A/47/PV.10 General Assembly
The Assembly will now hear an address by the
President of the Republic of Indonesia.
Mr. Soeharto. President of the Republic of Indonesia, was escorted into
the General Assembly Hall.
On behalf of the General Assembly I have the honour
to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Indonesia,
His Excellency Mr. Soeharto, and to invite him to address the Assembly.
President SOEHARTO (spoke in Bahassa Indonesian; English text
furnished by the delegation): It gives me great pleasure to extend to you.
Sir, my sincere congratulations on your unanimous election as President of the
forty-seventh session of the General Assembly. To your distinguished
predecessor. Ambassador Shamir S. Shihabi, I should like to convey our deep
appreciation for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the last
session.
I am also pleased to see our eminent Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, by your side. His incisive analysis of the
impediments to the realization of the full potential' of the United Nations and
his recommendations on how to strengthen its capacity to maintain peace,
secure independence and justice and foster generalized prosperity in the
world, as contained in his report entitled "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277),
do indeed deserve our serious consideration.
We welcome the new Members in our midst: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of
Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Their
accession to membership not only brings us ever closer to the goal of true
universality of our Organization but also underscores the unflagging hope that
humanity reposes in this multilateral forum for resolving the global issues of
our time.
It is my privilege and responsibility to bring to the Asssembly a message
from the developing countries belonging to the Non-Aligned Movement. I come
here from the Tenth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Movement
of Non-Aligned Countries, which Indonesia had the distinct honour to host
earlier this month. It was the largest Non-Aligned Summit ever convened.
I am honoured, therefore, to address the Assembly not only on behalf of
the 180 million people of Indonesia, but also on behalf of the Non-Aligned
Movement, which has 108 members, representing the vast majority of humankind
and close to two thirds of the members of the Assembly.
(President Soeharto)
On behalf of the leaders of the Movement, whose consensus views were
summed up in what has come to be known as the Jakarta message, may I
convey to the Assembly the gist of that message.
As a political coalition encompassing more sovereign States than has
any other grouping in history, we shall not be mere spectators nor agree
to be on the sidelines of the currents of historical change now sweeping
across the globe. We commit ourselves to the shaping of a new
international order free from war and poverty, intolerance and injustice,
a world order based on the principles of peaceful coexistence and genuine
interdependence, one that takes into account the diversity of the social
systems and cultures of the world. We pledge to seek that new
international order through the central and irreplaceable instrumentality
of the United Nations.
Holding fast to the principles of the Movement as first articulated
at Bandung 37 years ago, we affirm the fundamental rights of every human
being and every nation to development, to social progress and to full
participation in the shaping of their common destiny. Through dialogue
and cooperation our Movement will seek to place itself as a vibrant,
constructive and interdependent component of the mainstream of
international relations so that a new international order can take shape
on a truly universal basis, ensuring harmony, peace, justice and
prosperity for all.
That is the essence of the Jakarta message. Permit me now to
elaborate on a few points.
(President Soeharto)
The comprehensive decisions and positions adopted by the tenth
non-aligned summit, as recorded in its final documents, constitute both a
response and an initiative, a dynamic adaptation in the face of the
challenges and opportunities posed by the profound and radical
developments that have transformed the patterns of international
relationships. To a large extent the Non-Aligned Movement contributed to
these global transformations. The unrelenting drive that it imparted to
the world-wide decolonization process and to the struggle against racism
hastened the demise of colonial empires, the rise of numerous newly
independent States and the retreat of the inhuman policy of apartheid.
And yet the world today is still far from being peaceful, just and
secure. Simmering disputes, violent conflicts, aggression and foreign
occupation, interference in the internal affairs of States, policies of
hegemony and domination, ethnic strife, religious intolerance, new forms
of racism and narrowly conceived nationalism continue to obstruct the
building of harmonious coexistence between States and peoples and have
even led to the disintegration of States and societies. A profoundly
anguishing example is that of the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, whose break-up has led to the formation of separate,
independent States, three of which, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and
Slovenia, have since become Members of the United Nations.
On these explosive and tragic crises in various parts of the world
our Movement has taken a clear stand. We have called for speedy and
resolute action to end the carnage in Bosnia and Herzegovina and condemned
the massive atrocities and violations of human rights being commmitted
against the people of that Republic, especially its Muslim population. We
have also condemned the repugnant policy of "ethnic cleansing", reaffirmed
the inadmissibility of aggression and of acguisition of territory by
force, and called for full respect for the sovereignty, independence,
territorial integrity and cultural identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
We have launched collective action to help alleviate the immense
suffering of the people of Somalia and to play a critical role in the
search for a comprehensive solution to the fratricidal conflict in that
land.
We have reiterated our unflinching support for the struggle of the
Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO), to realize their inalienable right to self-
determination, independence and sovereign statehood in their own
homeland. We call on the world community to prevail upon Israel to
contribute to the search for peace through the implementation of the
Security Council resolutions that provide for the withdrawal of Israel
from all occupied Palestine and Arab lands. And once again we stress the
imperative need to end the universally condemned system of apartheid, once
and for all, and of establishing a non-racial, democratic and united South
Africa.
Having welcomed the end of the Gulf War and the restoration of
Kuwait's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, we have
urged the commencement of a process of reconciliation that will finally
heal the wounds of war and restore stable peace and harmonious cooperation
in that region.
(President Soeharto)
While we rejoiced at the establishment of the transitional
government of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, the tenth summit noted
with regret that the process towards national reconciliation and the
establishment of a permanent government through free and fair electons is
still marred by continuing internecine strife. We hope that these
obstacles will soon be overcome so that peace can be restored and national
reconstruction can commence.
On Cambodia, we have reiterated our confidence in the
determination and capability of the Cambodian people, under the leadership
of Prince Samdech Norodom Sihanouk and the members of the Supreme National
Council, with the assistance of the United Nations Transitional Authority
in Cambodia (UNTAC), to uphold the Paris Agreements in their balanced
totality. We remain convinced that the Paris Agreements are still the
best basis for the achievement of a comprehensive, just and durable peace
in Cambodia, based on national reconciliation and reconstruction. Only
through their strict implementation will it be possible to bring to an end
the protracted war that has inflicted unspeakable suffering and
devastation on the Cambodian people.
A world caught in the throes of pervasive change and transition is
basically an unstable and unpredictable world. The Movement has therefore
resolved to intensify its efforts in the field of disarmament. While it is
true that there has been encouraging progress in limiting nuclear and
conventional armaments, the disarmament agenda is still largely unfinished. A
nuclear-weapon-free world has always been the vision of our movement, for
until it is achieved this threat to human survival will continue to cast its
shadow over all other endeavours and aspirations. We have urged accelerated
efforts on other priority disarmament issues, particularly the prohibition of
all weapons of mass destruction.
Besides posing an acute danger to world peace and security, the
continuing global arms race and unbridled military spending also constitute a
huge drain on national economies and on the world economy. Our Movement has
consistently maintained that the resources released through disarmament and
arms reduction should be redirected towards the social and economic
development of all countries, especially the developing countries. The
establishment of this productive linkage between disarmament and development
will also make it possible to attain security at lower levels of armament.
We should now recognize that peace and security depend as much on
socio-economic factors as on military ones. Sharply reduced prospects for
economic and social advancement, large-scale unemployment, abject poverty,
massive cross-border migrations and severe environmental degradation also
endanger peace. We cannot hope to attain comprehensive security and stable
peace without making substantive progress in the war against poverty,
underdevelopment, disease and social injustice.
That is why it should deeply concern us that the world economy is mired
in sluggish and uneven growth. With few exceptions, developing countries are
experiencing stagnation or vastly inadequate growth rates, with the most
vulnerable ones slumping into sharp decline. Most alarming is the prolonged
critical situation in Africa where the plight of millions reguires speedy and
decisive action. Africa deserves our special attention.
Developing countries in general are severely hampered by an unfavourable
external economic environment characterized by inadeguate access to
technology, unabated protectionism, historically low prices for commodities
and raw materials, severely contracted financial flows and the crushing burden
of external debt, resulting in reverse financial flows to the developed
countries and the multilateral financial institutions.
The external debt crisis of the developing countries has intensified in
magnitude and global impact, and is being exacerbated by volatile
exchange-rate fluctuations for the major currencies and by high interest
rates. The debt-reduction schemes that have been tried are far from adequate;
they need to be broadened to include all kinds of debts and all categories of
debtors, including those that have made great efforts to meet their debt
obligations. A differentiated approach should be adopted that would allow
debt cancellation for the least developed countries and more generous terms,
in both debt servicing and new concessional loans, for lower-income developing
countries. Our Movement will continue to press for a coordinated and
development-oriented approach to the solution of this problem that will bring
relief as well as allow for the recovery and continued growth of debtor
countries.
