A/46/PV.10 General Assembly

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the Uni~ed Nations the Reigning Prince and Head of State of the Principality of Liechtenstein, His Serene Highness Prince Hans-Adam II von und zu Liechtenstein, and to invite him to address the Assembly. Prince HANS-ADAM II: First of all, Sir, please accept my warmest congratulations on your election to this high office. We are fully confident that you will carry out the responsibility of your office with great skill and efficiency. The delegation of Liechtenstein wishes you success and pledges to you its full support. It is a great pleasure for me to pay a tribute today to the Secretary-General. I wish to express my heartfelt thanks to him for the ' friendship that he has shown to my country even when it was not yet a Member of the United Nations. It was a privilege for us to host his visit to our country a few months ago, and I would like to thank him again for having paid this honour to Liechtan8tein. We have much admiration for the excellent lead~rship he has shown during his 10 years as Secretary-General of the Organization, and I wish to express our gratitude to him and to his staff. Because of the momentous changes in the world and thanks to his efforts, the United Rations is slowly assuming more and more of the peace-teeping responsibilities throughout the world in accordance with the original intentions of its founders. We all know, of course, that many further efforts and endeavours are necessary to bring peace and happiness to every region of the world. Lie~htenatein vi~~es to welcome the Republic of Korea and the Democratic Peo,~le' ri Republic of Koicea, which joined the Organization on 17 September. We are convinced that the admission of the two States duly corresponds to the principle of universality expressed in the Charter, as well as to the wish of the Korean people that the process of reunification be expedited • • Moreover, I wish to extend warm congratulations to the Federated States of Micronesia and to the Republic of the Marshall Islands, as well as to the Republi,!a of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania on their admission as sovereign and equal members of the United Nations. As the representative of the smallest Member State of the United Nations, I want to thank you for ac~epting LieC,htenstein last year as a Member of this international Organization. Membership of the United Nations is of great significance, especially for small countries like Liechtenstein. The United Nations is a special meeting-place for all countries, some of which do not have representations all over the world. Moreover, United Nations membership gives protection to those countries which are too weak to defend their independence. Not every State is fortunate ~nough to have neighbours like Austria and Switzerland, which have respected the independence of the Principality of Liechtenstein over centuries. I should like to avail myself of this occasion to thank those two countries for all the help and support they have given us throughout our history. In the recent past we have been able to wit~oss rapid and almost revolutionary political changes in thu world. Tensions between East and West have been greatly reduced. Europe is no longer divide~. Solutions to some regional conflicts are closar as ever before. These developments form the background for the new challenges that the world conununity is facing. The role of the United Nations has changed. The Organization has entered a new phase. Profiting from the absence of gr~at-Power confrontation, it is acting more efficiently and is concentrating on the cause of peace and security. Small States have a special need for protection and security. The Principality of Liechtenstein, although it is, fortunately, a prosperous and secure country surrounded by two permanently neutral neighbours, feels that this issue is of direct relevance. Respect for international law is our only protection. For these reasons, we feel deeply conunitted to the principles of the sovereign equality, political independence and territorial integrity of States. While we were not a Member of the Organization in 1989, we fully support resolution 44/21, in which the General Assembly urged Member States inter alia to settle disputes peacefully, and adhere tc the principles of equal rights and self-determination of peoples and of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Unfortunately, again and again in the history of mankind we have seen brutal aggressions of one country against another. The aggression of Iraq against its small neighbour Kuwait was just the most recent example in a long list. The peace-loving countries of the world have to be grateful to the United Nations and to the Member States that took part in the military action against Iraq that finally resulted in putting an end to the occupation and preventing the permanent annexation of Kuwait. International law served as the Wllbrella for the international response to the Gulf crisis, ond thus constitutes the most recent proof that respect for its precepts is a small country's only protection. Let us all hope that this crisis was a turning-point in human history, for as long as the United Nations reacts as it did during the Gulf crisis, such aggressions will cease to become attractive inetruments for even the most po'W\7r-hungry dictators. Unfortunately, we know that even if we succeed in preventing all acts of aggression, peace and happiness will not come easily to the world. Some of the most cruel wars in the past decades have been civil wars. Politicians and historians can give us many reasons why civil wars occur: different cultures, 11.tDguages or religions that have difficulty coexisting in a single State, oppressed minorities or simply political differences that cannot be resolved peacefully. A solution for some of these problems can be found internally if a State respects human rights and fundamental freedoms and has democratic institutions that work. But history shows that even then civil wars can break out. Human rights can also bs violated in countries with a democratic tradition. Democrat!