the banninq order aqainst the ANC and other organizations has been lifted, there exist a host of other restrictions and laws which limit the freedom of assembly of these orqanizations which prevent them from orqanizinq freely. Even while executions have been suspended, political trials and imprisonment continue unabated under an abundance of repressive leqislation and common law. (Ms. Chan Hapg Chee, Singapore) Given this situation, it is understandable why Mr. ~andela stated the following when he addressed the Special Committee against Apartheid on 22 June. "None of the principles laid down in the Declaration has been implemented to provide what the Declaration characterized as an internationally acceptable solution of the South African question. Similarly, the profound and irreversible changes which the Declaration visualized have not yet occurred." I (A/44/960, annex VI) More recently, there has been a sharp deterioration of the situation in South Africa. Reports of continuing violence in the black townships, which has resulted in the deaths of large numbers of persons, are a cause for serious concern. My delegation supports the view expressed by the Special Committee against Apartheid on 29 August that the current violence in the townships is the direct consequence of §Partheid policies, namely the homeland policy and the migrant labour system, which have increased tensions in black communities. The report of the Secretary-General also indicates that some of this violence could be related to activities by the polic~ and security forces. There is some evidence that the police have not been impartial in the conduct of their duties. It is important that the South African Government adopt effective measures to end the violence and ensure.the impartiality of the police in this situation& If such violence is allowed to continue unrestrained, the consequences could well set back the possibility of a negotiated end to QPartheid. It is also important to bear in mind that while the ANC and the South African Government have begun a dialogue, there is yet no clear evidenc~ that the Pretoria regime is prepared to accept the right of all South Africans to participate in the government and administration of the country on the basis of universal suffrage, exercised through a one-man one-vote electoral system, under a common voters roll. (Ms. Chon Beng Chee, SingAPore) Instead, we have heard 'leaders of the South African GQv,rlUHnt preach "CJover~nt by consen~us" and insiat on the ne'd to preserve. "group r.i.ghta". nat is nothing but'a euphemism for race-baaedpolitics.' Some of these rights concern the rejection of majority r~e. . (Ms. Chp Heng Chee, Singapore) The African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) has said that it will reject any constitutional proposal based on a group concept. is another way of preserving apartheid. It is apartheid by another name. In short, while my delegation recoqnizes and welcomes some of the bold measures taken thus far by the South African Government, we feel that essential changes have not yet occurred in South Africa to make the process of dismantling QPa~theid irreversible. The changes that President De Klerk has instituted thus far are basically a relaxation in the enfor~ement of certain security regUlations and segregation laws. They have provided no movement on the issue now at the top of the agenda, that of political power. As Mro Bruce Nelan, a senior writer at Time magazine, stated in a recent issue of Foreign Affairs: "His" - that is, Mr. De Klerk's - "intention is three-fold: (a) to make a highly visible show of reform in order to impress the world; (b) to put the onus for a delay on the ANC; and (c) to draw 'moderate' black leaders and those he sees as the silent majority into negotiations on his terms. "De Klerk :hopes to avoid further sanctions if he can, but he will face them if they come rather than compromise on what he sees as nothing less than the survival of his Afrikaaner volk." The conclusions from these observations ar.e clear. Until and unless the South African Government has taken fundamental and irreversible steps to dismantle the apartheid system, the international community should uphold the sanctions against the Pretoria regime. It is a fact that international sanctions are instrumental in compelling the South African Government to unban various organizations and declare its willingness to enter into a dialogue with the representatives of the black majority. To remove intsrnational pressure at this time would amount to removing the vital leveraqes that could compel the South African Government to end apartheid. (Ms. Chan Heng Chee, Singapore) I We can understand why. It Singapore, together with the other Member States of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), is committed to the total eradication of apartheid. At their most recent annual meeting, in July, the ASEAN Foreign Ministers, while welcoming the release of Mr. Mandela and the unbanning of the anti-apartheid organizations, expressed the view that barriers to the total dismantling of apartheid remained in place. The ASEAN Foreign Ministers agreed that sanctions by the international community had been responsible for bringing the Pretoria regime to the negotiating table. In this regard, the ASEAN Foreign Ministers also agreed that sanctions must be maintained until the process of dismantling apartheid became irreversible. In conclusion, my delegation would like to urge South Africa to implement unconditionally the preconditions set down in the Declaration on Apartheid in order to create the necessary climate for negotiations leading to the drawing up of a constitution for a united, democratic and non-racial South Africa. Mr. OUDOVENKO (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): Sir, it gives me great satisfaction to welcome you once again to the lofty post of President of the General Assembly. The delegation of the Ukrain~ would like to wish you great success in your further activities. Today it is exactly nine months since the day when the historic Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa was adopted within these walls. Thus it is natural for us to ask: is'this period long enough to assess its implementation? In the Declaration adopted at its special session the General Assembly purposely set no deadline for the creation of the necessary conditions for negotiations or for the conduct of such negotiations between the Government of South Africa and the representatives of the majority population of South Africa, realizing the difficulties in store in solving one of the most (Ms. Chan Hang Chee, Singapore) chronic conflictsou the African continent. In our view, the recent past and current events in sou~ern Africa make it possible to assess them appropriately, to determine the trends in the development of the current process and to note the constructive role of ~e Declaration adopted at the sixteenth special session of the General Assembly. Today we can with full responsibility note that the foundations have been laid for puttinq into practice all measures to create the necessary climate for negotiations. As is quite rightly stressed in the Secretary-General's report on the progress achieved in the implementation of the Declaration (Al44/960/Add.2), some of those measures have been implemented fully, and others partially. The De K1erk Government has demonstrated a certain readiness for dialogue, lifted the ban on the activities of political parties and movements, released Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners and begun contacts with representative of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) aimed at inviting the Pan-African Congress to participate in the negotiaticn=. structure - and I would particularly like to stress this - of the policy and practice of ~,rtheid has still not been dismantled. Discriminatory legislation still exists iu the country and is one of the main obstacles to democratic changes in South Africa. In this connection I should like to call on the South African Government to implement all measures enshrined in the Declaration and to do so fully in order to create the appropriate atmosphere for constructive negotiations and for a practical solution of questions regarding the creation of a single democratic, non-racist State. The recent past, including certain positive processes, has been clouded by outbreaks of violence, especially very recently, as has just been mentioned by the representative of Singapore, who spoke before me. Internal fighting in several (Mr. Qudoyenko, Ukrainian SSR) townships in South Africa has taken the lives of hundreds of people, and hundreds have been injured and maimed. The De Klerk Government has tried to stand apart and dissociate itself from the disturbances; and when it has intervened, the actions of the police have frequently haen particularly harsh. It is evident that the outbreaks of violence and their consequences can create serious difficulties for the political process of settlement. We cannot but see that the roots of the present actm of violence continue to be nourished by the structurus of Qpartheid that still exist, with their inimical and inhuman ideas on the separate development of races, accompanied by serious social inequities for the oppressed population of the country. The Ukraine shares the concern expressed in the report of the mission sent by the Secretary-General to South Africa that "Apartheid laws, repressive regulations, and persistent violence, includinq that prevailinq in Natal, continue adversely to affect domestic tranquillity as well as the sense of security and well-beinq of the people. So lonq as racial attitudes persist and ~heid structures at the local level remain, the process for chanqe will encounter difficulties". (A/44/960. p. 57, PQra. 