(President Soeharto)
Even global developments that appear to imply positive prospects could
have a negative impact on the developing countries. The transformation of
Central and Eastern European economies and the formation of powerful groupings
among developed countries could deflect the focus from poverty alleviation in
developing countries and adversely affect their trade and growth prospects.
Particularly lamentable is the continuing impasse in the Uruguay Round of
muiltilateral trade negotiations. The Non-Aligned Movement has therefore
called on the developed countries to ensure without further delay a balanced,
equitable and satisfactory conclusion of the Uruguay Round that would take
into account the interests of all parties, especially the development needs
and concerns of the developing countries.
We, the non-aligned countries, realize too well that global problems are
interlinked, especially in the economic sphere. And because most of today's
problems are global in nature, they cannot be solved through short-term relief
measures or through piecemeal reform. Hence, it is time the countries of both
the North and the South forged a new compact on development and a new
democratic partnership in fashioning global solutions to these global
problems. Only in that way can we deliver the world economy from its present
disarray and do away with the inequitable international structures and
modalities that have resulted in deepening disparities and unacceptable
injustices in international economic relations and an inexorably widening
prosperity and technology gap between the developed and the developing
countries. Only in .that way can we hope to restructure the international
economic system and international economic relations so as to make them more
equitable and thus more viable.
(President Soeharto)
We, the non-aligned countries, have therefore called for a revival of the
constructive dialogue between the North and the South. But this time the
dialogue should be based on the imperative of genuine interdependence,
mutuality of interests and of benefits, and shared responsibility, with the
positions of each side clearly elaborated and presented, and rationally
discussed and negotiated. Never before have the fate and fortunes of the
North and the South been so inextricably intertwined.
(President Soeharto)
In the absence of stability and development in the South, the North
cannot hope to sustain its economic prosperity. Without a favourable global
environment, which the policies of the North should provide, the South cannot
achieve its development goals. Thus, common sense dictates the need for both
sides to sit down and discuss how together they can manage the massive changes
and challenges of the decades ahead.
At the same time, we have resolved to intensify South-South cooperation
on the basis of collective self-reliance. This is imperative, for South-South
cooperation is vital for promoting our own development and for reducing undue
dependence on the North. It is also an integral element in any strategy for
the attainment of a new and equitable international economic order. Towards
that end, we are initiating concrete cooperative ventures in such areas as
food security, population, trade and investment, and devising practicable
modalities for their implementation. By thus pooling the resources, expertise
and experience of the South, we hope to translate the concept of collective
self-reliance into reality. We invite the developed countries and the
multilateral financial institutions to support us in this endeavour, for it
should be clear that the fostering of expanded economic cooperation among the
developing countries will in turn impart added vitality to the growth and
expansion of the world economy as a whole and yield corresponding benefits to
the developed countries as well.
A global concern that requires the heightened attention of the entire
international community is the rapid degradation of the environment. We, the
non-aligned countries, welcome the results of the Conference held in Rio de
Janeiro. They confirm the long-held conviction of our Movement that the
(President Soeharto)
issues of environment and development are inseparable and should be integrally
addressed on the basis of equitably shared responsibility. The pursuit of
environmentally sound and sustainable development will require a global
partnership that will have to address the need of developing countries for
commensurate, additional financial resources and access to environmentally
sound technology. Even more important is the effective implementation of the
agreed policies, which will require constant monitoring and consistent
follow-through. In this context, we welcome the establishment of the
high-level Commission on Sustainable Development.
We also believe that social development is no less vital than political
and economic development. We therefore support the convening of a world
summit on social development which should place the social needs of people at
the heart of United Nations endeavours. The full and equal integration of
women into the development process has always been a goal of the Non-Aligned
Movement. Conseguently, we shall fully cooperate in ensuring the success of
the World Conference on Women in 1995. We believe that all children should be
raised with a standard of living that is adeguate for their health and
well-being. We shall work to achieve that goal as a matter of moral
imperative and commit ourselves to the full and effective implementation of
the Declaration and Plan of Action of the World Summit for Children.
At Jakarta, the non-aligned countries enunciated an unequivocal stand on
human rights. Allow me to guote from the Jakarta Message:
"We reaffirm that basic human rights and fundamental freedoms are of
universal validity. We welcome the growing trend towards democracy and
commit ourselves to cooperate in the protection of human rights. We
believe that economic and social progress facilitates the achievement of
these objectives. No country, however, should use its power to dictate
its concept of democracy and of human rights or to impose conditions on
others. In the promotion and protection of these rights, we emphasise
the inter-relatedness of the various categories, call for a balanced
relationship between individual and community rights, and uphold the
competence and responsibility of national governments in their
implementation. The Non-Aligned Countries, therefore, shall coordinate
their positions and actively participate in the preparatory work for the
Second World Conference on Human Rights in June 1993 in order to ensure
that the Conference addresses all aspects of human rights on the basis of
universality, indivisibility, impartiality and non-selectivity."
Moreover, it is our firm conviction that the objective of human rights is
the realization of the full potential of the human being, and human potential
is not confined to the political field. The fundamental right to economic and
social development, for example, cannot be separated and cannot be treated
separately from the other categories of human rights. These rights apply to
nations as well as to individuals. Thus, every nation has the right to
determine its own political and economic system and to preserve its cultural
identity as shaped by its own particular historical experience.
The advanced countries of the West have recently been vocal in calling
for democracy and good governance as an integral part of the development
process, especially in the developing countries. Some are even inclined to
make it a new conditionality in development cooperation. The call for
democratization and democratic reform in all countries is indeed valid, for it
(President Soeharto)
relates directly to the basic aspirations of individuals and nations. But
democracy is not a static concept limited to certain established forms and
practices. Its basic principles and tenets are indeed of universal and
immutable validity. But no single model of democracy can be assumed to be of
universal applicability, given the diversity of cultural values and historical
experiences of the nations of the world.
Moreover, it would be a denial of the basic tenets of democracy if its
values were to be strictly observed within nations while they are being
ignored among nations. Hence democracy and democratization are dynamic
processes that should conform to the fundamental values of each nation and
constantly adapt to evolving realities in order to remain relevant and, more
important, democratic.
These observations egually apply to the United Nations. That is why the
Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has always insisted that this multilateral
Organization should likewise reflect the democratic spirit of eguality, eguity
and transparency, in representation as well as in the processes of
decision-making. Therefore the United Nations and its principal organs should
periodically undergo a process of review and revitalization in order to ensure
its dynamic adaptation to the evolving realities of international life, and in
order that it may continue to play an effective role as the focal point for
the management of the critical global issues of our time.
We the non-aligned countries have therefore resolved to play an active
and constructive role in the revitalization, restructuring and democratization
of the United Nations system. For this purpose, we have decided to establish
a high-level working group charged with elaborating concrete proposals for the
restructuring of the United Nations.
We believe that a balanced relationship among the General Assembly, the
Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the Secretary-General is
imperative. There should be greater accountability of the Security Council to
the General Assembly on decisions and actions affecting the interests of the
entire international community. The role of the General Assembly as a forum
for deliberation, negotiation and decision-making must be enhanced.
(President Soeharto)
It is our conviction that the United Nations capacity for enhancing
international development and cooperation should be strengthened by
revitalizing the Economic and Social Council. We believe that the office of
the Secretary-General should be provided with resources that are commensurate
with its tasks, which have vastly expanded as a result of recent world
events. The Secretary-General's mandate should be enlarged to enable him to
take the necessary initiatives in the pursuit of preventive diplomacy and in
enhancing the efficacy of United Nations peace-making, peace-keeping and
peace-building operations.
We believe also that it is time to address the matter of the size and
composition of the Security Council. This, we realize, should be done with
circumspection, for it involves a fundamental aspect of the Organization's
purposes and functions.
When the Charter of the United Nations was framed and its organs
established in 1945, the main preoccupation of its founding members was
rightly so that never again should the scourge of war be allowed to
devastate humankind. They therefore envisioned a collective security system
that they thought could be capable of preventing another world war.
Since then, however, the world has changed in a most profound way. Over
the past 47 years, numerous nations achieved their independence and joined the
United Nations as sovereign Member States, thus giving the Organization
near-universality in its composition. Their entry reflected the universal
drive of peoples to liberate themselves from colonial bondage. But what was
the ultimate goal of the struggle? They fought for political independence,
not because it was an end unto itself, but because it was the necessary
condition for the attainment of a further and larger goal: development.
(President Soeharto)
Those who fought for independence invariably had a vision of their own people
attaining the blessings and the dignity of economic and social progress, which
is never possible in a state of political subjugation.
In a very real sense, true freedom is attained only through development,
and the formal trappings of political independence are empty until they are
substantiated by economic and social progress. While it may be true that
colonialism in its classical form has virtually come to an end, the process of
decolonization will not be finished until economic independence is achieved.