~ institutions can break down. There are situations where peaceful coe~istence between different groups inside a single State does not seem to be possible, whatever the reasons may be. Should we, in those cases, not endeavour to find other solutions in accordance with the principle of self-determination, rather than risk cruel and destructive civil wars? I am aware that the United Nations, for good reasons, has been very prudent concerning the principle of self-determination. To encourage the exercise of the right to self-determination might lead to even more civil wars and to the disintegration of Member States. Non~interference in the internal affairs of Member States has certainly been a wise policy to follow. Nevertheless, we have to accept the fact that the borders of nearly all Member States, including my own country, have not been drawn according to the principle of self-determination. They are usually the product of colonial expansion, international treaties or war, and very seldom have people been asked where they want to belong. But even if tney had been asked, a new generation might have another opinion; circumstances can change and expectations can remain unfulfilled. A majority of Member States certainly supports self-determination in theory. How this principle is to be applied in practice has, however, in my opinion, not been studied enough. Usually the discussion starts over a specific case when strong emotions are already involved. Would it not be better at least to try to find a minimum consensus between Member States on some guiding principles, when efforts are being made to implement the principle of self-determination? To be acceptable to the largest possible number of Member States, such guidelines or rules of conduct should foresee a careful evolution, which could start from a low level and go on to higher levels of autonomy before complete independence could be attained. Independence is, however, not always the best solution: it can be a complicated and sometimes traumatic process. I wish to inform members of my intention to instruct experts to prepare a p=eliminary study un this question, the outcome of which would be submitted in due course to the General Assembly, if that was considered desirable. A convention modelled after the European Convention on Human Rights could ev~ntually be the product of these efforts. I should like to raise a few points and draw a few lines in order to give the Assembly an overall idea of the possible outline of such an instrument. A central question will be to define what entity can be the beneficiary of the right to self-determination. Several methods have been discussed in the past. It might be sufficient to establish the minimum size of the area and population involved. Setting this minimum size very low would have two important advantages: First, minorities that asked for uelf-determination would consequently have to grant the same rights to their own minorities; experience shows us that they are at times unwilling t~ do so, which can be the cause of new problems. Secondly, a low minimum size would, in my opinion, lead to a decentralization rather than to a break-up Qf the present States, because for small groups and areas independence will not always bo the best solution. For a modern State decentralization has political and economic advantages. Decentralization is certainly one of the key elements for the prosperity and political stability of Switzerland, a country without natural resources and a population with four languages, varicus religions and many political parties. A convention on self-determination could foresee several degrees of autonomy before independence were granted to a certain region, thus giving the central State and the region the time to adapt to the new situation, with the likely outcome that the people would in most instances prefer autonomy to independence. Three degrees of autonomy could be envisaged. The first degree could involve the election of representatives for the new autonomous region and consequently the administration by those elected representatives of the funds which are allocated by the central government. Some additional rights could be given in the fields of culture and education. The next step could involve some autonomy in taxation. Direct taxes would probably be raised better by the regions, whereas indirect taxation, (Prince Hans-Adam II~ import duties and the like could remain with the central government. A financial compensation plan would have to be worked out at this stage, t.r..