254) (Mr. Qudovenko. Ukrainian SSR) The report of the Secretary-General and the events occurring in South Africa show that the political process aimed at eliminating the system of APartheid is still in its preliminary stages. Much remains to be done, both by the interested parties and by the international community, in this area. It seems to us that the task of the international community, and above all of the United Nations and the General Assembly, is to promote by every possible means a speedy end to the era of APartheid, both through recormnendations and through concerted actions. We are still convinced that sanctions are the most effective and the proven peaceful means of exerting pressure on the regime of apartheid to eliminate the system of racial oppression in southern Africa. We should note that the existing sanctions are not comprehensive, but from the point of view of the scope of their application and as regards the participants, they are sUfficiently effective to force the APartheid regime to abandon its shameful practice of racial oppression. A mandatory embargo on arms supplies, a voluntary embargo on oil supplies and petroleum products, boycotts of cultural and sports links with Pretoria, together with the decisive importance of the resistance of the oppressed peoples of South Africa, have forced its regime to initiate the process of dismantling epartheid. At the same time, we are concerned at the fact that certain States are making attempts to weaken sanctions against Pretoria, adducing the unfounded arguments that, so they say, they are only making the ruling circles of South Africa more intractable and, in addition, are increasing the suffering of th~ indigenous population. We cannot agree with such arguments. On the contrary, and we are profoundly convinced of this, the lifting of sanctions or even their partial weakening at this stage threatens to slow down the move towards democratic changes in South Africa. We are also conviuced that it is now that we need firmer implementation of those already agreed decisions and particularly of the aims set up by the Declaration adopted at (Mr. Oudoyenkoc Ukrainian SSR) the sixteenth special session of the General Assembly. It stresses the need, and I am quoting the Declaration: "to ensure that the international community does not relax existing measures aimed at encouraging the South African regime to eradicate APartheid until there is clear evidence of profound and irreversible changes..... (resolution S-16/1, annex, para. 9 Cd» The position of the Ukraine on this question is contained in my Government's answer published in annex 11 to the report of the Secretary-General: I will not dw&11 on this further now. In conclusion, I should like to draw one, perhaps the main, conclusion as far as our delegation is concerned. The Declaration adopted at the sixteenth special session of the General Assembly has become one of the most.important instruments ever adopted by the United Nations on the problem of the elimination of APartheid. It is a programme document which serves as a clear guideline for agreed measures to be taken by the international community in implementing its goals. The enduring importance of this document is obvious bOtll for the international community, and also for the struggling people of South Africa. The Declaration sets out the fundamental principles of a new constitutional order, of the necessary conditions and the guiding principles of negotiations, and has become the programme and stimulus for democratic changes in South Africa. The Ukraine is in favour of the strict implementation of all the provisions of the Declaration and of enhancing,the role of the United Nations in the political settlement of the conflict in South Africa and considers it the task of the international comm~nity to do everything possible to promote the speedy elimination of apartheid through nation-wide dialogue in which all of the interested parties would participate. (Mr. Qudoyenko, Ukrainian SSR) In conclusion, I should lik$ to $xpr$ss the hope that the spirit of discussion reigning in this Hall and also realism as regarus assessment of the events and prospects for their development in South Africa and the constructive approach of all delegations will enable the General Assembly toda~ to adopt the relevant resolution on this agenda item by consensus. Mr. ELIADES (Cyprus): Permit me, at the outset, to express our gratitude and deep appreciation to. the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his report before us on the situation and developments in South Africa, covering the first six months of the current year. It provides a comprehensive and accurate picture, in a balanced manner, of the important political process currently taking place in South Africa, and that is no mean achievement in view of the complexity of the situation and the rapid movement of. events, an achievement for which the praise of this Assembly is well deserved. I wish also to commend the Secretary-Ge~eral, on behalf of mr delegation, for the statement he made the day before yesterday complementing his report and making certain important observations on subsequent events. My Government fully shares and endorses his view that, olthough a process w~s under way towards the dismantling of apartheid through negotiations and through measures taken by South Africa, other essential measures, stipulate~ ~~I the General Assembly in its Declaration last December, remained to be fulfilled in their entirety. These included the release of all.political prisoners and detainees, the end of the state of emergency throughout the country, the repeal of all legislation designed to circumscribe political activity, the removal of troops from the townships and the cessation of all political trialS and political executions. Even though much remains to be done, we are greatly cncou~aged by the positive developments which have already taken place within South Africa during the current (Mr. Qudoyenkpc Ukrainian SSR) year, owinq to the bold and decisive policy to which President De Klerk has committed his Government, pavinq the way for the dismantlinq of the APartheid system, as well as to the spirit of conciliation and maqnanimity displayed by the Deputy President of the African National Conqress of South Africa, Mr. Nelson Mandela, and the black leadership who, despite the bitter experience of injustice and oppression, have couraqeously pledqed thei~ commitment to a peaceful process for the eradication of all vestiqes of the apartheid system and for the buildinq, in its place, of a non-racial and democratic society. Nevertheless, we cannot overlook the fact that a lonq and tortuous path lies ahead, littered with obstacles and unforeseen danqers at every turn. There is, from certain quarters, a menacinq resistance to chanqe which, coupled with the ~artheid structures still entrenched by leqislation, present difficulties and challenges which must be dealt with in a responsible and decisive manner. The issue of violencG in the townships of South Africa continues to be a source of great c~ncern to all, and as each day brings new reports of deaths and destruction, we share an increasinq sense of anquish. Notwithstandinq the primary responsibility of ~ue South African Government to maintain law and order, all parties concerned should co~tribute earnestly towards the speedy termination of the spiralling cycle of violence • . This task should be undertaken urgently and viqorously, because an atmosphere (Mr. Eliades. Cyprus) On the positive side, we have noted with gratification that the early contacts of the South African Government with the African National Congre~s of South Africa (ANC) at their meeting at Pretoria on 6 August had a successful outcome, as reflected in their joint declaration. We are confident that the various agreements contained in that document will, through their implementation, enhance the prospects for Substantive negotiations involving all parties concerneG. We also welcome with deep satisfaction the suspension of the armed struggle proclaimed by the ANC as an important step towards a negotiated peaceful settlement. Finding ourselves at a critical threshold, more confidence-building measures are necessary to allow for unhindered progress that will eventually lead to a united, non-racial, democratic soci.ety in South Africa. The South African Government has undertaken certain commitments regarding the lifting of the state of emergency in Natal and to repeal further discriminatory legislation, but the bulk of the so-called pillars of apartheid are still impeding progress. As the Secretary-General pointed out in his statement in the Assembly last tlednesday: "The United Nations can claim with legitimate pride that the international consensus commanded by the Declaration on a~artheid provided impetus to the process of change that has begun in South Africa. It is a consensus that has united the Assembly. It is a consensus that must be maintained. It is a consensus that must unite South Africa." (A/44/PV.97, lh.....U.) Cyprus has always maintained a clear and determined stand against apartheid and on every appropriate occasion it has underlined its firm belief that apartheid, in all its forms and manifestations, should be completely and totally dismantled. In line with that principled ~tand Cyprus has adhered to the Programme of Action and will ~ontinue to do so as long as it is necessary. (Mr. Eliades. Cyprus) Mr. MUSA (Malaysia): Mr. President. my delegation recalls vividly that under your able guidance and stewardship at the sixteenth special ses6ion of the Assembly last December we w~re able ~o take a historic step by adopting the United Nations Declaration on Anartheid and its Destructive Consequences in ~outhern Africa by consensus. Permit me to t~ke this opportunity to express my delegation's gratitude