Thus, if in the past the major preoccupation of the United Nations was,
rightly, the prevention of another world conflagration and the liberation of
peoples from political bondage, today the world, and therefore the United
Nations, should be seized with the struggle of all countries for national
development. This preoccupation should be reflected in the work of the United
Nations and in the composition and dynamics of its organs, in particular the
Security Council.
We live in an age of development in which economic power has become more
decisive than ever. We live in a world where billions of people in the
developing countries of the South are beginning to assert their right to
realize their economic and social potential.
We believe therefore that the Security Council should be expanded to
accommodate new members who, if they are not to be given veto powers, should
at least serve as permanent members. They should join the Council on the
basis of a combination of relevant criteria that more faithfully reflect the
world situation today. That means that the criteria should also take into
account the changing concept of security, which has now to emphasize the
economic and social aspects as much as the military. We cannot close our
(President Soeharto)
eyes to the fact that the economic policies of industrialized countries and
the economic weight of the developing countries, particularly the most
populous among them, have as much bearing on international peace and security
as the armaments of the military Powers. We further believe that it may also
be timely and pertinent that the manner in which the veto powers are now
exercised should be subjected to a constructive review.
The full elaboration of the meaning and intent of the Jakarta message
will be found, not in our speeches, but in the concrete work of the Movement
in the days to come. It is a momentous task that we have to undertake the
building of a new world order dedicated to peace as well as to justice, to
security as well as to development, to democracy both within and among States,
and to the promotion of the fundamental rights of nations as well as of
individual human beings. Let me re-emphasize that to the non-aligned
countries, any new world order is viable and commonly acceptable only if based
on recognition of the United Nations as its center-piece and its universal
framework and if rooted in the fundamental principles of the United Nations
Charter.
This endeavour will take more than the exercise the best efforts of any
single country or any group of countries. But with the help of God Almighty,
with the support and participation of all nations that share our aspirations,
we shall, God willing, achieve that new world order.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank
the President of the Republic of Indonesia for the statement he has just made.
Mr. Soeharto. President of the Republic of Indonesia, was escorted from
the General Assembly Hall.
9. GENERAL DEBATE Mr. COLOMBO (Italy) (spoke in Italian; English text furnished by the delegation): First of all, I have great pleasure in congratulating you. Sir, and your country, Bulgaria, on your election as President of the General Assembly. I should also like to express Italy's satisfaction, and my own, at seeing here present the delegations of the new States admitted to our Organization during the past year: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. May I be permitted to extend a particularly warm welcome to the delegation of San Marino, a State with which Italy has close ties of very long standing. I should particularly like to express my Government's most sincere appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who is giving the United Nations the benefit of his wealth of experience in political affairs and diplomacy. Even in his first year he has already worked tirelessly and constructively to apply the principles which we all support and which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. The points I am about to make follow on the comments, which Italy fully endorses, made by the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, the current President of the European Community. Since the historic events of 1989, no General Assembly session has been held, or will be held in the near future, against the same international background as the session of the previous year. Since the demise of bipolarism, international society has become subject to processes of reaggregation which are made more laborious and arduous by an array of historical, cultural, ethnic, religious and nationalistic factors. There are certain groups that, wishing to assert their own specificity, are not content to be recognized and safeguarded within the State framework to which they belong, but seek to express their own identity in the form of statehood. In the East, what was once a monolithic structure has been falling apart, and, in some cases, is being fragmented into a multiplicity of separate entities, each demanding to translate its own history, culture and national identity into an international personality. In the process, they are resorting to all available means, including conflict and violence. The obstacles preventing the restoration of equilibrium are not really new: they derive from factors that have long been chafing under the heavy yoke of dictatorship. Constrained in ideological straitjackets, they have been unable to engage in an open dialectic. Denied all opportunities for natural development, they have maintained the potential for confrontation and conflict. With the fall of ideologies and the break-up of the Soviet empire, the nightmare of a nuclear holocaust has receded. But while the spectre of a world war has been banished, we are still seeing a proliferation of local wars. These and the manifold antagonisms underlying them now pose a new threat, particularly in geographical areas that have regained their freedom but find it marred by violence and conflict and are unable to build a new structure based on tolerance and peace. There are therefore hotbeds of war, signs of revolt and unresolved conflicts in areas formerly belonging to the Soviet empire, which is now divided into a number of republics united only by tenuous economic relations and very fragile political ties. In Central Europe, ancient nations which have graduated from limited to full sovereignty are endeavouring to become pluralistic democracies with a market economy.. They, too, are having their share of problems. And how can we forget the war raging in the very heart of Europe the most complex, dangerous and tragic of all these conflicts and the one thus far untouched by all international appeals? In the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, bloodshed and strife are accompanied by violations of the dignity of the human person. After the horrors of the Second World War, we had all hoped never again to witness acts of discrimination and violence against those belonging to a different ethnic group. What gives.us cause for pessimism is the fact that after the London Conference a new and original experiment, which brought together round (Mr. Colombo. Italy) the conference table the United Nations, represented by its Secretary-General, the 12 members of the European Community, the members of the United Nations Security Council, and representatives of Serbia and Montenegro, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia, and after clear commitments were entered into and undertakings were even signed on such matters as cessation of the violence, control over heavy weapons, the cessation of "ethnic cleansing" and the closure of concentration camps, nothing I say nothing - has been done apart from some occasional checks on heavy weapons. In spite of the assurances and undertakings given by Prime Minister Panic, which we consider sincere and deserving of support, shooting continues in the towns and in the mountains, and planes are being shot down, as in the case of an Italian aircraft carrying relief supplies. Four airmen died in that incident, and three French soldiers belonging to the United Nations Protection Force have been killed. Many other lives have been lost. A miserable winter lies ahead and people will suffer from hunger, cold and disease. It is now too dangerous to provide humanitarian assistance, and the threatened sanctions are not entirely watertight. Can the international community and its institutions permit this ongoing tragedy to persist in spite of the solemn promises and pledges made at high-level peace conferences? Can the perpetrators of heinous and odious crimes be allowed to escape international judgement, also at the legal level? This guestion must be answered by those whose duty it is to do so, including myself, in the appropriate forums. However, going beyond politics, I should like to reiterate an appeal voiced by one of the greatest writers of this century: "What we need today is a 'militant' humanism imbued with the conviction that the principles of liberty, tolerance and doubt must not be exploited or defeated by a fanaticism that knows no doubts. If European humanism has lost its robust capacity to review its ideas it will end in ruin, and we will have a Europe whose name is no more than a geographical term." In the third world, too, the end of bipolarism has eliminated for many States the need to "belong" and to heed the dictates of a particular bloc, even in a non-aligned context. Crises exist also in this area, as in the case of Somalia, Iraq and Mozambique, although we hope to see this latter crisis resolved, also as a result of Italy's mediation efforts. At this point we should ask ourselves a question: Now that the gulf between East and West has been bridged, are we not about to face a rift between North and South? We must counter this danger and reactivate the dialogue in all possible forums and translate the concept of assistance into a living reality. We should also oppose methods and procedures that use development cooperation to help the economic agents of donor countries; work on the basis of established programmes; ensure that assistance is not wrongfully diverted both in the countries of origin and in those of destination; and reorganize and coordinate the various sources of financing. Italy realizes that it has not yet reached, owing to its financial imbalances, the generous development assistance targets it had set for itself. A reorganization of the country's financial structures will also facilitate a renewed effort to fulfil this pledge. (Mr. Colombo. Italy) Now that the Rio Conference has been held, international cooperation will have to reconcile the needs of development with the egually pressing need to protect the environment. Italy, which supports the establishment of the United Nations Commission for Sustainable Development, undertakes to implement the Rio recommendations in an effort involving governments as well as non-governmental organizations. Chile's proposal for a world social conference, which Italy warmly supports, opens up yet another important field of endeavour for the United Nations. In surveying this new international scene, we have no reason to lament or regret the passing of the bipolar structure of the world. We cannot forget that we paid for the containment of a global threat with a peace guaranteed by the menace of nuclear war, by the denial of freedom to millions of human beings, by violations of the fundamental rights of man and by the inaction of a society that destroyed resources, stunted the growth of its own leadership and is now posing the same old problems in a more acute form. The ideological confrontation has ended with the downfall of the largest ideological system in our history, the communist system, but now that this ideology has collapsed, problems have remained in individual nations and in the world as a whole. The names of these problems are hunger, disease, environmental degradation and political instability. It would indeed be an irreversible defeat for mankind were the world of affluence, production and consumption of our generation to confuse the downfall of ideologies with the collapse of all values and if it were to forget that in every national society, and particularly in relations between the industrialized world and (Mr. Colombo. Italy) the developing countries, the two concepts of solidarity and interdependence need to be translated into political action. An example of this need is provided by the problem of Somalia. This country tragically illustrates the total detachment and lack of concern shown by the affluent