-.,,: 11q, into account the income and the administrative functions of the region, which may, for instance, already incl~de the police and the lower courts. The third degree of autonomy could involve some legislative power. Examples can already be studied in some of the decentralized States. At this stage of autonomy most administrative functions of the central State could be turned over to the region, with the exception of defence and foreign affairs. Even regional military units could be set up as long as they were integrated into the overall defence plan. The next step of this process - if it were desired - would be full independence. Those States which accepted the general terms of a possible convention on self-determination could envisage setting up an international commission or court comparable to the European Commission and Court for Human Rights, to vhich all parties concerned could appeal in case of conflicts. Such an approach would offer the possibility to observe how these general guidelines worked in reality and to adjust them if nacessary. Other States might then be willing to sign the convention too, and perhaps one day those guidelines on self determination could become generally accepted international law, as other conventions have become. If we look at human history it segms that humanity does not have many alternatives. In the past new States have been born, and new States will be born in the future; States have disappeared or their borders have changed, and that will also happen in the future. If we look at longer periods of time we see that States have life cycles similar to the human beings who created them. The life cycle of a State might last for many generations but hardly (Prince Hans-A<Jom II) any Member State of the United Nations has existed in its present borders for longer than 10 generations. It could be dangerous if one tried to put a hold on these cycles, which have been present throughout human history. To freeze human evolution has in the past often been a·futile undertaking and has probably brought more violence than would result if such a process were controlled peacefully. Considering the advances in the fi~ld of technology, civil wars will become more and more destructive, not only for those directly involved but also for neighbouring States and for our whole environment. The possible destruction of a large nuclear power plant in a civil war is a frightening example. Would it not be much safer to replsce the powe= of weapons by the Fower of voting, even if it meant that new States might be born? As the representative of the smallest and one of the yoW1gest Member countries, I wish to thank the Assembly for having given me the opportunity to express my viewa on a controversial subject and to present i~eas related thereto. Liechtenstein is proud to be a Member of the United Nations, an Organization that gives full priority to respect for international law and the principles of its Charter. We shall continue to support all United Nations efforts aimed at realizing international peace and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Reigning Prince and Head of State of the Principality of Liechtenstein for the statement he has just made. His serene Highness Prince Hans-Adam II von und zu Liechtenstein, Reigning Prince and Head of State of the Principality of Liechtenstein. was escorted from the General Assembly Hall. STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Arabic)s I would like to draw representatives• attention to the fact that, since the very beginning of this session, we have all been anxious to have our meetings start at their scheduled time. This morning, five minutes after the opening of the meeting, only 29 delegations were seated. I mentioned this and tkanked them at the time. I hope that all our brothers and sisters will kindly observe the scheduled times of the meetings so that we might accomplish our work on time. ADDRESS BY HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS SAMDECH NORODOM SIHANOUK, PRESIDENT OF THE SUPREME NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CAMBODIA

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Pre~ident of the Supreme Nation~l Council of Cambodia, His Royal Highness Samdech Norodo~ Sihanouk. His Royal Highness Samdech Norodom Sihanouk was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia, His Royal Highness Sarndech Norodom Sihanouk, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Norodom SIHANOUK (interpretation from French): Within the framework of the peace plan for a comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodian conflict - a plan adopted on 28 August 1990 by the five permanent members of the Security Council and unanimously approved by the Security Council in its resolution 668 (1990) and by acclamation by our General Assembly in its resoluti~n 45/3 of 15 October 1990 - the Supreme National Council of Cambodia was created. The Council is the sole legitimate organ embodying the sovereignty and unity of Cambodia, and the sole souL~e of authority during the transitional period until free and fair elections can be held, organized and supervised under United N~tions control. It is in my capacity as President of this Supreme National Council and on behalf of the new united, independent and sovereign Cambodia and it~ people that I have today the honour and the privilege of addressing this Assembly. My delegation welcomes with deep satisfaction, Sir, your election to the presidency of the forty-sixt.h session of our General Assembly. It is a special tribute to your people and your countr~, Saudi Arabia. I am delighted to convey to you my warmest congratulations. We believe that your experience and well-known competence will ensure the success of our proceedings. I also pay a sincere tribute to His Excellency Guido De Marco, eminent son of Malta, who by his remarkable personal diplomatic qualities and wisdom so successfully led the proceedings of the forty-fifth session of our General Assembly. This year we welcome to our Organization seven new Member States: the Republic of