and appreciation to the Secretary-General for the efforts that he has undertaken. in particular the submission of his repo~t (A/44/960) on the progress made in the implementation of that Declaration. In order to review and evaluate the progress of the implementation of that Declaration we must look for evidence of profound and irreversible changes in South Africa that apartheid is being dismantled. We take note that there have been a number of positive measures undertaken by the South African regime to effect the process of change, and this has raised certain hopes and expectations. I Unfortunately, the reality is that the pillars of apartheid still remain intact. The Group Areas Act, the Native Land Act, the Population Registration Act, the policy of bantustanization and the s~gregated education system all remain firmly in place. Those statutes provide the legal foundation for the system of apartheid against the majority population of South Africa. The historic adoption by consensus of the United Nations Declaration on apartheid by the international community speaks for itself. The Declaration clearly manifests our abhorrence of the evil system that is perpetuated in South Africa. Apartheid is indeed a scourge and a crime against humanity that must be fought and eradicated in its entirety. For all those reasons the Declaration calls on the Pretoria regime to join in the noble effort of the entire international community to eliminate the apartheid system. Many speaters before me have stated that the terms of the Declaration have not been met. My delegation could not agree more. The consensus Declaration dealt with the fundamental principles of a new constitutional order for South Africa, the creation of a climate for negotiations, guidelines for the process of negotiations and a Programme of Action in p~rsuance of the objectives of the Declaration. The Declaration has prescribed the measures that would contribute to the creation of the necessary climate in which free political discussions can take place. Unfortunately that climate and atmosphere of free political activity have yet to be created. Malaysia fully subscribes to the view expressed earlier by other delegations that the changes are insufficient to hav~ the necessary aesired impact on the political, economic and social lives of the majority black pop~lation. Those changes do not address the question of the basic freedom the people of South Africa rightly and justly deserve as a basis for a durable solution to the problem. The unbanning of political organizations has not led to the full participation of the people in the political process of South Africa. Khile a few political prisoners have been released there are about 3,000 more still languishing under inhuman conditions in South African gaols. The DeclaratioD clearly calls tor the release of all political prisoners and detainees unconditionally and for the South African Government to refrain from imposing any restrictions on them. All this, together with the continuing intimidation and harassment by the police with regard to individual and group political activities, continues unabated, and it raises serious questions about the commitment of the regime in Pretoria to the creation of a climate conducive to negotiations. My delegation views with serious concern the oDgoing wave of violence in South Africa, particularly in the Province of Natal. We are saddened that the violence (Mr. HMsa, Malaysia) has resulted in the loss of the lives of hundreds of people. The tr~qic incidents have occurred primarily because of the continued existence of the abhorrent apartheid policies, practices and structures. We see them as a perpetuation of the infamous strategy of "divide and rulell carried out by colonial reqimes. We very much fear that this spate of violence vill not only delay the peaceful process of chanqe but could be use~ as a pretext by riqht-winq extremists and the reqime in Pretoria itself to scuttle the process of change in South Africa. ,As it is, the Pre.~oria reqime is draqqinq its feet in takinq any measures to stop the flare-up of violence. We urqe the Pretoria reqime to take urqent action t~ p~t an end.to the spate of violence. (Mt. Husa. Malaysia) We appeal to all parties concerned to contribute to the establishment of a climate free of violence and to work together to build a peaceful South Africa. : Nelson Mandela, Vice-President of the ~frican National CongreRs, made clear to us in his address at the United Nations iast June that nothing that had happened in South Africa called for a revision of the position that the United Nations had taken in its struggle against apartheid. He strongly urged that there should be no relaxation of existing measures, including sanctions. In this regard, my delegation wishes to reite~ate the statement made by the Commonwealth Heads of Government at their summit meeting in Kuala Lumpur last October in which the Commonwealth leaders agreed that the only justification for sanctions against South Africa was the pressure they created for fundamental political change. The purpose Of sanctions is not punitive but to abolish apartheid by bringing Pratoria to the negotiating table and keeping it there unt~l that change is irreversibly secured. It is clear that the pressures being exerted by the international community have had a positive effect on Pretoria. Sanctions have hurt the Pretoria regime, and this is a major reason why the regime has been persuaded to institute the recent changes. It is a matter of deep regret to us that certain countries chose to relax existing sanctions against South Africa to "reward" De Klerk for the few changes that he had effected in South Africa. My delegation believes that this "reward" is misplaced, as it should have been directed not to those who perpetrate the evil system of npartheid but to its victims who are dehumanized by it. We fUlly share the view stated by the Organization of African Unity Monitoring Group in its report that the relaxation of sanctions against the Pretoria regime is "tantamount to prematurely rewarding Mr. De Klerk, and jeopardizing efforts to create the necessary climate for negotiations". (A/44/963, annex, para, 21.2.0) (Mr. Musa, Malgysia) Therefore we urge all Member States to remain faithful to the objectives of the United Nations Declaration to which ,~e all are parties. Let us not destroy the unity and consensus that have been a(::hieved and let us together m!l.intain the existing sanctions until such time am there is clear evidence of profound and irreversible changes in South Africa. In this regard, the international community must take concerted and effecti'U'c meG~sures, inclUding full observance of the mandatory arms embargo, to ensure a f:lpeedy end to apartheid. It is clear to my delegation thr:~t the provisions of the United Nations Declaration on Apartheid must be fully and immediately implemented. We in Malaysia remain committed to doing everything possible and necessary to assist the people of South Africa in their legitimate struggle to eradicate apartheid. We call upon the Pretoria regime to respond full~' to the peaceful gestures made by the African National Congress and implement fully the provisions of the United Nations Declaration. We hold the regime in Pretolria responsible for creating a climate conducive to neqotiatious olld fur putting an and to the w~ve of violence going on in the country. My delegation shares ~[r. Mandela's hope, expressed in his address at the United Nations last June: "The distance we still have to travel is not long". But we may have to face the reality that the journey :is not likely to be smooth. We must continue to exert all our efforts to ensure that apartheid is eliminated once and for all. Malaysia and the other members of the international community eagerly await a united, non-racial and democratic South Africa in the not too distant future. Mr. LEGWAILA (Botswana): Sir, I fUlly share the sentiments expressed by Mr. Chiepe, our Minister for External Affairs, last year on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at the forty-fourth session. I wish to pay you a highly deserved tribute as you triumphantly app~oach your hard-earned retirement (Mr. Mus8. MalAYsia) from that historic presidency. You have proved worthy of your mantle in many more ways than one. We continue to repose in your good self all the confidence and trust you so richly deserve. We are confronted at this resumed session, as rega~ds ~partheid, with one simple question: how far has South Africa gone in the implementation of the sixteenth special session's historic Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa? Paragraph 10 of the Declaration requested the Secretary-General to prepare a report on the implementation of the Declaration by South Africa and submit it to the General Assembly by 1 July 1990. The Secretary-General has fulfilled the request, and we have before us a report as proof of that. The report is detailed, the product of a mission sent to South Africa by the Secretary-General in June. The Secretary-General's report has a message for us all. Its paragraph 10 speaks of the "distinct possibilities for the dismantling of the apartheid system" (A/44/960, para. lQ) that have been opened up by President De Klerk's "bold and co~rag;7;Oii.S policy to whieh [he] hl:ll:i conunitted his .Government" • It goes on to state: "Equally encouraging and statesmanlike" - and, I would add, daring - "has been the vision and forbearance displayed by the black leadership ••• despite long years of injustice" (ibid.). We agree with those sentiments. Both President De Klerk and the Deputy President of the African National Congress, Nelson Mandela, and the political institutions they lead have shown much courage and wisdom. South Africa, by any practical standard of measurement, has not