societies towards countries plagued by poverty and disease, but the fate of this country also exemplifies the harm caused to people by prolonged power struggles that are never resolved. The country is divided in half. The capital, Mogadisshu, is also divided, and like other population centres lacks essential services. The people are suffering from malnutrition and their health is in jeopardy. Armed youths, some no older than 14, are defending the territory by violent means. They do not attend school because they are unable to do so. We must gratefully acknowledge the initiative taken by the United Nations and its Secretary-General in sending a Special Representative, Ambassador Sahnoun, who is doing outstanding work in the field of humanitarian assistance and in the service of peace. I myself paid a two-day visit to the capital and parts of the interior. I found assistance facilities deplorable, and I spoke individually with the persons who have the power to make war or peace in an effort to promote peace initiatives. Anyone, regardless of region or religious affiliation, who is able to assist in the peace process must do so, because Somalia needs guidance, partners and, in short, a government. We must therefore give urgent attention to the need for an international initiative involving organizations and countries able to contribute to the pacification and reconstruction of Somalia, with the active participation of the United Nations. At this point, I shoul3 like to emphasize one of the most delicate and problematical, but also most promising points of contact between North and South, namely, the Mediterranean. Italy is currently following, in a spirit of optimism and active support, the promising developments in the peace process designed to end the Arab-Israeli conflict and provide a solution to the Palestinian guestion. Italy is aware that this hoped-for solution should also lead to the removal of a burden that has jeopardized the prospects for promoting a climate of peace and collaboration in the Mediterranean. Our expectations, which, we believe, are shared by the entire international community, thus extend beyond the vital objective of achieving mutual acceptance between all the peoples of the Middle East and look forward to a future characterized by sincere commitment to the process of dialogue and cooperation in the economic as well as in other fields in order to build peace. In trying today to identify possible means of reconstituting the international order, we find that regional groupings can play a unifying role, whether they follow the path of integration or confine themselves to close cooperation in the economic field, in foreign policy or in security matters.* In Western Europe, we have built and tested structures that have brought about a phenomenon quite different from the situation now prevailing in the troubled Eastern part of the continent. * Mr. Mongbe (Benin), Vice-President, took the Chair. (Mr. Colombo. Italy) The need to defend democracy, the vast scope of economic development, spurred by technological progress, and the necessity of preserving the values of European culture and history, so that Europe can again play a major role in international society have led us to attach less importance to the theory and practice that nations must necessarily take the form of States. They phenomena have shown us that large areas of State sovereignty can be administered jointly in a supranational context and that such a link can also make war impossible. The process is certainly not an easy one, because it must be achieved through consensus and because obstacles, as we have seen in the last few days, crop up at every turn. European integration has repeatedly proved capable of overcoming the difficulties it has encountered. It is a mistake to speak, as some have done recently, of delays or setbacks in the process of further integration established at Maastricht. At their meeting held here in New York, the Foreign Ministers of the Community took note of the positive outcome of the French referendum and reaffirmed their determination to ratify the Treaty within the time stipulated without renegotiating it. The phenomenon of European integration can be seen as an attractive example and also as a factor for re-aggregation and stability in Central and Eastern Europe. In this context, the Commonwealth of Independent States could be a stabilizing element in so far as it can offer its former components valid prospects for association. A significant link between various components of the European continent is provided by the Central European Initiative, which Italy continues to support. In the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), nations both large and small have gained the convi:tion that war can never again be a means of (Mr. Colombo. Italy) solving problems between them. That alliance has now formed an association in the framework of the North Atlantic Council with countries that were formerly its adversaries. Since Helsinki II, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) has been setting up institutional machinery to assist it in better performing its tasks. Examples of integration are to be found not only in Europe but on every continent, and they encompass a variety of forms, ranging from the more tried and tested institutions, such as the Andean Pact and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), to more recent initiatives, such as the common market of four South American countries (MERCOSUR), or completely new developments, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Also very important are the new forms of cooperation in certain specific and highly sensitive areas, such as the nuclear sector. The recent agreement between Argentina and Brazil would appear to be very promising. The formation of regional associations is a course worth pursuing and an effective means of strengthening international society. The United Nations might find this a useful means of consolidating the peace. The problems in whose solution the United Nations will increasingly be involved deal not only with relations between States but also with their internal structure and their components in terms of minorities and ethnic groups. Italy does not have an answer, but it does have concrete experience to contribute to the intern itional community: the solution to the Alto Adige problem. That dispute between Italy and Austria, which was brought before the United Nations in the period 1960-1961, was officially brought to a conclusion last June. That conclusion came as a result of a lengthy process involving the elaboration and application at the national level of a package of measures (Mr. Colombo. Italy) adopted by Italy in consultation with the representatives of the German-speaking population of Alto Adige. Those measures cover all aspects of civilian life and provide one of the most progressive examples of minority protection in Europe. We feel that the settlement of that issue proves that autonomy, when adequately guaranteed by domestic legal provisions, serves to strengthen rather than weaken harmony in a national setting, while also promoting good-neighbourly relations and international cooperation across borders. There is no doubt that in the changed conditions in which we are living the United Nations will have greater responsibility and will therefore need greater authority and more effective means of performing its mission; hence the discussions concerning a "new United Nations", that is, an Organization capable of moving in new directions to satisfy the widely felt need for some kind of world order or government. It is the members of t.ie Assembly that, in conformity with the Charter and in fulfilment of the obligations deriving from it, must assume the status and responsibility not only of peace-loving countries, but also of States that renounce the use of force as a means of settling international disputes and consider the protection of :.iuman rights to be an inescapable duty. We welcome the appearance of a new and compelling document which should serve as a basis for discussion in the Organization. I am referring once again to "An Agenda for Peace", the Secretary-General's report on preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping. Preventive diplomacy should be a means of defusing potential conflicts before they reach the critical threshold of a confrontation. This preventive approach calls also for prompt steps to guarantee through mechanisms contemplated in General Assembly resolution 46/36 L the transparency of international arms transfers and of their production. The same applies to the convention banning chemical weapons, which has finally been submitted to the Assembly for approval and which will institute a global monitoring system with unprecedented powers of on-site verification. Peace-keeping must now be approached and applied today in innovative ways so as to make more effective the linkage between action to prevent a sharpening of armed conflict and the search for negotiated solutions. It is also worth giving in-depth consideration to the possibility of using "peace-enforcement" units, not just to perform the tasks of traditional peace-keeping forces, in other words to intervene where a cease-fire exists, but in order to restore and maintain it. Lastly, a new need arises from the existing conflicts, the need to supplement peace-keeping and peacemaking instruments by providing adequate military protection for humanitarian assistance efforts. In order to cope with all these requirements we will need adequate structures and resources. Also, Italy along the lines here illustrated by the French Foreign Minister is prepared to give its own concrete contribution, as it has proved with its recent offer of men and equipment formulated in the framework of the Yugoslav crisis. (Mr. Colombo. Italy) The situation of former Yugoslavia also highlights the importance of the regional dimension in pursuing "An Agenda for Peace". It now seems that the option of a regional solution for regional conflicts as provided in the Charter could be effectively applied in a variety of ways in a kind of variable geometry of peace. An important example is the format of the London Conference, which I have already mentioned. Here the regional dimension is not an alternative to United Nations involvement; it also operates on the basis of a creative formula for the sharing of responsibilities. The United Nations system in any case seems destined increasingly to rely in practice on regional organizations - ranging from the Organization of American States (OAS) to the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) and communities, alliances or unions of States, as is the case for the European Community, the Western European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the Yugoslav situation. Important new developments compel us also to rethink the limitations on the application of certain traditional concepts and principles underlying international relations. To rethink certainly does not mean to reject. It means avoiding all rigid and absolute definitions and interpreting principles in such a way as to preclude unbalanced applications that are bound to be in conflict. We may note, for example, that at the urging of a collective conscience that now knows no boundaries the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of States is being increasingly reviewed in the light of the grave dangers threatening the survival of entire population groups. It is also clear that if every ethnic, religious or language group were to claim its own State there would be endless fragmentation and, consequently, instability. (Mr. Colombo. Italy) From the discussions held during the first few days of the session it is becoming increasingly clear that all Members of the Organization agree in their evaluation of the central role regained by the United Nations. We all seem to realize that this strengthening of the United Nations will require not only the assignment of new roles but also the provision of adeguate powers and resources. The alternative would be the anti-historical reconstitution of an oligarchy made up of those countries having the greatest capacity for unilaterally assuming the role of guarantors of international legality. We must protect the United Nations new capacity for action with greater vigilance and a keen sense of responsibility without becoming entrenched in positions that would preclude future institutional development. Italy, along other countries, has already stated that the question of