Kor~a, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia~ Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The Supema National Council of Cambodia welcomes them to our Organization, conveys its warmest greetings to their respective Governments and peoples, and assures them of its desire to establish with them friendly and fruitful relatiuns. Their presence within our Organization is a testimony to the great vitality and growing prestige of the United Nations. I take this auspicious opportunity to pay the warmest possible tribute to His Excellency the Secretary-Gene~al for his noble aud tireless activities in the service of many countries and peoples that have faced great difficulties. Under his leadership the United Nations has been reborn and its prestige increased through the active and fruitful cooperation between the Member (President Norooom Sihanouk) States and the Secretariat. We salute with admiration the successes of the Uniteu Nations under His Excellency's ~ise and ~ourageous leadership. At the moment when the Cambodian people can finally see the end of the tunnel of its miseries and sufferings, we Cambodians shall not forget what has been done, with tenacity, good will, f~ith, ~enerosity and talent by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative, Mr. Rafeeuddin Ahmed, to give the Caml-odian people and country every possible chance of restoring peace and freedom within the framework of an indispensable national reconciliation. (President Norodom Sihanouk) We are aware that, having worked so hard and made so many sacrifices in tha service of the United Nations and the peoples of the world, he has decided not to request a new mandate but to take a well-deser~sd retirement. Nevertheless, our Cambodia has the conviction that the United Nations and the peoples of this Earth still have a very great need of his services and of his invaluable assistance in overcoming the difficulties that exist in certain parts of the world. Thus we take the liberty of expreasing the warm wish that he will agree to continue at the helm of the United Nations for some years to come. Wa are persuaded that a great many countries would renew their trust in him in defending the great ideals of peace and development to which all peoples are profoundly attached. It is understood, of course, that Cambodia fully respects his own free choice. After 12 years of var, destruction and suffering, my country, Ctmbodia, and its people are once again united. This monumental ac.hievement has been made possible thanks to the help and contin~ous support for a period of several years of all justice-loving and freedom-loving countries, true friends of Cambodia and its people, and also thanks to the will of all Cambodian patriots who have united to put an end to the bloody and destructive Cambodian tragedy that lasted from 1970 to 1990. A new era of peace is opening up before us, and, while it is true that the road leading us to a future of national reconciliation, national unity and general development in peace is still a long and painful one strewn with obstacles, it is also full of hope and the desire to see our homeland reswne tha place it deserves in the family of nations and achieve progress and development. (President Norodom Sihanouk) The progress achieved in Jakarta and Pattaya in June 1991, in Beijing in July 1991, in Pattaya again in August 1991 and, most recently, in New York - where the major issues relating to a coase-fire, the cessation of external military aid, the demobilization of armed forces, political and electoral systems for Cambodia and the declaration of fundamental hwnan rights were settled - augurs well for the futui:·e. The PariS', International Conference on Cambodia, which will reswne its work on about 21 October 1991, will permit us to finalize and sign the long-awaited agreement on the comprehensive settlement of the Cambodia conflict. The United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) will soon be in a position to help the Supreme Natio~al Council to make Cambodia an independent State with full territorial integrity and a liberal democracy, neutral, non-aligned and friendly to all those countries that respect our independence, our territorial integrity and our neutrality. The Supreme National Council and UNTAC constitute the two key inseparable elements of the United Nations Peace Plan for Cambodia. During the past three months the Supreme National Council of Cambodia has adopted by consensus a nwnber of very important decisions on the military and civil arrangements contained in the draft agreements for a comprehonsive political settlement. This has been achieved thanks to the spirit of compromise and of national reconciliation that h~s been nurtured by all the members of the Supreme National Council. I pay a tribute to the patriotism and commitment to the ideals of peace and national unity shown by the 11 other members of the Supreme National Council and their trust in their elected President. This has allowed us to overcome great difficulties and resolve major problems at the meetings held in Pattaya, Beijing, Pattaya again and New (President Norqdom Sihanouk) On behalf of Cambodia and its Supreme National Council and its people, I wi3h to express our deep and sincere gratitude to all the countries, peoples and personalities concerned, particularly those of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, Australia and the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, the two co-Chairmen of t~e Paris International Conference on Cambodia, the Secretary-General of the United Nations and ~is distinguished