been the same since 2 February, and particularly since 11 February, that memorable day when finally, after twenty-seven and a half years of wrongful impriso~ent, Mr. Mandela regained his freedom. All these developments the Secretary-General's report celebrates quite appropriately. (Mr. Legwaila, Botswana) In another sense, however, South Africa remains the same. South Africa remains even more of a country at war with itself. Events on 2 February and 11 February may have opened up possibilities for the dismantlinq of APartheid, but peace in South Africa has remained a forlorn hope, as elusive as ever. The number of South Africans who have lost their lives either as a result of police brutality or as a consequence of factional strife and sheer thuqgery - a thugqery that is neither political nor reliqious, but thuggery nevertheless - since-the toll of 2 February has probably surpassed that of the 1976 Soweto uprisinq. The brutality of the senseless mayhem is as unpreceden~ed as it is mind-boggling. Even such public transport as trains have been turned into moving coffins. Dozens of innocent lives a~e beinq lost and wasted every day, even BB we meet here to consider whether a climate conducive to the commencement of negotiations in South Africa has been created pursuant to the provisions of the Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa. Why so much violence at a time in the history of South Africa that is supposed to be so pregnant with hope and promise? Why the seeming paralysis on the part of those who are responsible for the maintenance of law and order - the Government of South Africa? Far be it from me to suggest that the President of South Africa himself, who so bravely opened the floodgates of so much hope and pr.omise, on 2 February 1990, could be associated in any way whatsoever with the depredations of those in his police force or outside it who seem bent on nullifying everythinq he has done so far in his quest for a new democratic dispensation for South Africa. And yet, it would be utterly unrealistic of us to credit with unblemished good faith and a true sense of humanity a police force whose socio-political psycholoqy, training and whole philosophy of life have been forged in the crucible of the apartheid culture. We have recently survived the terrible nightmare of dealing (Mr. Legwaila, Botswana) with a similar police force in Namibia, whose agenda during the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) clearly ran counter to the agendas of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group and the South African Government. No doubt, even today as I speak, some members of the police force in Namibia remain mired in their violent past. We cannot, therefore, gainsay the very distinct possibility that we are witnessing in South Africa today an attempt by some members of the South African police force to perpetuate at all costs a Koevoet culture to prevent the birth of a new South Africa in which their warped philosophy of life would have no place. There is also, I dare say, an equally distinct possibility that among the victims of apartheid there are those who for one reason or another, inexplicable to us, have allowed themselves to be used by the opponents of President De Klerk's and Mandela's initiative. They have allowod themselves to participate in a dance of death in which their own kind, their own brothers and sisters in the squalid single hostels of urbaL South Africa, are the principal victims. All this bloody carnage is of course a boon to worshippers of tne discredited past, the Afrikaans Resistance Movement and their kind. Instead of participating in the creation of conditions in whi~h the precarious hope and promise ef a new South Africa we hold so dear to our hearts could be nurtured in tranquility, the lunatic fringe in the white community and the black community is frantically stoking the fires of racial and tribal strife to justify its recidivism. There is within that lunatic fringe right now a gleeful wringing ~f hands in cynical gratification over the terrible violence that is threatening to make nonsense of whatever has been achieved thus far between President De Klerk and Mr. Mandela. And yet, fortunately, there can be no going back. The Secretary-General's report shows what has been done in the implementation by South Africa of the Declaration on Apartheid and its Da$tructive Consequences in Southern Africa and (Mr. Legwaila. Botswana) what has yet to be done. That is important. It is clear to all that the welter of repressive legislation that forms the bedrock of ~artheid is still in place, and there can be DO atmosphere conducive to the commencement of negotiations so long as such legislation has not been removed from the statute books. I say this without prejudice to the assurance by President De Klerk that the said legislation - particularly the Group Areas Act, the Land Act, and several others - will be abolished in the next Parliament. That is an assurance, not a reality; it is a promise, and is not yet a fact. Until all that legislation has been abolished and all other conditions contained in the Declaration on Apartheid have been met, it would seem to us that any talk of whether or not the process in South Africa, whatever it is, has reached a point of irreversibility is patently misplaced. No p~ofound change has occurred in South Africa to warrant a relaxation of the pressure that the international community has exerted on the South African regime over the years to force it to abandon apartheid. Nevertheless, President De Klerk and the ANC have started the ball rolling. It may be rolling backwards and forwards, but they have started it rolling, We wiSh them well. There is no denying, as I said earlier, that in a very important sense South Africa has not been the same since 2 February. The Cape Town and Pretoria Minutes have shown that the promise of a new South Africa can, with careful nurturing, become a reality. It has to be understood, however, that the talks about talks have thus f~r been a two-party affair. They have not reflected the intricate and volatile political pluralism of South Africa that must be fully accommodatad in the negotiating process if the end result of such negotiation is to enjoy universal approbation. Mr. Mandela has rightly called for the formation of a broad front of the oppressed to face the Government at the conference table. The call should be responded to by all concerned without delay. (Mr. Legwnila, Botswana) I am not &dvocating cutting corners in so far as the implementation of the Declaration is concerned. I am not talking about negotiations at this stage because all that is going on in South Africa at this stage is talks clbout talks and because the implementation of the Declaration has not been completedw It would be unf~rtunate and tragic, to say the least, if the opportunities. that have been opened up for a peaceful resolution of the South African problem were to be wasted. (Mt. Legwaila, Botswana) ~he Secretary-General's report speaks for itself. We hold Pr~taria to its commitment to pave the way for peace in southern Africa. ~he DeClaration on QPartheid remains to be implemented in full. Significant steps, we concede, have been taken to implement it. ~he consensus, however, is that much, much more needs to be done to pave the way for the commencement of real negotiations for irreversible and profound change in South Africa. Mr. INSANALLY (Guyana): ~he dramatic events in the Persian Gulf have overshadowed and perhaps obscured recent developments i~ South Africa. It is clear, none the less, that over the past months there have been notable changes in the political landscape of that country. Some of these have impacted on the prevailing system of gpartheid, giving rise to the hope that its dismantlement is not .far off. Other changes appear, however, to be for the worse and to jeopardize the process of negotiation necessary for the creation of a trUly democratic South Africa based on equity and justice for all its people. From all reports, the situation in that country, instead of getting better, is considerably worse than last year. ~here has been a recrudescence of violence to a point where, as the newspaper ~he SQwetan predicts, only chaQs can result. Such an eventuality WQuld be truly disastrous, endangering nQt Qnly human life but also the future Qf negQtiatiQns between the GQvernment and the African NatiQnal CQngress (ANC). ~he strains which currently exist between the GQvernment and the anti-apartheid campaigners are evidently SQ severe that it seems to be futile at this stage tQ hQld discussions. NegQtiatiQns cannQt be effectively conducted in an atmosphere Qf tensiQn between the parties. In the face Qf this disappointing setback, bQth sides have a clear QbligatiQn to reflect on the cQnsequences Qf a breakdown in talks and tQ make a determined effQrt tQ settle their differences in the interest Qf peace and stability fQr SQuth Africa. (Mr. Legwaila, Botswana) And great differences there obviously are. The report of the Secretary-General of tha United Nations as well as ~at of the Monitoring Group of the Ad HQC Committee on SQuth Africa of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) show that the South African Government's assessmant of the progress made in the implementation of the Declaration on ~artheid is not the same as that of the liberation movements and Qther protagonists in the struggle. Although varying in their perspectives, bQth documents conclude that while some progress may have been made at rapprQchement, the division between the parties remains dangerously wide. Some observers are prepared tQ acknQwledge that since the beginning Qf this year there have been SQme positive developments within SQuth Africa which have I Qpened up "distinct pQssibilities fQr the dismantlinc;j of the apartheid