revising certain parts of the Charter relating to matters such as the composition of the Security Council must be adequately debated. We still believe that the Council could be made more authoritative and representative by increasing the number of temporary and permanent members, choosing the latter on the basis of objective criteria. Italy will also assert its aspiration for a more adequate representation in the Security Council at that moment, unless institutional developments in the European Union will not allow at a certain stage the institution of a European seat in the Security Council. I should like to conclude by observing that the United Nations has the main responsibility for handling the difficult yet exciting international developments we are now witnessing. It will do so with tools of crisis management that are suitable to the world of today, a world in which it is becoming increasingly necessary to accept limitations in the area of national sovereignty, guaranteed by the objectivity of a supranational collective system, by using political instruments and procedures wherever possible, or by applying coercive measures if they are needed. What needs to be preserved are the aims of the Charter, which continue to be not only valid but indeed essential. But in a world that is now quite different from the world of 1945, the transformation of which began to accelerate in 1989, it would be unthinkable to suggest that we should avoid taking speedy and courageous action to devise new instruments, change our thinking and review the powers and composition of United Nations organs. Only by maintaining a fruitful polarity between permanent goals and new instruments, to which we must all contribute, will we be able to meet the challenges of our times. Mr. AL-DALI (Yemen) (interpretation from Arabic): It is an honour for me to extend to you. Sir, my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I wish you every success in your high post. I also take this opportunity to extend to Ambassador Samir Shihabi, through you, our deepest appreciation of the great role he played during his outstanding presidency of the forty-sixth session of ihe General Assembly. I also take the opportunity to commend the outstanding and significant role of Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, in promoting the effectiveness of the United Nations through the implementation of the principles and purposes of the Charter. More than two years have passed since the establishment of the Republic of Yemen. This national historic achievement has been one of the most important world events of the beginning of this decade which abounds with great changes. The dream of the Yemeni people has become an actual reality thanks to their deep belief in the inevitability of unity and their persistent struggle to achieve that unity. (Mr. Colombo. Italy) The Yemeni people have earned the admiration of the world through the realization of their unity by peaceful and democratic means. The Constitution of the Republic of Yemen emphasizes the commitment of the country to the principles of democracy. It enshrines the right of all Yemeni citizens fully to enjoy their principal freedoms, including the freedom of expression, in every way. It also stipulates respect for their legal and constitutional rights, such as the right to unrestricted unionist and political action. The Republic of Yemen, from its very inception, has enjoyed the benefits of an active participation in political life by a society that, having evolved through a multiplicity of political parties, associations and people's organizations, recognizes the importance of diversity and the exchange of opinions and ideas. Yemen in its new era is about to end the transitional period and is now on the threshold of another, more promising, stage. It will hold the first elections throughout the country in which all Yemeni people, men and women, will cast their votes and elect the members of the new House of Representatives in accordance with the Constitution. In the face of all these historic, vital changes, Yemen is confronted by a number of challenges which include certain economic difficulties that have resulted from the return, because of the Gulf crisis and for other reasons, of more than a million expatriates who used to work in neighbouring sisterly countries. On the other hand, parts of Yemen have suffered destructive floods and violent earth tremors in the middle region. In addition, these are the burdens of providing shelter and sustenance to thousands of our brethren, refugees from sisterly Somalia. (Mr. Al-Dali. Yemen) Following the proclamation of the Republic of Yemen, my country declared that Yemeni unity was not intended to be set against the interests of any State in the region, especially those of neighbouring States and that it was proclaimed to contribute to the strengthening of security, stability, cooperation and integration in our region. In confirmation of all this the Yemeni House of Representatives approved the first statement of the Government of Unity, which emphasized the willingness of Yemen, for the first time, to start negotiations concerning its borders with neighbouring sister countries according to historical and legal rights and the principles of international law. In this context, negotiations between Yemen and the sisterly Sultanate of Oman concerning borders have reached their final stage. On the question of the borders between Yemen and Saudi Arabia, my country reiterated its willingness to consider this question and to discuss it with the sisterly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The initiative of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, Chairman of the Presidential Council, in which he called upon our brethren in Saudi Arabia to initiate face-to-face meetings on the question of borders according to historical and legal rights, has had its positive impact. Our brethren in Saudi Arabia have responded to the initiative of the Yemeni leadership. The first preparatory ministerial meeting between the two parties was held in Geneva on 20 July last. During that meeting, proposals were exchanged concerning the holding of the second meeting in one of the two capitals, either Sanaa or Riyadh. It has been agreed to hold the second meeting at the level of a committee of experts in the city of Riyadh later this month. This demonstrates Yemen's determination, in its new era, to translate words into actions and to reaffirm, on a practical level, that it seeks to strengthen security and stability, and calls for regional and bilateral cooperation between the countries of the Arab peninsula. (Mr. Al-Dali. Yemen) The world hears and witnesses on TV screens the human tragedy experienced by the brotherly Somali people. Hundreds of men, women and particularly children die daily in a cruel and sad manner. (Mr. Al-Dali. Yemen) Thousands of them die of hunger, and thousands of internecine strife. Thousands of Somalis flee the country daily to escape this hellish, devastating war and to seek their livelihood. The steps taken by the Security Council to help the people of Somalia out of their plight have come a bit late. We call for the intensification of international efforts to urgently provide the necessary humanitarian assistance and ensure its delivery to all the Somali people who face death in every part of the country. In this connection, Yemen commends the leading role played by the Secretary-General, Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in focusing attention on this tragedy, which the international community almost lost sight of in the maelstrom of the many crises buffeting the world. While we commend the recent increasing efforts by the United Nations and other humanitarian organizations to help the Somali people out of their plight, we call for addressing the root causes of that tragedy. Hence, the United Nations is called upon to adopt practical measures in cooperation with the League of Arab States, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, to search for a political solution to the Somali crisis. Without this, all the world's humanitarian efforts will be no more than palliatives. Yemen has participated in the efforts made in the framework of the Somali National Reconciliation Conference, held in Djibouti last year under the auspices of President Hassan Gouled. Unfortunately, however, the national power groups in Somalia have failed to implement the resolutions adopted at that conference. Therefore, we appeal to the international community to make another attempt to contain the Somali crisis and to arrive at a definitive solution to the conflict. In this connection, I should like to reiterate Yemen's willingness to participate anew in any efforts that may be deployed, (Mr. Al-Dali. Yemen) hopefully in the very near future, to hold another conference for national reconciliation in Somalia and to ensure its success. The plight of Somalia has exceeded all bounds. Let us all hasten to save Somalia from disintegration and fragmentation and to save the Somali people from suffering and misery. When we speak of human suffering, we must mention the bloody events in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the people are subjected to acts of murder, destruction and displacement at the hands of the Serbian forces, which have adopted the heinous policy of "ethnic cleansing". Those forces have persisted in their acts of aggression. They continue to incarcerate thousands of people from Bosnia and Herzegovina - men, women, even the elderly - in concentration camps, in a frightening repeat of horrible Nazi practices. We join the rest of the world's countries in calling for an end to these acts of aggression, which are supported by Belgrade. We also support firmly all the steps and measures adopted by the Security Council with a view to putting an end to these atrocious massacres and restoring peace to the Balkans. The human tragedies that beset this or that nation and overwhelm this or that people are manifestations of political crises that deteriorate to the level of military confrontation and armed conflict. No matter how varied the causes and motives of such crises may be and regardless of their differing circumstances, they tend to have one thing in common: namely that it is the innocent civilians and especially the most vulnerable among them, who pay the price and bear the brunt of the blunders of others. Invariably, they become the victims of conflicts and wars without reason or justification, and without mercy. (Mr. Al-Dali. Yemen) This is the case with regard to the brotherly people of Iraq, whom the international community seems to have forgotten after having imposed on them one of the most cruel and intensive forms of comprehensive economic embargo ever an embargo that has deprived them of all the reguirements of civilian life, including those of children and medical care. The Republic of Yemen calls upon the international community to lift the embargo imposed on the Iragi people. On another level, Yemen has voiced its concern over the actions taken to prevent Iraqi aircraft from flying beyond latitude 32 to the south of Iraq under the pretext of protecting the Shiites. We are certainly against any arbitrary actions or violations of the human rights of any group of people. But we are also against intervention or interference in the internal affairs of any sovereign State. The segmentation of the sovereignty of the State of Irag over its territories in the north and the south, in our opinion is not consonant, with the principle of respect for the sovereignty of States. It could lead to the fragmentation of the territorial integrity of Iraq. These days, bilateral negotiations continue between the Arab delegations and the Israeli delegation in Washington in pursuance of the peace process, which is designed to establish a just and durable peace in the Middle East under the auspices of the United States of America and the Russian Federation. The Republic of Yemen, which has previously expressed its support for the efforts made by the United States of America and the Russian Federation to push forward the, peace process in the Middle East through the peace conference, expresses its belief that the ongoing negotiations will not be successful unless they proceed from a commitment to adhere to the principle of land for peace, according to Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and (Mr. Al-Dali. Yemen) 338 (1973), and unless Israel agrees to withdraw from all occupied territories and to renounce completely the policy of