colleagues. Without their combined, tireless and noble efforts, we should not have been able to reach the present stage of the peace process. I wish to pay a particular and respectful tribute to Their Majesties the King and Queen of Thailand, to the Royal Thai Government and to the Thai ~eople. I wish to express once again to them our everlasting and profound gratitude for their constant compassion and generous hospitality, protection and varied assistance to more than 350,000 Khmer refugees on Thai soil. I ahould like also to express my gratitude to all those countries which have been kind enough to grant asylum to thousands of Cambodian refugees, as well as to all the relief and humanitarian assistance bodies of the United Nations and the governmental and non-governmental agencies of many countries which have for approximately 13 years now been giving help and assistance to our unfortunate compatriots living in camps along the Thai-Cambodian border. (Pr§sident Norodom Sihanouk) As the people of Cambodia prepare for a more stable and harmonious • future, they are havi~g to cope with severe floods caused by storms and torrential rains. The innense damage caused by the floods will involve us in an extra effort to rebuild our country. In response to the appeal that I made on 23 August for emergency-relief assistance for our unfortunate compatriots who were the victims of this disaster, a nwnber of countries took immediate steps to come to our help. I wish to express our heartfelt thanks to the United Nations and our Secretary-General and to Australia, Japan, the United States, the United Kingdom, Thailand, New Zealand and Viet Nam, as well as in the international organizations that replied so promptly to my appeal. With their generous help, we have been able, to a certain extent, to restore normality in the regions affected. To those countries that are able to provide further assistance to our people I appeal that they do so as soon as possible. I wish to take this opportunity to draw attention to a matter that concerns me deeply. For many years I have been deeply disturbed by the almost total saturation of Cambodian soil with land mines. These mines have already crippled a great number of our people - men and women - and they pose a constant danger to life. Today I appeal for a world-wide ban on the use of mines - beginning in Cambodia. Over the past year we have seen m~jor changes in our world - changes that augur well for the future of international relations. Detente between East and West continues to develop. Several nations have achieved independence and freedom without bloodshed. For its part, Cambodia will adopt a policy of neutrality and non-alignment and of solidarity with all the peoples struggling against injustice and discrimination and for freedom, and with all those countries that are fighting to obtain respect for human rights, (President Norodom SihQJlS>uk) self-detel'JYlination and everything else included in the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration uf Human Rights, as well as the five principles of peaceful co-existence and those of non-alignment. My delegation warmly supports the wise and highly patriotic proposals for the reunification of Korea put forward by Marshal Kim Il Sung, President of th~ Democratic PRople's Republic of Korea. We are happy to note that contacts between the two parts of Kore~ have increased with a view to achieving national reconciliation, which will lead, at a later stage, to reunification. We encourage their efforts and hope that, now that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea have become full Members of this Organization, the process of reunification will be accelerated. Korea is one country, not two. My delegation supports the efforts of the Palestinian people to recover their fundamental national rights. We hope that the international peace conference will take place soon and that, on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), it will succeed in securing the right of all the countries and peoples in the Middle East, including PalestiDe and Israel, to live in peace and stability within borders recognized by the international community. My delegation is encouraged by the progress that has been made in settling the conflicts affecting Afghanistan, Lebanon, Cyprus and Western Sahara. We also welcome the progress that has been achieved in South Africa towards the dismantling of apartheid and the negotiations that are taking place for the purpose of establishing there a democratic and non-racial regime. While working to establish peace and national reconciliation and to achieve a comprehenive political settlement of its problem in accordance with (President Norodom Sihanouk) the United Nations peace plan, Cambodia will contribute actively to the building of a better world where peace and prosperty, with justice and democratic freedoms, will prevail.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia for the statement he has just made and for his kind words addressed to my country and to me personally. His Royal Highness Prince Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, Pr.esident of the iYJll:erne National council of Cambodia, was escorted from the General Assembly ~- ADDRESS BY BIS HIGHNESS SBBIIB JABER AL-AHMAD AL-JABER AL-SABAH, AMIR or THE STATE or IDWAIT Thp PRESTJ21llrr, (interpretation from Arabic): The Assembly will now hear an address by the Amir of the State of Kuwait. Sheikh JQber Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sol>Qh~ Amir of the state of Kuwait, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.