system". AmQng thQse measures cited are the release Qf the cQuntry's mQst famous detainee, Nel3Qn Mandela, and a number of other political prisQners; the suspension of the I death penalty; the lifting of the ban and restrictions against hitherto proscribed pQlitical parties, the repeal of certain aspects Qf the emergency regulations; 3nd certain budgetary and other initiatives aimed at improving the welfare Qf the black masses in South Africa. These measures have been highly vaunted by President De Klerk's Government as a manifestation of its commitment to change. At the same time, it is Qbvious from the general reaction Qf the black majQrity that these changes, if not too late, are certainly considered tQO little. It is pQinted Qut, fQr example, that while the state of emergency may have been lifted, the Public Safety Act, which enables the apartheid regime to impose the state of emergency, is still intact. MoreQver, the repressive power of the GQvernment remains entrenched in permanent legislation, such as the Internal Security Act. (Mr. Insanally, Guyana) ~imilarly, the main pillars of APartheid still stand, denying the credibility of change. Of the Group Areas Act one hears that it has to be "replaced in an orderly manner" and that until such time as effective and generally acceptable measures are substituted, the residential areas would be protected by that Act. Simi~ar proscriptions govern the abolition of the Land Act. Regarding the I ' Population Registration Act, which di~ferentiates on the basis of population groups, it has been pointed out that it is "an inseparable par~ of the Constitution and the Electoral Act", and that, therefore, any amendment must ~e "iu conjunction with the existing constitution", and so on. Moreove~, it has been established that even some of the more praiseworthy reforms are, at bast, half-measures. The unbanning of political organizations has evidently not been taken far enough. For mere legislation without the necessary protection to function seems empty and insufficient. The release of political prisoners has been stymied by the debate over definition of terms. Further, the lifting of the state of emergency in areas other than Natal province has evoked unfavourable responses. Its later re-imposition in some sections of the Transvaal because of the much publicized black-on-black violence has been plausibly explained by the the authorities. However, the black majority and its leadership have found the explanations to be specious and designed primarily to satisfy international public opinion. Whatever we choose to believe, we cann~t avoid comiug to the conclusion reached by the Secretary-General in his report that, "so long as racial attitudes persist and apartheig structures at the local level remain, the process fo~ chaage will encounter difficulties". In light of this realization, the Government of Guyana believes that haste must be made to fulfil all the conditions prescribed by the United Nations and non-aligned countries in their declarations in order to create the appropriate climate for negotiation. Admittedly, such an objective is not easy to attain since (Mr. Insanally, GUYana) apa~theid's partisans will certsinly conspire to frustrate it. The Government of Pretoria may therfore find it more politic to proceed even more slowly at ~eform. However, as has been repeatedly stated in this forum, apartheid cannot be reformed; ! it must be eradicated. The Government has to realize that gentle thrusts will not kill the apartheid b~ast; it must be given a decisive death-blow.' We therefore urga President De Klerk, who has been courageous enough to do'battle, to rid South Africa of apartheid once and for all. Like any wounded animal, apartheid is now at its most vicious and dangerous. One cannot say what it will do next in tho interest of its self-preservation. The international community needs therefore to be extremely vigilant against complacency at this critical time. The United Nations must ensure that apartheid is given no quarter and that the full force of the measures aimed at its removal is felt. In this context, the pressure of sanctions, which has clearly done much to induce whatever change may have occurred in South Africa, must be maintained. This was the unanimous view of the Commonwealth Committee of Foreign Ministers on South Africa, of which Guyana is privileged to be a member, when it met last May in Abuja, Nigeria. We would like to think, however, that good sense will prevail in the end and that the Government of South Africa will seriously negotiate a peaceful end to apartheid. The meetings held in Groote Schuer and Pretoria seem to confirm its bona fides. On the other hand, in renouncing violence and displaying a willingness to compromise, the interlocutors of the ANC have made a statesmanlike and welcome response. This auspicious beginning leads us to the belief that all may not be lost and that, despite the current violence, the two aides will persist in their search for peace. (Mr. Insanally. Guyana) I The Go,rernment of Guyana is therefore confident that it will not be long before we witness the demise of apartheid. As in Eastern Europe'l the political floodgates have been opened and events will take their normal ,course. With the release of Nelson Mandela, the symbol of the anti-apartheid struggle, the process towards non-racial democracy in South Africa is inexorable and irreversible. ~o one who heard that great statesman speak on his visit to New York can ever doubt thl3. (Ht. Insgally, Gqyana) In his address to the Assembly he asked us to keep faith, to keep up the pressure and to walk the "last mile" with the people of South Africa so that they may finally have, as he so poetically put it: "a victory in hand, a dream fulfilled, the triumph of justice over a tyrannical past, the realization of the vision enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights." (A/44/~6Q, annex VI) We must not disappoint him or the people of South Africa. Mr. TADESSE (Ethiopia): Mr. President, you have guided the work of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly so ably that it gives me great pleasure to see you presiding over these meetings with the same characteristic skill. Keenly aware of your eminent diplomatic qualities, I have no doubt that our deliberations will enjoy the success they deserve. Since the adoption of the Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa by the General Assembly at its sixteenth spacial session last December, we have followed the developments in South Africa with a degree of anticipation and even guarded optimism. None the less, as the Secretary-General's report on the developments in South Africa since the beginning of the year clearly indicates, there are as yet no fundamental changes which would encourage us to believe that substantial and irreversible progress has been made in that country. Indeed, if there is anything that the essence of the Secretary-General's report reveals, it is the fact that the Government in Pretoria has met only one of the five conditions set out in the Declaration pertaining to the creation of a climate conducive to the pursuit of genuine negotiations. Although we are not oblivious to the impact that the unbanning of anti-apartheid organizations and the release of a limited number of political prisoners is likely to have on developments in South Africa, we continue to believe (Mr. Insanally, Guyana) that the main pillars of apartlleid remain intact. In fact, the very Draconian laws which served as the basis for the racial compartmentalization of South African society have yet to be nullified. The infamous Group Areas Act, as well 'as the Population Act, continue to serve as potent weapons for the marginalization of the black majority in South Africa. In spite of our hope for the unconditional release of all political prisoners in South Africa, many remain confined to the dungeons of apartheid. Until such prisoners are released and conditions for the return of exiles are created, thousands of South Africans will remain deprived of their right to return safely to their homeland. Perhaps the most distressing of the avents taking place in South Africa is the persistent violence in the townships. This violence, often fanned by the right-wing elements of the white community in South Africa, together with members of the security forces, has not only resulted in unnecessary loss of life and property but also constitutes a stumbling-block to the pursuit of political dialogue. Given the gravity of the situation and its impact on developments in Soutb Africa, it is impe~ative that this violence be brought to a speedy end. In this regard, the responsibility for maintaining law and order lies in the hands of the Government in Pretoria. If the Pretoria regime has shown an inclination to resort to methods of dialogue with the victims of apartheid, it is primarily due to the universal sanctions imposed on it by the international community. These sanctions should remain in place until irreversible changes take place in South Africa and the pillars of apartheid are dismantled. Wliile we salute all those States which remain faithful to their international obligations in the implementation of sanctions against South Africa, we cannot but express our dismay at the unilateral action taken by some to lift sanctions against that country. Such actions, erosive as (Mr. Tadesse, Ethiopia) they ~re, will not only undermine the efforts of the international community in its attempt to influence the course of events in South Africa, but will serve to send the v.rong signal to those bent on limiting changes in that country to a level of cosmetic reforms. We therefore appeal to one and all to refrain from any action which may contribute to the relaxation of sanctions against South Africa until the international community