expansion and settlement, especially in eastern Jerusalem. This must include the halting of settlement building, whether they are called political or security settlements as well as the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to sovereignty and independence. At the beginning of this month, the Summit Meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement successfully concluded its work. The United Nations has been the focus of special interest in the summit meeting. This is not surprising. The United Nations has regained its rightful place in the heart of the international community after having been threatened with marginalization and atrophy. Its role has been strengthened in forging and coordinating international relations in all aspects of life. The Security Council has started to exercise its powers in maintaining international peace and security after several years of inertia. After discussing the situation of the United Nations and its renewed role in the light of new ideas and proposals, including the "Agenda for Peace" submitted by the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and his important address to the conference, the Conference in Jakarta emphasized the importance of the United Nations as the main international forum for the activity of the Non-Aligned Movement. It also called for the participation of the Movement in the formulation of new international relations, as it embodies and represents the interests and aspirations of the developing countries, which constitute the majority of Members of the United Nations. (Mr. Al-Dali. Yemen) In this context, we welcome the fact that the valuable proposals included in the "Agenda for Peace" will be discussed not only in the Security Council but also in the General Assembly,as the issue of peace in all its aspects is of interest to all the countries and peoples of the world. As for the international economic situation, the meeting in Jakarta noted that, despite the positive changes in the area of international relations, the economic situation of the developing countries has deteriorated further and that, consequently, the United Nations must continue to promote cooperation between the developing countries and the industrialized countries in a manner that may serve the interests of economic integration in an equitable and increasing context. The Rio conference contributed to informing the world of the need for a process of sustainable development, so that future generations may not be exposed to danger. Therefore, the international community is called upon to implement the international agreements approved by the Conference on Environment and Development, particularly Agenda 21, which will help to promote international cooperation. The Charter of the United Nations will remain the meeting-point and symbol of concord between the countries of the world, large and small. It will also continue to represent the most ideal framework for coordination of international relations in a manner that promotes international peace and security. Today, and after the removal of the restrictions that hindered the use of machinery provided for in the Charter - such as the use of force we need, more than ever, the strictest respect for the Charter to avoid its adaptation, or interpretation ofits provisions, for the purpose of serving the narrow national interests of any one party. For all that, it is imperative that the foundations of democratic dealings in international relations be deepened and that balance and interaction between the main organs of the United Nations namely, the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Secretariat be ensured. Balance expresses the very spirit of the Charter. Mr. GATTI (San Marino) (spoke in Italian; English text furnished by the delegation): The recent accession of the Republic of San Marino to membership of the United Nations makes it possible for me to take part in this general debate, prompted by the desire to contribute to fulfilment of the great tasks of the Organization. San Marino has always paid attention to the difficult work undertaken by the United Nations. We have felt deep satisfaction with its several achievements and have shared the anxiety and disappointment caused by the numerous violations of peace and by the obstacles to progress that this Organization has had to face. What impressed us most was seeing the idea of universality, originally embodied in the Charter, become a reality in which everyone might participate. The United Nations has undertaken the difficult and essential task of drawing the world's attention to the issues and problems that mankind must face urgently. Thanks to the commitment of the United Nations, our hopes have been strengthened by greater certainty by a deeper sense of confidence. Today the world and, in particular, the European continent are concentrating their attention on the former Yugoslavia on its never-ending war, on the useless destruction of goods and property, on the inexcusable death of too many civilians, on the indiscriminate use of heavy weapons, on the extremely serious violations of fundamental human rights, on the unacceptable concentration camps a phenomenon that we believed Europe had (Mr. Al-Dali. Yemen) relegated to history on the obstacles brutally placed in the way of the relief missions that have been so generously organized by the United Nations, and on the non-observance of the rights of minorities and of freedom of religion. If I am to speak frankly, as my position requires, I have to say that crimes that we have always considered to be the most serious, nationally and internationally, are being committed, and have been a reality for quite a long time, in the former Yugoslavia. A premeditated and determined refusal to find a peaceful solution must be considered an act of war, but counter-attack is difficult when there has been no actual attack. Peace is not a condition that can be imposed; it is a more complex reality, a permanent state that has to be felt. In my opinion, every man has to be resolved to want peace and want to live in peace. This condition may exist only if men are in a state of peace, if their rights are respected, and if they are free to enjoy their liberty and their rights. It may exist only if men's legitimate aspirations are satisfied and if everyone is convinced that, in the exercise of his rights, nobody is riding roughshod over the rights of any other person, even if that person is of a different colour or a different faith. The most praiseworthy and indispensable initiatives aimed at the restoration of peace will be useless until men are educated to a deep-rooted sense of peace. I believe that this is the future role of the United Nations a role that the Organization will have to play with determination and authority. We have a common duty to contribute to the removal of war-clouds and bilateral tensions. It is essential that we commit ourselves to that end. In those circumstances, humanitarian support is increasingly (Mr. Gatti. San Marino) necessary. The entire world should be grateful to the United Nations for carrying out its mission with courage and great generosity in risky circumstances, which, owing to the irresponsibility of those who encourage and support war, can sometimes turn to tragedy. But let me invite representatives to take on a more effective commitment to the idea and the sentiment of peace. We must all defend the right to peace, the main feature of which is freedom and respect for minorities. What force must freedom have if peace is to be maintained? It is the force rooted in and safeguarded by democratic government. I am well aware that even the most advanced democracies are far from satisfying the two requisites of freedom. The first requisite, which takes a negative form, is the absence of any need to depend on the will of others; the second, which takes a positive form, is participation in the decision-making processes. In any case, I am convinced that any other political system would do more to deprive people of freedom. Democracy, even in its most imperfect forms, is organized in such a way as to ensure that individuals may participate in the exercise of power. This occurs where there is positive freedom. However, that freedom is limited if negative freedoms freedom of thought, freedom of association and of religion, and all the other freedoms granted by modern constitutions - are not guaranteed and safeguarded. This implies that everyone must account for all acts perpetrated against freedom all acts that violate human rights, and all acts that imperil peace. San Marino believes that the concept of personal responsibility must be stressed and must be made paramount internationally. (Mr. Gatti. San Marino) In democratic institutions, the exercise of power both political and military is a service rendered to civil and democratic growth and the social economic development of the entire community, in favour of the individual, never against him. Those who use power against a part of the community, against a minority or against a group of individuals, or those who hinder or make civil, cultural, social and economic development regress must account for their actions. In these days the tragic scenes and information from Somalia fill us with sorrow. It is an offense to our civilization, intelligence and dignity that on the threshold of the year 2000 people should be starving to death. Unfortunately, we still have to cope with this tragic reality, and we hope that the United Nations will find timely and real solutions to this problem. On the other hand, many other situations are awaiting solutions that are neither easy and immediate: the fight against drugs; the improper use of the natural environment and the damage caused by air and nuclear pollution; the phenomenon of migrations and the obligations States have towards immigrants; refugees' living conditions and the causes of the refugee phenomenon; issues concerning the young and the incentive to a greater commitment by the young to modern society; the struggle against racism and racial discrimination, against all forms of intolerance and against any attempt to restore that horrible practice called ethnic cleansing; terrorism; the ever-lasting imbalance in the distribution of wealth and resources which impoverishes poor countries more and more. Having mentioned the tragedy which has overwhelmed Somalia, I should like, on behalf of my country, wish to renew to the people of Somalia the expression of our most sincere solidarity. Environmental conditions, drought, famine, relentless desertification, the simple tools used in impoverished agriculture and the unfair distribution of food supplies caused by the lack of solidarity determine the daily life of millions of people suffering from hunger. However, one of the biggest scandals of our time is the fact that the food supplies made available do not reach those who have been waiting for them for so long that they no longer need them. Representatives probably thought that the speech delivered by the representative of the Republic of San Marino to the General Assembly would be a systematic and comprehensive review of the United Nations activities. Rather, I wished to make a number of remarks on how the world could change in order to become a better one. The Charter of the United Nations and the unanimous and determined commitment of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the various United Nations agencies, commissions and committees show that today only the United Nations is capable of improving this world be making it more equitable. In the long history of the small Republic of San Marino, an important statement is recorded: at the end of the thirteenth century, a judge, who had been given the task of finding a solution to a real estate dispute between the people of San Marino and some podestas in nearby Montefeltro, questioned a citizen from the San Marino community in order to know why that community was free from certain duties. The reason given by that citizen was that San Marino was free and made up of free men. The judge, out of curiosity, asked the witness: "quid est libertas?" The man guickly and firmly replied: "Nemini teneri" - not to be subject to anybody. A modern interpretation of those words is that a free man is one whose personality and dignity are respected. (Mr. Gatti. San Marino) San Marino hopes to see this concept become a reality throughout the world. We are sure that this goal can be achieved, with the free and determined contribution of all under the auspices of the United Nations.