At about this time last year, the Gen9ral Assembly heard an address by His Highness Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, Amir of the State of Kuwait, as a fighter and a defender of his country, which was the victim of invasion and was under occupatian. In his address, he stressed and indeed embodied the right of Kuwait to defend its independence and to restore legitimacy. He called upon the United Nations to shoulder its responsibilities towards a Member State whose rights had been violated. We are pleased that in the past year, the United Nations has carried out its duties in full. Today, after the restoration of the freedom, sovereignty and legitimate Government of Kuwait, we are happy to welcome His Highness the Amir of Kuwait, who will proudly address tl1e Assembly. On behalf of the General Assembly I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the Amir of the State of Kuwait, His Highness Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, and to invite him to address the Assembly. Sheikh AL-SABAH (interpretation from Arabic): . "In the name of God, the Compassionate.,. the Merciful. Praise be to Allah, the Lord of the Universe"c Those are, my dear brothers and friends, the opening words of tha Koran, the Holy Book of Muslims. Allah is the Lord of the universe, the Lora of the heavens, the earth and whatever there is in between; Allah is the Lord of all living creatures and of all human beings, irrespective of race or colour. God gave life to mankind in compassion, watches over human growth with the same compassion and enjoins us in all of revealed Scripture and in all the messages of His prophets to demonstrate that compassion. No human being is superior to another except on grounds of piety and noble humanitarian deeds. No human race is better than any other, and no skin colou~ is preferable to another. That~ my dear brothers and friends, is our fundamental premise. Therefore, we praise Allah, our Lord, Who, after millenniums had gone by, finally brought the human race to culminate its long struggle and learn from • bitter experience with the vision and insight needed to place at its service a forwn like the present one, where all States gather on an equal footing in a common endeavour to uphold righteousness and justice, to establish and maintain universal order and security, and to achieve welfare and peace for all. Until recently, and even now, my country was, and continues to be, a living example of the international community's determination to attain those goals, even at the price of the use of force. It appears that certain people simply will not correct their conduct or rethink their positions e%cept in the face of force. But, as my country's case has not yet been closed, I shall return to speak about it later in my statement. Allow me now, Mr. President, to take this opportunity to extend to you, on behalf of the State of Kuwait, onr warm congratulations and my own personal best wishes on your election as President of tho forty-sixth session of the United Nations General ~ssembly. We are confident that your vast experience, together with your deep sense of commitment and determination, will bring us closer to attainment of the lofty humanitarian objectives of this world Organization as it stands on the threshold of a new era. What augm~nts our pleasure is the fact that you represent a sister State, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which was uniquely honoured by God, The Almighty, to be the land where the divine message was revea~ed and to serve as the beacon of Islam and the home of tbo two Holy Mosques. Throughout its history, your countl'y has steadfastly supported righteousness and justice and made enormous sacrifices in that regard. As a member of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC) KuwaiL perceives your election as recognition of the outstanding role of the GCC in international life. I wish also to express in the name of the people and Government of ~uwait our deep gratitude to Mr. Guido de Marco, the President of the last session of the General Assembly, for the achievements made under his wise leadership. In addition, I would like to place on record the profound thanks and appreciation of the people of Kuwait, as well as my own personal gratitude, to His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his wise, painstaking and untiring efforts, combined with impressive impartiality, in doing the work of the United Na.tic,ns. Furthermore, let me take this opportunity to extend our congratulations to the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Lithuania, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia, the Federated States of Micronesia, and the Republic of the Marshall Islands on their admission to the United Nations. Thia is yet further testimony to the grovicg constructive role play~d by this Organization in the resolution of regional conflictse It is our hope that these new Members will enhance the goals and purposes of the United Nations and promote world peace. Let me now go back to the time lRst year when from this rostrum I addressed the plight of my small, peaceful country, which had been invaded by the Iraqi regime in a bid to wipe it off the map of the world. What a difference there is between now a~d then! One year ago, as I was speaking here, the ~orces of aggression were wreaking havoc in my country. Today I am conveying to you, my dear bro~hers and