so pronounces itself on this vital question. In spite of the reluctance shown by the white comt.unity in South Africa tC' contribute to the formation of a united democratic and non-racial State, t~e chances for a peaceful solution to the South Afri~an question clearly exist. Any delay in the process of negotiation leading to a conscious effort aimed at the dismantling of QPartheid will undoubtedly have ominous consequences for all sectors of South African society. It is now up to those who are at the helm of power in Pretoria to act in favour of peace and democracy in South Africa or face the consequences of the violence, instability and uncertainty inherent in the very nature of apartheid. In their actions and deeds we hope that they will choose the former course of action. Mr. MORTENSEN (Denmark): I have the honour to speak on behalf of the five Nordic cOllntries, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Denmark. Nine months ago, at its sixteenth special session, the General Assembly adopted by consensus the Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive ~onsequences in Southern Africa. The Declaration constitutes a strong and unanimous signal from the world community that the abhorrent system of eeartheid must be abolished. (Mr. Tadesse, Ethiopia) The continued struggle against ~partheid inside South Africa, and the unanimity demonstrated by the world community on that occasion played, in our view, a significant role in persuading the South African Government to embark upon a political process that holds the promise that profound political change in South Africa is finally within reach. It is therefore all the more important at C~: present session to preserve this consensus and aim at a constructive and balanced resolution in the spirit of the Declaration of last December. We have before us the report of the Secretary-General on the Implementation of the Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa. The Nordic countries would like to take this opportunity to thank the Secretary-General for his very comendable work in giving a comprehensive, well-balanced and informative picture of developments and opinions in South Africa since the adoption of the Declaration. Although significant developments in South Africa have taken place since, the report will form a valuable basis for the General Assembly's deliberations on the question of epartheid at its forty-fifth session. The Nordic countries have welcomed the reforms that have taken place in South Africa under President De Klerk, as well as the dialogue initiated between the South African Government and the ANC. The foresight and courage displayed by President De K1erk and Mr. Nelson Mande1a in this process have been widely applauded. With the Pretoria Minute of 6 August a new milestone was reached, and the two parties have stated that the way is now open to proceed towards negotiations on a new constitution. The Nordic countries have consistently held the view that profound and irreversible changes must be brought about through negotiations and without the use of violence. We welcome the important decision by the ANC to suspend all armed (Mr. Mortensen, Denmark) actions. All parties in South Africa should follow the example set by the ANC and the Government and commit themselves to finding peaceful solutions without resorting to violence. Alongside the political process now under way, the South African Government should take urgent measures aimed at redressing the immense social and economic inequalities which exist in South Africa as a result of the APartheid requlations. As pointed out by the Secretary-General in his report~ the widespread violence and the huge economic and social disparities could present difficulties for the political process if they are not recognized and addressed urgently and at the highest level. The violence in South Af~ican society has increased tragically in recent weeks. All parties should do their utmost to break this tragic cycle of violence, stabilize the situation and solve their differences through dialoque. The South African Government has a special responsibility in bringing this situation to an end in an impartial manner. It is evident that a momentous process has been set in motion in South Africa. However, a long and difficult road lies ahead. Important pillars of the eeartheid system have yet to be removed. It is against this background that the Nordic Foreign Ministers at their meeting in Norway on 11 and 12 September this year reaffirmed that their policy towards South Africa. continues to be based on the central elements of the 1988 Nordic Programme of Action. The Nordic Governments will thus maintain the pressure on the South African Government, including economic sanctions, until there is clear evidence of profound and irreversible changes in South Africa. The Nordic countries will continue to monitor closely the developments and the situation in South Africa. We will continue to exert our influence to promote (Mr. Mortensen, Denmark) dialoque and the process of democratization in South Africa. Our policies of restrictive measures will continue to be reviewed in the light of further developments in the situation in South Africa. Mr. AKSIN (Turkey): At the outset, Sir, I should like to express our pleasure at seeing you, an eminent son of Africa, presiding over these very important meatings of the General Assembly. Allow me also to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, and to the members of the United Nations team for having presented a comprehensive report on the progress made in the implementation of the General Assembly's Declaration on apartheid. That report gives a full and realistic picture of South Africa's political situation. As the Secretary-General rightly states in his report, the situation in South Africa has begun to evolve in an encouraging direction since the beginning of this year. We hope this evolution continues and brings tangible improvements in the lives of the long-suffering people of the region. Welcome as they may be, the changes that have occurred are still not sufficient to make the process of dismantling apartheid irreversible, and the measures required for the creation of a favourable climate for neqotiation have not been implemented in full. Nevertheless, the steps taken by the South African Government, if sustained and completed by bold measures, might ~horten the long and difficult road that lies ahead for the eradication through peaceful means of racial segregation and discrimination. At this junctu~e I should like to refer to the release of some political prisoners including, especially, Mr. Mandela; to the lifting of the banning order (Mr. Mortensen. Denmark) on the African Nati~nal Congress of South Africa (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) and other anti-~artheid organizations; and to the partial lifting of the state of emergency. We believe also that the Groote Schuur Minute as well as the Agreement reached by the Government of South Africa and the ANC at the conclusion of their talks, if implemented on the basis of mutual trust and goodwill can, as stated in the Agreement "become a milestone on the road to the true peace and prosperity of the country". APartheid cannot be reformed; it has to be fully dismantled. To that end, it is is essential to eliminate the main pillars of apartheid, such as the Population Registration Act, the Land Act, the Group Areas Act, as well as all the other laws and practices that underpin racial discrimination. The elaboration of a new constitution, the holding of free and fair elections to a constituent assembly on a non-racial basis and, if necessary, the adoption of the principle of a national and not a minority referendum, will be the main elements th~t will test the determination and willingness of the De Klerk administration to dismantle this anachronistic system. The wave of violence in Natal, which has recently spread to other parts of the country, constitutes a major source of concern for the future of the political climate necessary for negotiations. Aside from its devastating effects in a country historically divided along racial lines, the existence of violence can be used as a pretext to bring to an end the ongoing process which is already meeting with opposition in certain segments of the population. At present, we are witnessing momentous changes in the world. Despite the recent crisis in the Gulf, there are promising prospects for the creation of a new (Mr. A~sin, Turkey) international order based on shared values, mutual cODfidence and international solidarity. In the new era of rapidly changing world politics, the abhcrrent system of ~partheid struggles on for survival despite the universal condemnation of th~ international community. We are faced today with the historic responsibility of ridding the world of the scourge of racism which runs counter to the most fundamantal values in which we all believe. We should take advantaqe of the con$ensus of the international community to maintain the momentum generated by our Declaration on aBartheid, including the continuation of all existing pressures on South Africa until the present developments become irreversible. We cannot relax I our efforts until APartheid has been totally eliminated. (Mr. Ats1n, t!trkey) Mr, ALARCON de QUESADA (Cuba) (interpreta~ion from Spanish): The need to implement the Declaration adopted by this Assembly by consensus is a solemn commitment assumed by all ;ates Members of the Organization. This means that as soon ~s possible we must achieve the objective of a united, democratic and non-racial South Africa. To this end the pxofo~nd and irreversible changes that the Declaration and its programme of action require must be strictly implemented by Sout~ Afri~a and all Member States must truly carry out the