Once again the nations of the world meet
in full assembly in this Hall to discuss the state of our world, to report on
our actions of the past year, and to express the focus of our intentions in
the coming years. Many of us had hoped that this might be a time for
celebration, a time for rejoicing, as the deep freeze of a lengthy cold war
gave way to the soothing warmth of a new era of enlightenment, understanding,
caring and purpose.
But we have little joy, and our celebration was certainly short-lived.
Whatever insights we may have gained from the cruel and terrible events of the
past half century are sorely needed now, in a world that breeds new forms of
tyranny, hatred and brutality almost on a daily basis. Many people in this
Hall have seen the evidence up close: the bullets, the bodies, and the fear
in ordinary men and women, frequently in their own countries.
There is, however, no need to lose hope: we have the capacity, and we
must continue to build for the future. What we need is the collective will,
and I believe that it is in this United Nations, this global forum, that we
must dedicate ourselves to securing the peace and stability which have evaded
many generations before us, and must build a new world, individual by
individual, nation by nation.
But, we must remove the double standards that are everywhere. What good
are words spoken in this Hall if people at home are unable to speak freely?
Why exercise the art of diplomacy here, if it is not supported at home by the
(Mr. Gatti. San Marino)
science of justice and the skilful application of the rule of law? Can we
hope to manage, together, an ever more challenging world when many of our own
houses are in disorder?
We in Canada, at this very moment, are engaged in our own process of
rebuilding, rededication and renewal, a continuing process in real
democracies. In four weeks, millions of Canadians will exercise the ultimate
democratic right by deciding, through their votes, whether to accept or reject
a proposal for fundamental reform of our Canadian Constitution. If accepted,
and I have no doubt that it will be, this reform will build on the values and
rights which are already a proud part of the Canadian reality. It will
strengthen existing guarantees and protection for the rights of minorities,
improve the functioning of our already highly regarded democratic
institutions, bring greater social and economic justice to our native peoples,
and reallocate fundamental roles and responsibilities between levels of
government,
(spoke in French)
I am confident that the vast majority of Canadians will support this
reform because it is based on fundamental values to which every Canadian
subscribes: unswerving respect for the rights of the individual, supported by
the rule of law; a strong and deep attachment to democracy, its values and its
institutions; a passionate commitment to social justice and economic progress
for all; respect for national and international obligations; and a will to
resolve differences peacefully through conciliation, compromise and consensus.*
* Mr. Mongbe (Benin), Vice-President, took the Chair.
(Mrs. McDouoall. Canada)
(spoke in English)
As Canadians, we have learned that democracy and freedom can be
maintained only by vision and constant vigilance. New ideas for the future
must be grounded in the fundamentals that were the original basis for our
unity. As Prime Minister Brian Mulroney told Canadians in introducing our
Constitution:
"What Canada's leaders have produced is a series of constitutional
reforms that strengthen the bonds that brought us together in 1867.
These reforms renew the concepts that are at the core of Confederation.
They provide a strong framework, a solid foundation, to let us move
confidently into the future together."
Obviously, a strong and united Canada is important for Canadians, but it is
also of fundamental importance to the nations of the world.
The values which Canadians hold, and which we have brought to the world
throughout our first 125 years as a nation, are also the values which are
fundamental to the Charter of this Organization.
It is our belief that here at the United Nations we are not in need of
better principles; the drafters of the original Charter have served us well.
What we need from this Organization and its Members is the will to act. And
we need deeper understanding of the root causes of conflict between nations,
so that together we can
"break the chain of violence,... defuse the lust for revenge,... voice
[the peoples"] needs,... affirm their dignity" (A/40/PV.47. p. 23)
as our Prime Minister said in this Assembly on the fortieth anniversary of the
United Nations seven years ago.
(Mrs. McDougall. Canada)
I believe that the United Nations has taken up that challenge, and I
salute the Secretary-General for his vision and leadership and for his courage
in making the Organization more relevant in and to our time. His report, "An
Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277), lights our path to the future.
The Secretary-General also made the important link between peace nations
and peace within nations when he pointed out:
"There is an obvious connection between democratic practices such as
the rule of law and transparency in decision-making and the
achievement of true peace and security in any new and stable political
order."(A/47/277, para. 59)
There are within nation-States three fundamental weaknesses which can
cause disputes that go beyond their borders. Primary among these is the
absence or abuse of fundamental human rights. If people have no rights, they
have no hope; if they have no hope, eventually they will have no fear; and if
they have no fear, they will seek any possible means to restore their rights,
even killing and dying in the trying. It is a pattern for instability, a
pattern for failure, one that has been repeated all too often in the past.
The United Nations must lead in the field of human rights. In El
Salvador, Cambodia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Somalia efforts to protect human
rights are of fundamental importance in attempts to bring peace to these
troubled lands. Canada, by the way, is currently serving in all of those
places.
The 1993 World Conference on Human Rights offers a unique opportunity
for all Members of the United Nations to work in a constructive and
cooperative spirit to strengthen the foundation of universal respect for human
rights.
(Mrs. McDouoall. Canada)
(spoke in French)
Particularly insidious among the forms of human-rights abuse is
systematic discrimination, whether based on gender, race, or ethnic origin.
Violence against women remains one of the most serious forms of
human-rights abuse. Canada initiated and strongly supports the current work
in the United Nations for the adoption of a universal declaration on violence
against women,
(spoke in English)
In another context, to eliminate employment discrimination we must also
ensure the election and appointment of more women to senior positions in
national and international decision-making bodies, including the United
Nations. This has been a cornerstone of my Prime Minister's domestic and
international appointments policy.
But no group should be marginalized; all views, all experiences are
important. To this end, Canada is proud to be at the forefront of efforts to
prepare for the International Year for the World's Indigenous People, 1993,
when the international community will turn its attention as never before to
the rights of the world's indigenous peoples. Our recently concluded
constitutional negotiations in Candada include major advances for indigenous
peoples in our own country, which will end years of injustice and inequality
in some aspects.
As this special Year begins, we also mark the end of the Decade of
Disabled Persons. We must continue to remove barriers to the full
participation and integration of persons with disabilities. It is our
(Mrs. McDouoall. Canada)
hope that a consensus for ongoing collaboration can be reached in Montreal,
where on 8 and 9 October my colleague, the Honourable Robert de Cotret,
Canada's Secretary of State, will host an international meeting of Ministers
responsible for persons with disabilities.
This past year has seen the resurgence of a particularly vile form of
abuse of human rights. Canada protests in the strongest possible terms the
abhorrent practice of "ethnic cleansing". Whatever reason for it, wherever it
exists, it represents the basest form of inhumanity and abuse of the
individual, and cannot be tolerated by the world community and this
Organization.
In this connection, Canada calls for the drafting of a statute by the
International Law Commission to establish an international criminal court.
For this purpose, Canada will shortly convene an international meeting of
experts to mobilize legal expertise on this important matter.
A second major weakness within many nation-States is the absence of a
developed system of democratic values and institutions, and this, too, may
ultimately lead to conflict,
(spoke in French)
One should not be fooled by the outward trappings of democracy. How can
peace flourish when a democratically elected leader is placed under house
arrest, as in Myanmar, or a democratically elected Government is violently
overthrown, as in Haiti?
A true and lasting democracy requires time and understanding, like a
true and lasting friendship. And it requires two-way trust between a nation's
peoples and its leaders.
(Mrs. McDougall. Canada)
(spoke in English)
We recognize the enormous challenges facing countries where democracy is
in its early stages. We must all promote a climate of trust within these
emerging democracies, so that new ideas have time to flourish and take root.
Canada is doing this through its aid programmes and by its participation in
the social and economic agencies of the Organization.
A third major weakness within nation-States is the inability to make
responsible choices in the management of public policy. Good governance is
important, because it ensures that in the provision of government programmes
and the distribution of government resources adequate attention is paid to
social justice, health and education. It also promotes equitable economic
opportunity through the development of a free market system. Ultimately,
these are the means to defeat poverty and to ensure that arms purchases and
spending on the military are not excessive.
Canada's own assistance to developing countries is increasingly focused
on and tied to their efforts to protect basic human rights, to develop
democratic values and institutions, and to undertake good governance in their
policies and programmes.
(Mrs. McDouoall. Canada)
We urge other Member States and the General Assembly to adopt a similar
philosophy and similar practices if we are to eradicate the seeds of conflict
from within nation-States.
These are, of course, resolutions for long-term prevention of conflict.
In the meantime, however, we cannot ignore the current state of the world, and
that is why the Secretary-General's report, "An Agenda for Peace", is such an
important and pivotal document for this General Assembly.
Canada is no stranger to the process of bringing peace to, and keeping
peace, in all the regions of the world.
Of the 45,000 peace-keeping forces currently serving under the United
Nations flag, close to 4,300, or almost 10 per cent, are Canadian. No other
nation has made a greater commitment to United Nations peace-keeping than
Canada. Canada has served in virtually every United Nations peace-keeping
mission, and Canadians currently serve in such varied missions as those in
El Salvador, Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia, Somalia and the Middle East.