friends, our gratitude and the aspirations of a State Member of this world body, whose land, freedom and dignity have been restored as a result of the honourable stand you took, a position predicated upon principles that are the underpinning of justice and the rule of international law. That stand will go down in the annals of history as an outstanding achievement on the part of this Organization. The resolutions of the Security Council were enforced through the collective efforts ezerted by many countries that have reaffirmed the overriding concern of the United Nations, namely, maintaining world peace and saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war. This objective is clearly spelt out in the Charter. The admirable performance by the United Nations will perhaps serve as a sharp reminder to any party indulging delusions about brutalizing others in pursuit of false ambitions or brazen fantasies that the world Organization stands ready as a strong and effective deterrent. From the land of Kuwait I convey on behalf of its people sentiments of gratitude and appreciation to all those countries that rushed to our aid and to all those peoples that shared our pain as well as to all those leaders who responded swiftly in defence of right and justice against an overwhelming onslaught of ruthless brutality and barbarism. In the name of every Kuwalti national, let me commend the thousands of men and women who risked their lives in the air, on land and at sea to defend a small peace-loving nation. In the final analysis, all those servicemen and servicewomen came to our land to defend the prin~iples enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. They were engaged in battle to ensure the security of all nations in the future and to preserve world peace. The United Nations system - in particular, the Security Council, the specialized agencies and the Secretary-General - and all the individual countries that contributed to the collective defence of Kuwait and to upholding the principles of the United Nations, together with every soldier who risked his or her life in the process of supporting us, have all won a prominent place in the history of our country as well as in our national consclence. Kuwait by itself was unable to repel an enemy of overwhelming strength and unspeakable savagery. Kuwait fought hard, with all it had to give, and the Kuwaiti people demonstrated impressive steadfastness in challenging the invaders in a fashion that won the admiration of the world. Hundreds of Kuwaitis fell martyrs or suffered wounds. The most bitter legacy of the invasion, however, is the destruction of the social fabric of Kuwait by brutal and barbaric acts. Families have been split up and people have been terrorized and oppressed by unwarranted acts of malicious vengeance inflicted even on the elderly, women and children, who are still suffering from deep psychological scars. The rehabilitation process requires painstaking efforts over an extended period of time. (Sheikh Al-Sabah) I~ the same context, and in defianc& ~f humanity as a whole, several thousands were taken prisoner or hostage to be subjected later to various forms of torture at the hands of the invaders. Thousands of these prisoners and hostages are still being held by the Iraqi regime in blatant violation of Security Council resolutions and the Islamic system of values, as well as in total disregard of international treaty cormnitments. May I from this podium address on behalf of Kuwait and its deeply afflicted people an appeal to the cons~ience of the world to ensure the fr.eedom of those prisoners and hostages and to put an end to their suffering. Man, after all, is the most dignified of creatures, and it is totally inadmissible to use human beings as bargaining chips, as a means of bringing pressure to bear or as tools for blackmail. My dear brothers and friends, you see before you a number of Kuwaiti children who represent many more who are appealing for your assistance in securing the release of their fathers, mothers, brothers or sisters who are still held by the Iraqi regime that is using them as a means of exploitation and blackmail. This is yet another uncalled-for human tragedy. A year ago, when I sought to describe the inhuman practices the Iraqi regime was visiting upon Kuwait and its people, institutions and landmarks, as well as upon the third-country nationals who were living peacefully in our country, I was extremely careful in choosing the words and phrases to evoke, on the basis of reports received from inside the country, the conditions prevailing in occupied Kuwait, I did so in a conscious Gffort to avoid any exaggeration and overstatement. With liberation achieved~ now that we have seen the true situation first-hand, it is safe to say that the real dimensions of the tragedy exceed by far even the most lurid jmagination of a writer of fiction. Words like ''murder, 11 "torture, 11 "humiliation," "plunder" and "de•.;astation" cannot really do justice to the actual situation on the ground. What is astounding, however, is that crimes of this nature and on such a sc&le have been perpetrated at a time when the twentieth century is drawing to a close and when man~~nd is ~Griving hard to gain bettex control over the universe by using science to o~timize the exploitation of natural rasources and to combat social t •/ils in a collective human effort to promote a better life for all. By contrast, the Iragi leadership, while committing these brutalities in flagrant violation of international leg;,timacy, tries to hide under the mantle of Islam, thus compounding its already monstrous crime by distorting a sacred God-sent message that sacrifices life in all its forms, huma~, ani~al and plant. The Koran and the sayings of our Prophet Mohammed - peace be upon him - are replete with phrases that underline that celebration of life. Having made these points, I prefer not to dwell on the atrocities and heinous crimes committed by t..