commitments undertaken through the adoption of that Declaration with its programme of action. It has been pointed out that in recent days there have in fact been promising changes in South Africa, in particular the release of Comrade Nelson Mandela, the resumption of activities by the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and other peoples' organizations, and the beginning of a dialogue between the ANC and the Pretoria authorities. But as regards with these changes it must also be said that they are insufficient, that they do not correspond to what was stipulated in this Assembly's Declaration and, furthermore, while some changes have occurred and while we do see the possibility of hope for a peaceful solution to this too long conflict, it has been due to two fundamental reasons: first of all, the struggle of the African people of South ~frica itself. its long, heroic, self-sacrificing struggle, and the support of the international cOmfitunity for the South African national liberation movement and its demand for the dismantling of apartheid. Any attempt to introduce the idea that solidarity with the liberation movement should be reduced Or international pressure against apar~heid lessened could hamper the peaceful settlement of this problem and produce the ~pposite result. It is for this reason that my delegation wishes to ~~:press its agreement with the comments contained in document A/44/972 submitted by the Group of African St~tes respondinq to the report subm:.tted by the Secretary-General. We must say quite frankly that we share the Afric~ concern about certain wordinqs contained in the Secretary-General's report and about the fact that certain points are omitted in it. We believe that we must reject any attempt to reach an accommodation with apartheid. Apartheid is not neqotiable; it must be eliminated and we are all in duty bound to do what we have pledqed to do towards brinqinq about an end to that reqime. The Secretary-Gene' ~'s document indicates how the attitude of certain Members of the Orqanization really does not correspond to the commitments undertaken. It suffices to see the comments contained in paragraph 6.1 of the African paper in connection with th3ir prof.ound concern at the fact that a member of this Assembly has lifted sanctions in flaqrant violation of the letter and spirit of the Declaration adopted by consensus. Other responses contained in the Secretary-General's report also indicate that not everyone is equally committed to the Declaration we adopted here. I would also like to point out that as this Assembly is qathered here to discuss this question we are also seeinq a peculiar situation of qrave danqer for mankind, one that poses a qreat challenqe to our Orqanization, namely, the deplorable conflict in the Persian Gulf which has obliqed our Orqanization, throuqh its Security Council, to take drastic measures whose imperative implementation has been urqed by the Security Council. We believe that it is correct for the Security Council to attempt to assume its responsibilities wherever international peace and security are threatened or breached. But we cannot accept a selective approach to the implementation of the principles of the Charter. I must draw this Assembly's attention to the fact ~hat while, on the one hand, we are demonstratinq that effectiveness in applyinq sanctions and seeinq to their implementation, on the other hand we must note that (Mr. Alarcon de Ouesada. Cu~) unfortunately the embargo on arms to South Africa established in Security Council, resolution 421 (1977) has not drawn the same interest and attention in our Organization. The Committee that was established by the Council to monitor the implementation of those sanctions is at the present time at a critical stage, finding itself almost unable to act; not everyone has shown a genuine interest in seeing to it that those sanctions and other measures which the Assembly pledged to implement become reality. Lastly, we should like to point out that there are some specific aspects of the Declaration and the programme of action adopted by this Assembly by consensus that clearly are violated on a daily basis. I read one of the commitments required here from the document before us for our consideration. It reads as follows: "To extend such assistance to the Governments of Angola and Mozambique as they may request in order to secure peace for their peoples, and to encourage and support peace initiatives undertaken by the Governments of Angola and Mozambique aimed at bringing about peace and normalization of life in their countries". (A/44/960, p. 113) This paragraph, if we understand it correctly, is also binding on the Government of the United States of America, but it is clear that that Government has not been supporting the peace initiatives of Angola and Mozambique nor has it ceased its attempts to promote instability in Angola. (Mr. Alarcon de Quesada, Cuba) In conclusion, Mr. President, we would like to state that our Assembly should reaffirm everything contained intbe Declaration and its programme of action and that it should reaffirm the need to implement it fully and immediately. We must firmly establish that the steps that must be taken by South Africa to implement this Declaration must be final and irreversible, as established in the Declaration that has been adopted. We must urqe all Governments and all intergovernmental organizations strictly to respect the programme of action and the Declaration. We must clearly stipulate that the South African regime must, without delay, establish conditions conducive to negotiations by taking all the steps set forth in our Declaration and, in particular, by carrying out its commitment to repudiate any repressive legislation that may still restrict the possibility for political action on the part of African organizations. We hope that this session of the General Assembly will contribute to demonstrating the real commitment of the international community to see to it that this Declaration and its programme of action are respected and s~rict1y carried out by all members. Mr. PHOOFOLO (Lesotho): Mr. President, the Kingdom of Lesotho is always happy to see you continuously championing the cause of freedom and justice. You continue to be a source of great inspiration to us. You are indeed our pride. As we focus on the report of the Secretary-General as mandated by the consensus Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa adopted in December 1989, it becomes essential and imperative to delve slightly into the historical evolution of QPartheid and, consequently, the entire paraphernalia that goes with it. When the South Africa Act of 1909 gave birth to the Union of South Africa in 1910 that ushered in a tragic era which has led to the present status of affairs in South Africa. A black man and all other people of colour, everyone save the people (Mr. Alarcon de Quesada, Cuba) of European origin, were definitively and deliberately made to face perpetual sUffering in their land of birth. The Africans were intentionally and consciously turned into foreigners in their God-given lan~. No Africans ever came from Europe as missionaries, traders, explorers or colonialists in Gearch of material wealth and domination of other people. The perpetual suffering of a black man in South Africa has essentially been a struggle for a birthright. An African has continued to suffer humiliation and all sorts of deprivation because of the colour of his skin. An African was deprived of his ri9ht to determine freely the affairs of his life in his own country, subjected to a barrage of repressive laws that were codified as apartheid policies. These are the policies that aimed at the destruction of a black man, not only in South Africa, but also in all that is part and parcel of southern Africa. When the "civilized world" was still insensitive to the perpetual suffering of the black man in South Africa, it was the great people of India who brought to the attention of this global coalition the evils of APartheid which have been destructive in the region. The magnitude of the destructiveness of QPartheid policies on political, economic and social sectors in the region is a matter of common inte~national knowledge. Apartheid has not only been merciless towards black people, but it has also been ruthless across the age groups, gender and social standing of individuals as long as the skin's pigmentation was not perceived as white. Precious life has been lost, property destroyed and untold human SUffering experienced by all thoso who had been turned into strangers in their land of birth as well as by those who are neighbours. In the wake of peaceful demonstrations against apartheid, as the defiance campaigns of the 1950s and the like took place, ruthless suppression became the norm. A black man has since been in pain physically and mentally. (Mr. Phoofolo, Lesotho) The world continued not to accept that QPartheid was on the rampage until the trigger-happy police of South Africa massacred scores of black South Africans in Sharpeville at yet another peaceful demonstration against apartheid pass laws that had made a black man a complete alien in his country. The Sharpeville massacre of innocent men, women and children of colour set in full motion the spiral of QPartheid violence and its concomitant destructive consequences in southern Africa. Bannings, detentions without trial, deaths in prisons, deportations, p~litical executions and flight for personal safety became the order of the day as far as the oppressed were concerned, and so were cross-border raids that inflicted extensive damage on all the countries in southern Africa. As southern Africa was in flames, this global partnership had not ceased debating and passing endless resolutions condemning and denouncing apartheid's policies and its destructive