Our experience in these and other missions has taught us that no two
missions are the same, and our experience has also taught us that
peace-keeping, which is not even mentioned in the United Nations Charter, is a
dynamic concept that must be further refined to meet the challenges of the
1990s and beyond. Consequently, we are very pleased that the
Secretary-General consulted so broadly on this matter, and we are also pleased
that much of our own experience and many of our suggestions are reflected in
his final report.
We commend the Secretary-General's emphasis on preventive diplomacy and
peace-making as the preferred options. We encourage him to continue to use
all of the means at his disposal to defuse crises, from fact-finding missions
(Mrs. McDougall, Canada)
to mediation. We consider it the duty of all Member States to share with the
Secretary-General all information that can help him to fulfil his role.
We strongly support the concept of preventive peace-keeping, and we urge
the Security Council to adopt this option when lives can be saved,
confrontation averted or democracy stabilized. In Kosovo, for example,
preventive diplomacy by the Security Council and the Secretary-General may
well prevent bloodshed and anarchy such as is seen in much of the rest of the
region.
In the area of peace-making, we agree that the Secretary-General should
continue to use mediation and negotiation to facilitate the process of peace,
and that the Security Council should avail itself of the provisions of the
Charter that permit it to recommend appropriate measures for dispute
settlement.
We also agree that there is a broader role for the International Court of
Justice and that pursuant to Article 96 of the Charter, the Secretary-General
be authorized to take advantage of the advisory competence of the Court.
I have already alluded to the 4,300 Canadian men and women, 20 per cent
of our military forces, who are currently committed to United Nations
peace-keeping operations. Canada has for many years maintained a battalion on
stand-by for United Nations peace-keeping operations. We also have a
longstanding policy whereby members of other Canadian forces can be and have
been called upon for peace-keeping duties. We are prepared to confirm
Canadian arrangements through an exchange of letters with the Secretariat, as
suggested in the Secretary-General's report. We urge other countries to do
the same.
We agree with the need to make available human-rights monitors, electoral
officials, refugee and humanitarian specialists and police whatever the
situation calls for. We have committed, for example, 45 members of the Royal
Canadian Mounted Police to serve with United Nations civilian forces in the
former Yugoslavia. And let me add, we believe that countries that make
available such civilian experts to the United Nations should have their
supplemental costs reimbursed.
Whereas "peace-keeping" has become very much central to United Nations
action and philosophy, the concepts of "peace enforcement" and
"peace-building" are less familiar. We in Canada believe, however, that both
will have an increasing role in the future, if the international community is
truly dedicated to ending conflict and to enhancing democracy.
Of the two, the use of "enforcement" is the more controversial. Recent
events demonstrate that the use of force may be a necessary option, and we
urge full consideration of the Secretary-General's views in this regard. For
our part, we insist on the right of Member States to take part in any decision
involving their nationals. We also believe that further work is required on
an urgent basis to determine the circumstances under which enforcement
activities should be undertaken and the limits of potential enforcement action.
"Peace-building", on the other hand, has been undertaken, most notably in
the multidimensional United Nations activities in Cambodia and El Salvador.
These operations are long, difficult and costly.
Building lasting peace is critical despite those obstacles, not only
because of the stability, opportunity and safety it brings to the people most
directly affected, but because in the long run it is less difficult, less
disruptive, and probably less costly than continued hostilities.
Canada, while active in both El Salvador and Cambodia, is fully prepared
as well to assist the United Nations in expanding and shaping its approach to
peace-building in the future.
(Mrs. McDougall. Canada)
We support the Secretary-General's proposals for improving the
effectiveness and timeliness of peace-keeping operations, and, most notably,
for the establishment of a peace-keeping start-up fund of $50 million, and the
other proposals in his report.
All Member States must pay their dues fully and on time. In May of this
year, in the presence of the Secretary-General, Prime Minister Mulroney noted
publicly that money is the clearest measure of political will. He went on to
say:
"The Secretary-General of the United Nations, the holder of one of
the most important offices in the world, should not be treated as a
modern-day mendicant, forced to wander around wealthy capitals imploring
the decision-makers to pay their bills so that the United Nations can do
its job the next day. He must be free to devote his entire time and
energy to running the United Nations and solving global problems, rather
than passing the hat for peace and security."
Financing a la carte will, over time, erode the United Nations financial
base and also weaken the commitment of Member States to the broad range of its
activities.
Canada is opposed to the recent decision of the Security Council to
enlarge the mandate of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) at no
cost to the United Nations, with the cost to be borne by the participating
countries. This sets an unfortunate precedent, and it goes against the United
Nations principle of collective responsibility.
We also have serious concerns about certain long-standing missions, such
as the one in Cyprus, where Canadians and others have served for 28 years. In
Cypw-'J an entire generation has grown up regarding the presence of
peace-keepers as part of their everyday norm.
We cannot allow the parties in any dispute to institutionalize permanent
peace-keepers so that they are just another aspect of the status quo. This is
simply unacceptable. The parties involved must accept their responsibility
directly and work with the Secretary-General to find a resolution without
further delay.
We are interested in the Secretary-General's suggestion for increasing
cooperation with regional arrangements and organizations in functions such as
preventive diplomacy, peace-keeping, peace-making and peace-building. I
myself have encouraged the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe to
develop some of these mechanisms, and Canada, working within the Organization
of American States, remains dedicated to a return to democracy in Haiti.
There is no doubt in my mind that regional efforts in preventive
diplomacy and peace-making should be encouraged. I hope that future
developments in those institutions will enable them to carry out peace-keeping
operations under certain circumstances. But it is the United Nations which
will continue to have the ultimate authority.
Expanding the circle of peace-keeping and peace-making organizations may
serve to reduce some of the disproportionate burden that in the past certain
countries, such as Canada, have willingly assumed. Future needs, however,
will require a broadening of participation by Member States.
(Mrs. McDougall. Canada)
Member States also have a direct responsibility to reduce the numbers and
kinds of weapons that are available for conflict. Last year we in this
Assembly took a major step to increase transparency in arms sales and to
inhibit excessive build-ups of conventional weaponry, with the establishment
of the United Nations arms register. This year we can take two even more
important steps. The General Assembly, at this session, will launch the
preparations for the extension of the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty in
1995. An indefinite extension is the only option.
France and Russia have declared nuclear-testing moratoriums. Other
nuclear Powers the United States, the United Kingdom and China have no
reason not to join them. All nuclear-weapon States should observe an
immediate moratorium on nuclear testing and should summon up the political
will and energy to negotiate a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
We are seeing some progress. After many years of difficult negotiations,
our negotiators at the Conference on Disasrmament have succeeded in producing
a chemical-weapons Convention that, when implemented, will ban all chemical
weapons for ever. I urge all Member States to join Canada as original
signatories when that Convention is opened for signature in Paris next year.
There are other substantive issues that I should have liked to discuss in
greater detail before the General Assembly today - notably, the follow-up to
the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in
Rio de Janeiro, where Canada's Prime Minister expressed his strong support for
conventions on climate change and on biological diversity, in a ringing call
to action:
(Mrs. McDougall. Canada)
"As political leaders",
he told his fellow nation-builders,
"our job is to force the pace and stretch out the limits of international
cooperation. Nations ... have the human genius to create a world free
from deprivation and secure from degradation. What remains is for
Governments to provide the leadership the world so desperately needs."
The job of the General Assembly is to continue to stretch those limits and to
demonstrate that leadership through the establishment of a commission on
sustainable developmet and a conference on the high seas.
There are as well, of course, many issues of process, such as reform of
the United Nations development system, that require our immediate time and
attention. Canada put forward detailed proposals in this regard in July in
the Economic and Social Council, and will continue to take an active role and
interest in this matter.
What a large task we have set for ourselves. But one of the lessons that
we have learned in the post-cold-war era is that there is no breathing space,
there is no long pause for contemplation and reflection. Decisions must be
made on a timely basis, and when those decisions are made, all Member States
must vigorously support and abide by them.
Last month, at the London Conference on the former Yugoslavia, I made it
clear that Canada is losing patience with much of the posturing that,
historically, has masgueraded as international diplomacy. I know that others
in the Assembly share this frustration. But, as we speak, the body count
rises in what is left of Bosnia and Herzegovina not to mention the thousands
of men, women and children who are facing starvation in Somalia. The United
(Mrs. McDouoall. Canada)
Nations needs the commitment of its Member States, it needs well-thought-out
and timely decisions, and it needs follow-up action. Anything less is failure.
Let us not spend the next four or five years debating the niceties of
this principle or that concept; let us all get on with the everyday job of
building peace and security. No one should be here who is not prepared to
work towards those noble objectives, and no one should leave here without
confirming his or her commitment to working together for the benefit of all
the peoples of the world.
The meeting rose at 12.55 p.m.
(Mrs. McDougall. Canada)