~e Iraq regime. The far-reaching evil effects of those crimes will perhaps continue to affect Kuwait and the surroundiug areas for decades to come. The tremendous devastation has been and will continue to be recorded by the missions dispatched by the United Na.tions, the regional organiiations and the scientific community. However, despite the extensive damage inflicted by the Iraqi invasion on Kuwait's physical infrastructure and the heinous crimes perpetrated against man and life in all its forms - as demonstrated by setting fire t~ 732 oil wells - the reconstruction of Kuwait is now well under way. The revitalization process is a mammoth operation that represents a real challenge to the will of man and to ~ur sense of determination to pursue life. We are confident that with God's help and with your support we will be able to restore our full infrastructure. Free Kuwait has opened its doors anew to embrace the returning Kuwaitis and to host, in keeping 11ith its longstanding tradition, the foreign workers, technicians, doctors, teachers and b~sinessmen thanks to whose assistance a modern society was developed in an atmosphere of harmony where all received education and medical care. In the meantime, given their experience, the people of Kuwait are determined not to compromise any of their cherished values or gains. Dem~cracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and the enjoyment ~f national wealth by all are fur~damental principles to which we will adhere even more scrupulously in the future. Despite the great demands upon us in terms of the reconstruction of our homeland, Kuwait will continue to provide development assistance to other countries to the extent our means will al~w. We will also continue to cooperate with the Secretary-General in sup1~ort of United Nations px'ogrammes seeking to improve the human situation. Kuwait will also maintain a strong presence in areas of activity aimed at narrowing the enormous economic gap separating North from South. The case of Kuwait has shown in clear-cut terms the parameters of an emerging new world order, one that must be predicated upon the principles of justice and respect for the sovereignty of all States. Within the framework of that emerging order an urgent solution must be found to the question of Palestine on the basis of the implementation of all relevant Security Council resolutions. Such a settlement should lead to an honourable end, once and for all, to the tragedy of the Palestinian people. It is our hope now that the ongoing peace efforts to convene a conference for peace in the Middle East will bear fruit so that the envisioned goals will be attained. A similar approach should be followed in dealing with Lebanon, a country with which we (Sheikh Al-Sabah) stand united by fraterfial ties and which rightly deserves our full support in achieving stability. Towards that end sincere efforts should continue to be made to enforce the relevant Security Council resolutions. In our judgement, the resolution of both the Palestinian and the Lebanese problems will bring abt>ut peace and security throughout the Middle East. Kuwait pursues a policy of h~rmony and peace inspired by international law and the new world order. Such an order can be consolidated by the power of law and international legitimacy and the use of the powers provided for in the Charter of the United Nation with a view to impose peace. Liberated Kuwait will stay the course it has unfailingly pursued in the past, namely, to build bridges of friendship and harmony and to be an advocate of peace. The only difference between yesterday and today is that now we have a sharper and deeper sense of the meaning of peace, along with a greater faith in the emerging world order that will uphold justice, preserve rights and foster welfare and peace. Fc~~e is the essence and thrust of all divinely revealed faiths. That is the moGsage of our reliqion. The letters that form the two Arabic words As-salam - "Peace" - and. Al-Islam are the same. In this vein, may I recite from the Holy Koran a verse that echoes this universal call: "O ye who believe! "Enter into Islam; "Whole-heartedly; "And follow not "The footsteps "Of the Evil One; "For he is to you "An avowed enemy." (The Holy Koran. II. 208) (Sheikh Al-Sabah) Dear brothers and friends, I began this statement by expressing words of thanks to all o~ you, and I close by reiterating the same sentiments of acknowledgement and gratitude to you all. May God bring peace to all of you.

On behalf of the General Assembly, ·I wish to thank the Amir of the State of Kuwait for the statement he has just made and express my deep thanks for the kind words His Highness addressed to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and to me personally. Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, Amir of the State of Kuwait, was escorted .f!:om..the General Assembly Hall. (Sheikh Al-Sabah)