consequences in southern Africa. The fact of the matter is that the international outcry against QPartheid and its destructive consequences in southern Africa was decisively placed Qn a positive road by the battle of Cuito Cuanavale in Angola. The rippling political effects of that historic encounter with the forces of apartheid are well known - Namibia is amongst us as a free country still battling to put its house in order economically and socially. Mr. President, it is a well-known fact that school children were forced to flee their beloved country in 1976, and they remain scattered the world over to this day because of the continuation of apartheid policies. Some died, some were maimed and others permanently disabled in the perpetual SUffering inflicted on the black people of South Africa as a result of the existence Qf the Population Registration Act, the Group Areas Act and the Land Acts, which are still alive and very well in the South African statute books. (Mr. PhQo?olo, Lesotho) As ~ logical, ~ut regrettable consequence of §9artheid, the political and eCOnomic climate in South Africa has always been characterized by violence. Hence, the state of emergency and the plethora of the legislation designed and calculated to circumscribe political activity in the cOUDtry. (Mt. Phoofoloc Lesotho) The DeclaratiQn that led tQ the repQrt befQre us is very clear in its message and directiQn. We take nQte with a sense Qf appreciatiQn of the fact that the Secretary-General has discharged his mandate under the DeclaratiQ~. We equally take nQte of t~e pQlitical events that have occurred in South Africa since the adQptiQn of the CQnsensus DeclaratiQn by the Assembly. Inasmuch as the United NatiQns Secretariat missiQn CQncluded that "SQuth Africa has reached the threshQld of a new era", it has nevertheless tQ be observed that violence as a cQnsequence of apartheid has perpetually and consistently remained in place in South Africa. The shameful fratricidal killings in Natal have CQntinued unabated, and now the genQcide has spread intQ Transvaal Province and intQ the SQweto area in particula_. The internatiQna1 cQmmunity cannot agree that the killings Qf peaceful protesters in Se~okeng in March and ~uly Qf this year have been encQuraging prQspects fQr the dismantling Qf apartheid. The perpetually suffering people Qf colQur, as defined by apartheid, continue tQ bleed prQfusely in SowetQ, KagisQ, VQsIQorus, We1kom and Qther parts of SQuth Africa as the three fundamental pillars Qf apartheid remain in place. Dust has not settled Qn the roads leading to the black graveyards because of the cQntinuatiQn Qf. past, recent and present enforcement Qf apartheid legal instruments. It is nQt debatable. It is a fact undisputed by all reasQnable peQp1e that cQnstitutiQnal deve1Qpment in SQuth Afri~a must primarily be a sQvereign and legitimate right Qf its citizens. It is equally a fact that the perpetually bleeding masses Qf SQuth Africa are fully conscious that their liberation is essentially in their own hands. But the Qngoing carnage that is taking place under sophisticated and efficient law-enfQrcement machinery cannot be tQlerated by people Qf conscience. It would be immoral to do so. The existing police and military infrastructure in South Africa cannot fail to put an end tQ the Qngoing spiral of (Mr. PhQQfQlo, LesQthQ) ~artheid violence, should there be a genuine desire on the part of those curre~tly in control of the State apparatus to do so. We call upon the Assembly not to falter in its noble cause of seeing to the profound and irreversible elimination of gparthQid and its destructive consequences. The economic endowments of the region should not be the preoccupation of any country until positive attitudes are displayed across the enti~e political spectrum of South Africa. President De Klerk, now that he has commendably and publicly joined the struggle to eliminate gpartheid, must be encouraged to deal resolutely with the arch-conservatives to forgo the apartheid mentality, and the police should rise to the occasion by saving precious lives and protecting the property of the black people in South Africa. Only a peaceful atmosphere can lead to a political climate conducive to facilitatinq the accomplishment of the preconditions of the United Nations consensus on apartheid and its destructive consequences. The concept of tribalism has no place in South Africa. People have long outgrown such divisive tendencies and tactics. The architects and instigators of tribal differences will not succeed. They are doomed to failure. The New York Times of 13 September 1990 confirmed on page 4 that residents had denied that the war was tribal, and quoted a woman who said that "her neighbourhood included Xhosas, Sothos and even Zulus who had lived togl?ther amicably". Not only is it deceptive to refer to tribalism in current pogroms, it also abets the delusive attempts being made by the apostles of apartheid violence. The South African problem is a common r.truggle for a birthright. It is a struggle for freedom and justice, a struggle for a united, non-racial and democratic South Africa. It is a struggle for mutual respect and for mutual (Mr. Phoofolo, Lesotho) tolerance and accommodation. It is a struggle against poverty in the midst of plenty and affluence. It is a struggle for equity and social justice, for redressing the allocation and distribution of natural resources. It is a struggle for the very survival of the oppressed majority. It is basically a struggle for human rights. Above all, it is a total and final onslaught directed at the eradication and elimination of apartheid, one to which the international community is committed. Let us not forget the invitation extended to us by the Deputy President 6f the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), Mr. Nelson Mandela, when he addressed the Organization last June. He concluded his statement by saying: "The distance we still have to travel is not long. Let us travel it together." (A/44/960. annex VI, p. 107) So let us continue on the freedom march. Victory is in sight. Mr. HATANO (Japan): I am honoured to speak on behalf of the Government of Japan at this resumed session of the General Assembly on apartheid. At the outset I should like to pay a tribute to the United Nations for the role it has been playing for the elimination of racial discrimination and for the advancement of human rights and fundamental freedoms. We appreciate in particular the steadfast efforts the Organization has continued to make for the abolition of apartheid since December of last year, when its Member States adopted by consensus the General Assembly Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa. On this occasion I wish to reiterate Japan's firm and steadfast opposition to all forms of racial discrimination, and particularly to discrimination in its most hideous form, apartheid. No enlightened society can tolerate racial discrimination. The system of apartheid, which is nothing other than (Mr. Phoofolo. LesothQ) institutionalized racism, disregards universal human values and blatantly violates the spirit of the United Nations Charter. It is thus incumbent upon the international community to co-operate for its total eradication as soon as possible. Since February of this year the Government of South Africa has taken. a series of noteworthy initiatives, including the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, the unbanning of anti-apartheid organizations such as the African National Congress of'South Africa (ANC) and - with the exception of some parts of the country - the lifting of the state of emergency. Those measures constitute genuine progress towards the abolition of ~artheid. (Mr. Hatano, Jgpan) Another major step towards the peaceful resolution of the problem was the agreement by the ANC, reached through dialogue with the South African Government, to suspend its armed struggle. In so doing, the ANC has helped p,ave the way for the commencement of serious negotiations for the drafting of a new constitution. The roles played by President de K1erk and the Deputy President of the ANC, Nelson Mandela, have been crucial to these efforts. , . It is my honour and privilege to announce here th~t Mr. Mandela will visit Japan late in October, at the invitation of my Government. I wish to emphasize that Japan has extended the invitation as part of its effort to expand dialogue with botA the Government and black leaders of South Africa. The Government of Japan thus welcomes the visit of Mr. Mandela, who, since his release from prison last February, has consistently sought the abolition of aparthe!d through a process of negotiation. In the light of the progress that has been made in the past year, it is particularly regrettable that violence is now escalating in some parts of the country. We cannot but be concerned that the recent outbreak of violence may have grave implications for the future of South Africa even after apartheid is abolished. The reform efforts of the South African Government have given us reason to be optimistic regarding the commencement of substantive negotiations in the future. Nevertheless, additional measures must be taken to remove the discriminatory laws and repressive regulations for the preservation ,of the peace that remain in force. The Government of Japan will continue to work to convince the Government of South Africa to rescind these laws and indeed abolish once and for all its policy of apartheid. (Mr. Hatano, Japan) I wish tQ cQnclude my remarks tQday with an expressiQn Qf the hQpe that substantive negQtiatiQns will be cQnvened with the participatiQn Qf all parties CQncerned, SQ that a truly demQcratic regime, under which all the peQple are guaranteed equal rights and fundamental freedQms, can be established in SQuth Africa in the very near future. PROGRAMME OF WORK